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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Opposition from Trump administration poses threat
    Aerial view of a concrete canal curving through golden-green hills toward a large pumping plant, with wind turbines along the distant ridgeline.
    An aerial view of the Harvey O. Banks Delta Pumping Plant, which lifts water into the California Aqueduct, in Alameda County on May 11, 2023.

    Topline:

    California water regulators have approved a new plan overhauling how farms and cities take water from the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta and rivers that feed it, setting up the next fight over Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to balance water supplies with the needs of a struggling ecosystem. The plan gives water agencies a choice: agree to forgo some water and restore habitats, or fall under the regulatory backup — a set of mandatory rules for how much water must remain in rivers and streams to flow through the Delta. But the compromise the Newsom administration reached four years ago with the state’s most powerful water suppliers now faces opposition from unexpected quarters.

    Why it matters: Aubrey J.D. Bettencourt, principal deputy commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, which operates California’s federal water delivery system, wrote to the water board in September to express the Trump administration’s “serious concern” with the near-final draft. Bettencourt said it “reflects more of what has come to be expected from the State Board –- executive and regulatory overreach, questionable legal authority, and continued downward pressure on water users throughout the state,” referring to reduced water supplies.

    The backstory: Powerful water agencies that once backed it say Newsom’s voluntary agreements have become too restrictive. The Trump administration has threatened to withdraw support and several hundred million dollars in funding. And environmental advocates, tribes, and fishing groups warn that the deal and its regulatory backup gut protections for an ecosystem already in crisis.

    California water regulators have approved a new plan overhauling how farms and cities take water from the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta and rivers that feed it, setting up the next fight over Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to balance water supplies with the needs of a struggling ecosystem.

    The plan gives water agencies a choice: agree to forgo some water and restore habitats, or fall under the regulatory backup — a set of mandatory rules for how much water must remain in rivers and streams to flow through the Delta.

    But the compromise the Newsom administration reached four years ago with the state’s most powerful water suppliers now faces opposition from unexpected quarters.

    Powerful water agencies that once backed it say Newsom’s voluntary agreements have become too restrictive. The Trump administration has threatened to withdraw support and several hundred million dollars in funding. And environmental advocates, tribes, and fishing groups warn that the deal and its regulatory backup gut protections for an ecosystem already in crisis.

    Opