The Brief

The 2028 Olympics are coming to Los Angeles as a multi-billion dollar operation funded by massive private and federal government investments and backed by city and state pledges to cover cost overruns.

The current privately funded budget for the Games is more than $7 billion. The federal government has agreed to chip in $1 billion to pay for security and is being asked to contribute another $2 billion to pay for Games-specific transit plans.

But the city of L.A.'s financial exposure is essentially unlimited. The city is on the hook for the first $270 million in losses, if they occur. The California Legislature has agreed to make statewide taxpayers pick up the next $270 million. After that, any additional financial burden will fall on Los Angeles taxpayers.

L.A. City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson told LAist that he doesn't think such overruns will happen but acknowledged it was "a risky proposition" for the city. 

"There's a lot of things that can go wrong," he said.

What financial costs have other cities faced?

The last time L.A. hosted in 1984, the Olympics did turn a profit. But that was a rare feat. Many host cities have been left with costly bills. Still, L.A. agreed to be the financial guarantor of the 2028 Games in order to clinch the Olympic bid. 

A general view of Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum stadium during the 1984 Olympic Games.

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In 2016, Rio de Janeiro became a poster child for the failed promises of the Olympics after the Games ended with crushing debt and derelict infrastructure. Then, Tokyo's expenses spiked when the 2020 Games were delayed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Those games cost $13 billion — and Japanese taxpayers covered more than half of that, according to the Los Angeles Times. 

Unlike other recent host cities, organizers of the Paris Games announced in June that they had a budget surplus.

The Paris Games were cheaper than recent summer Olympics, according to Victor Matheson, a professor at College of the Holy Cross who studies the economics of the Olympics. He attributed this, in part, to reforms implemented by the International Olympic Committee to help keep costs down, including by encouraging host cities to use existing venues rather than building elaborate new facilities. Paris also had plenty of capacity for tourists already.

That's the strategy L.A. is banking on to deliver a financially successful Olympics. The 2028 competition will take advantage of the region's glut of already-existing hotels and venues, from Dodger Stadium to the Rose Bowl to Crypto Arena to SoFi Stadium.

How billions in Olympic costs could hit taxpayer wallets

"We have an advantage over every other city in the world, and that is the existence of the venues and the facilities that we have here," said Paul Krekorian, the former L.A. councilmember who now leads the city's major events office, at a recent Olympic event in Venice Beach.

What protections are in place for L.A.?

L.A. may be hosting the Games, and backing them if costs run over, but the city isn't the one running the show. The event itself is privately planned and intended to be largely privately financed. That effort is led by the nonprofit LA28, a group led by sports agent and entertainment mogul Casey Wasserman. In its latest annual report, LA28 outlined a more than $7.1 billion budget to deliver the games.

The International Olympic Committee, the organization that oversees all Olympic Games, is kicking in around $1.39 billion. After that, LA28 expects to raise the money it needs to run the games from corporate sponsorships, ticket sales and licensing. 

LA28 officials say they are confident in their progress. But there are also some safeguards in place for Los Angeles in case there are overruns. The city's agreement with LA28 requires the organizers to establish a $270 million contingency fund that the city will control. LA28's latest budget includes an overall contingency of $613.5 million, which includes the city's portion.

The organizers are also required to take out a number of insurance policies, including to protect against event cancelation, natural disasters, terrorism, and other potential calamities. Not all of the insurance plans are in place yet, and it's unclear if they will offer enough coverage to fully protect the city.

At an L.A. City Council meeting last week, LA28 CEO Reynold Hoover said the Olympics are on track financially.

"We continue to feel very optimistic about our path forward," he told the council, referencing recent corporate partnerships with Google, Starbucks and an electric bus company to transport athletes and Olympics staff.

LA28 has an overall goal of raising $2.5 billion in domestic sponsorships to help fund its budget. Hoover, told the council that LA28 had so far raised about $1.7 billion of that — a figure he said was more money than Paris raised ahead of 2024.

Can the city of L.A. control costs?

The city has only limited ability to intervene in LA28's decision-making.

Zev Yaroslavsky, a former L.A. County supervisor who was on the City Council when it negotiated the 1984 Olympic Games, told LAist that the city doesn't have much legal leverage to dictate Olympics planning. Its main point of influence is political.

"The only leverage the city has is the bully pulpit," Yaroslavsky said. "City Hall and the LA28 committee have their reputations on the line."

L.A. City Council greenlit re-locating Olympic diving from Exposition Park to the Rose Bowl in Pasadena.

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In terms of legal leverage, the city's contract with LA28 requires that city appointees comprise at least one-sixth of its board of directors. In addition, LA28 gave the city council veto power over decisions to move a venue outside of the city. This summer, the city council greenlit LA28's plan to move Olympic diving from Exposition Park to the Rose Bowl Aquatics Center in Pasadena, when LA28 organizers said that change would save millions of dollars.

The city is also currently negotiating with LA28 to define what extra city resources Olympics organizers will need to pay for, such as additional police officers on the streets. That was supposed to be completed by Oct. 1, but the two sides haven't come to an agreement yet.

What role will the federal government play?

One factor outside of both LA28 and City Hall's control is President Donald Trump. The president has named himself the head of a federal Olympics task force and allocated $1 billion in federal funds for Olympics security. How those funds will be spent remains to be seen, but some of it is expected to flow to local and state law enforcement agencies. Hoover told the city council last week that LA28 is working with the Federal Emergency Management Agency on how that money will be dispersed.

At the council meeting, Councilmember Bob Blumenfield asked Hoover, LA28's CEO, to have a back-up plan in case federal funds don't come through, or are withheld.

"What I'm concerned about is while they're being cooperative now, at some point they're gonna do what they've done with funding to universities and others. And they're going to create a condition that we cannot meet," Blumenfield said of the federal government. "What protections do we have in place to protect us against that kind of last minute extortion?"

Hoover responded saying that no one at the White House or in the federal government has put a condition on support for the Games so far.

President Donald Trump signed an executive order to create a task force on security and other issues related to the 2028 Summer Olympic Games in Los Angeles.

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"Now, what the administration will do later, I wouldn't sit here and be able to say or predict what they would do," he said.

Another big ticket item organizers are expecting the federal government to cover is a giant fleet of additional buses to transport fans during the Games. Those buses will be key to hosting the mega-event, which will span three counties in Southern California. Metro is seeking more than $2 billion for that project. 

A spokesperson for LA28 told LAist that the federal government provided financial support for bus programs for the 1996 and 2002 Olympic Games, in Atlanta and Salt Lake City.

"Our public agency partners are requesting similar support for 2028," Jacie Prieto Lopez, LA28's Vice President of Communications said in an email. She also said that LA28 had a "positive partnership" with the federal government. 

How will the Convention Center factor into costs?

One city project that could throw a wrench in L.A.'s Olympic plans is the controversial $2.6 billion expansion of the downtown Los Angeles Convention Center that the City Council approved in September. The plans include connecting the West and South halls and adding an estimated 325,000 square feet of space. 

That project, which is not expected to be finished until 2029, broke ground last month. But the Convention Center is slated to host a handful of Olympic competitions come 2028. 

Construction will need to pause and restart for the Games, according to a report from the city administrative officer. 

L.A. City Councilmember Katy Yaroslavsky, chair of the budget and finance committee, estimated that pausing and restarting construction would cost the city $30 million. She voted against the expansion project.

If construction gets in the way of Olympics planning, organizers would have to find somewhere else to host a number of sports, including fencing, taekwondo and table tennis.

Ted Rohrlich, Kavish Harjai and Frank Stoltze contributed to this story.

A federal appeals court has upheld a court order requiring the Department of Veterans Affairs to build more than 2,500 housing units on its West Los Angeles campus.

The U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on Tuesday ordered the VA to construct 750 temporary units for veterans within 18 months and 1,800 permanent housing units within six years.

The ruling found the agency had “strayed from its mission” by leasing land to commercial interests like a UCLA baseball field and Brentwood School sports complex, instead of caring for veterans.

“There are now scores of unhoused veterans trying to survive in and around the greater Los Angeles area despite the acres of land deeded to the VA for their care,” Judge Ana de Alba wrote in the opinion.

Attorneys for the plaintiffs in the Powers v. McDonough case say the ruling could end veteran homelessness in the Los Angeles region, which is home to more than 3,000 unhoused veterans, according to official estimates.

"It's the most important ruling in the history of this country concerning the rights of veterans," said Mark Rosenbaum, lead attorney with Public Counsel, during a press conference Wednesday. “After this case, there should be no such thing as a homeless veteran.”

The VA did not immediately respond to LAist’s request for comment on the ruling.

‘Long overdue’

The appeals court affirmed most of U.S. District Judge David O. Carter's 2024 ruling, which found the VA discriminated against disabled veterans by failing to provide adequate housing on the 388-acre property deeded as a soldiers' home back in 1888.

The main plaintiff named in the class-action lawsuit, Jeffrey Powers, lived in a tent outside the gates of the VA Medical Center.

At a press conference Wednesday, Powers told reporters this week’s appeals court ruling delivers “about 80%” of what he wanted.

“We got the most important thing, which was to get veterans off the street,” Powers said. “And for that, I'm happy with the outcome.”

The case stems from a 2015 settlement in which the VA promised to build 1,200 housing units, with more than 770 completed by 2022. The department missed that deadline, prompting the new lawsuit.

Iraq War veteran Rob Reynolds came to the West L.A. VA for PTSD treatment in 2018, met veterans sleeping on the streets outside and began advocating for them.

During Wednesday’s press event, he called this week’s Ninth Circuit ruling “long overdue.”

"There should never have been a lawsuit filed in the first place,” Reynolds said. “ They were using the property for everything but what it was intended for, and that's housing.”

The veteran plaintiffs argued that lack of on-campus housing prevented disabled veterans from accessing physical and mental health services at the facility.

As of late 2024, the VA said there were 307 veteran housing units open on the West L.A. campus and 461 units under construction.

Robert Reynolds (right), a veteran advocate with AMVETS, walks with Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva as they tour the Veterans Row encampment along San Vicente Boulevard in November 2021.

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Commercial leases

The appeals court ruling invalidated most commercial leases on the property, including Brentwood School's 22-acre sports complex and an oil company's drilling license.

However, the court overturned the district court's previous invalidation of UCLA's lease for its baseball stadium. Rosenbaum said he plans to refile that portion of the case, which had been argued on different grounds.

Reynolds criticized local leaders for what he said was inaction at the West L.A. VA Campus. He said local officials’ personal connections to Brentwood School and UCLA played a role.

“ A lot of these special interest groups on the VA land have so much influence politically in Los Angeles,” he said. "That's why you've had a lot of our politicians remain quiet about this."

In May, President Donald Trump signed an executive order instructing the VA secretary to declare the West L.A. VA campus a national hub for homeless veterans and develop a plan to house 6,000 people there by 2028.

That housing goal is even more ambitious than the court order, but local advocates say they haven’t heard anything from the Trump administration since it was issued.

“They need to speak to the people that actually live on that property,” Reynolds said. “I'm hoping now that we have this Ninth Circuit ruling in, that we'll be able to have some more discussion with the administration and with the VA leadership to try to figure out what the next steps are.”

As a result of this week’s ruling, the case has been sent back to the District Court judge to implement the housing order and oversee construction

On a chilly December night in Sandy Spring, Md., dozens of people crammed into the Woodlawn Manor for a Victorian-era Yuletide dance lesson, the wood floors creaking under the uncertain steps of 21st-century people learning 19th-century English country dances.

"Every good party has dancing," said Angela Yau, a historical interpreter for the parks department who was teaching the dances — and the Victorians loved a good Yuletide shindig.

Angela Yau, a site manager for the Montgomery County parks department who also works in cultural and natural history interpretation, wears an 1840s-style dress while teaching Victorian dances to the room.

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The merriment was emblematic of how many think of Yule; today, it's synonymous with Christmas. But centuries ago, before crooners sang about carols being sung by a fire, Yule meant something different: a pagan mid-winter festival around the solstice, dating back to pre-Christian Germanic people.

It was particularly important to Scandinavian communities during that time of year, beset by late sunrises and early sunsets, according to Maren Johnson, a professor of Nordic studies at Luther College.

"All these kinds of winter traditions are tied very intricately into small communities," she said. "You develop between yourselves a folklore about this winter time and this period of darkness."

In this week's installment of "Word of the Week," we travel back in time to the origins of Yule festivals, and trace those earliest traditions to modern-day Christmas celebrations.

Feasting, drinking and animal sacrifices

Scholars of these early pagan festivals don't have much concrete evidence of what actually went on at them, according to Old Norse translator Jackson Crawford, because much of the written record comes much later from Christians. But what is clear, he said, was that feasting and drinking were abundant.

Terry Gunnell, a professor of folkloristics at the University of Iceland, agrees. Drinking copious amounts of ale was not only encouraged but required, he said, and animals were slaughtered as part of the sacrifices to gods and spirits typical of these early festivals.

"The snow is coming down the mountains and in a sense, the nature spirits are moving closer," he said — and people wanted to appease them.

And then, there was the oath-swearing. Crawford said this was one of the major hallmarks of early Yule celebrations as recorded in myths like The Saga of Hervör and Heidrek from the 13th century. In it, a man swears to the king of Sweden that he'll marry his daughter with no real prospects of doing so.

"But your oaths during Yule are kind of sacred, extra binding," he said. "So he has to try to fulfill it," even though he eventually gets killed.

Crawford thinks that this oath-swearing could be where the word "Yule" actually comes from. The earliest roots could come from Indo-European words for "speaking," he said, and then Germanic peoples came to use it for more judicial purposes like admitting, confessing or swearing.

There's other theories out there, though, the dominant one being that the word could come from the Old Norse word hjól, meaning "wheel" — as in the "wheel of the year" that keeps turning with the seasons, Gunnell said.

Yule gets co-opted into Christmas

Christianization of this part of Europe, however, changed how people celebrated Yule. The church began to align its own holidays with pagan celebrations, Gunnell said. Easter replaced the festival at the beginning of summer, for example, and St. John's Day replaced midsummer. "And then we hear in Icelandic source material that [Yule] was replaced with Christmas," he said.

"So what the church is really doing is to allow people to go on doing what they had done before, but now under a Christian name," he added.

Around the 900s, Crawford said, Scandinavians started saying "Yule" and "Christmas" interchangeably.

"I think it suggests that, fundamentally, both of them are basically parties," he said.

That's not to say that Christmas was the exact same as the Yule celebrations of old. There was a new emphasis, Gunnell said, not so much on winter spirits but "a period of joy with the birth of Christ." But much of the feasting and drinking spirit of Yule stuck around — and became Christmas traditions throughout much of Europe.

Fast forward to the Victorian era, where the spirit of merriment became embedded in English culture, thanks to two important cultural influencers: Prince Albert, who imported traditional Yuletide customs popular in his native Germany, and Queen Victoria.

The queen fell in love with the traditions, Yau of the parks department said. And since she was a fashion icon, "These Christmas traditions really spread from the royal couple out through England and out through the colonies and everywhere else." And, as cultural customs are wont to do, the traditions morphed — creating, among other things, Santa Claus.

Still making sacrifices — just sweeter

Although slaughtering animals to please winter spirits is perhaps less typical of modern Yuletide celebrations, the spirit of sacrifice still remains, according to Gunnell.

That's particularly true in Scandinavian Christmas folklore. People leave out porridge for nisse and tomte, small trickster spirits who live in local forests, around the winter solstice in hopes of placating them or receiving gifts. (Though these days, Johnson said, many Scandinavians also celebrate the Julenisse, more of a Santa Claus figure.)

In Iceland, there's not really a Santa Claus figure at all, Gunnell said. Instead, there's the "Christmas Men," also known as the Yule lads. As the stories have told it, the mystic men – with names like "Window Peeper," "Sausage Swiper," "Bowl Licker" and "Meat Hook" — come one by one down from the mountains by your community, play pranks and steal things from homes. (To be fair to them, they'll also leave presents in windows for children.) On top of that, they have an ogress mother, Grýla, who eats misbehaving children "like sushi for Christmas," Gunnell said.

And although he doesn't swipe sausages or eat children, Santa Claus is not a completely dissimilar figure.

"The idea of sacrifices remains in leaving out a little bit of sherry or whiskey for Santa Claus and some food for the reindeer," Gunnell said.

It's something to consider the next time you leave out cookies and milk.
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Carmen Peterson's son Ethan is a big fan of Elmo and Mickey Mouse Clubhouse. And although Ethan is nonverbal, he loves to sing along in his own way.

"He's a really fun-loving 8-year-old. He doesn't speak, but he gets his point across," Peterson says.

Ethan has a rare genetic disorder — Syngap1 — which, among other things, causes a kind of seizure that can make him drop to the ground without warning.

"Everything just kind of shorts out for a moment," Peterson says. "And the danger of that — and I've seen this — is him falling on hardwood floors, concrete, off of stairs, like all of these things."

She says he's gotten hurt and she's had to rush him to the emergency room.

Ethan takes a medicine called Epidiolex that prevents these seizures. But last holiday season, a thief stole it off the family's front porch in Charlotte, N.C.

Peterson remembers finding the empty box and then checking her Ring doorbell camera footage. "I see this guy walking off … and I am just livid," she says.

Then, she had to figure out how to get this medicine — worth $1,800 — replaced so her son didn't miss a dose. It turned out to be a challenge.

How many stolen packages?

December is a busy time for package deliveries and for porch pirates who steal them. Sometimes the thieves run off with mail-order medication instead of getting an iPad or a Labubu.

E-commerce took off during the pandemic, and December remains the busiest time of the year for package deliveries, according to the U.S. Postal Service.

Still, it can be tricky to get the whole picture when it comes to package theft.

As easy as it is to buy stuff online, getting it to customers is actually really complicated. That's because so many people and companies interact with a package before it's delivered, according to Ben Stickle, a professor of criminal justice administration at Middle Tennessee University.

"So it's really hard to get, you know, what happens from the point that you click a button to when it gets delivered, all put back together with enough detail to find out when and where these thefts are occurring and then actually do something about it," he says.

Stickle worked on a study with the Postal Service published earlier this year, and says that victims of theft wind up reporting it to different places that don't share information with each other or even necessarily record the missing package as "theft." And sometimes victims don't report it at all.

"There's a lot of packages stolen," he says, explaining that according to security research company SafeWise, it's about 250,000 packages every day. Stickle has worked with SafeWise.

The Postal Service report estimated that at least 58 million packages were stolen in 2024. "So what are the odds that one of those, unbeknownst to the thief, has some type of medication in it?" Nobody really knows for sure, he says.

Ways to lower theft risk

So what can you do? Stickle says scheduling deliveries for when you're home and having a delivery spot that's hidden are good ideas. Even a locker for your porch that doesn't lock is a good deterrent.

"If a thief can see that there's a package, even if it's an envelope on your porch from the roadway, it seems to be far more likely that it's going to be stolen," he says.

According to Express Scripts and Optum Rx, which are two companies that offer mail-order pharmacy services, medication theft is pretty rare.

CVS Caremark, another company that ships prescriptions by mail, said it offers customers package tracking to prevent theft, but didn't answer NPR's question about how common medication theft is.

Pharmacies, including Walgreens, say they offer order tracking and use discreet packaging to help prevent theft. Customers can also opt to require a signature when their medicines are delivered.

Making sure patients don't miss a dose is a top priority, says Stryker Awtry, the director of Loss Prevention and Transformation for Optum Pharmacy, part of Optum Rx.

"Especially during the holiday seasons when deliveries surge, we want to make sure we build in peace of mind for our customers," he says. "So if a theft were to happen, No. 1, contact the pharmacy right away."

He says to also report the theft to your prescribing doctor and local law enforcement.

A lost prescription replaced  

As for Carmen Peterson in North Carolina, when she called her insurer's pharmacy to get Ethan's medicine replaced, the answer was no. But Ethan missing a dose and having a seizure that put him in the emergency room again? Not an option for her.

"It's just like it's one of those things that you just don't have a choice," she says.

If forced to, she would have found the money to buy the medicine herself.

"It was just unfortunate that the … company was so ready and kind of willing to just wash their hands of it because they felt like they had done what they were contracted to do, which is deliver the medication."

That company, Liviniti Pharmacy, said it couldn't comment on the Peterson family's experience because of patient privacy laws.

Unwilling to give up, Peterson reported the theft everywhere and made noise about it — including on her local news stations. That worked. Jazz Pharmaceuticals, the company that makes the drug Ethan needs, saw the stories and replaced it for her within a week.

Now, she recommends getting important medicines delivered to a P.O. box, a workplace or just going to the pharmacy to pick it up yourself.

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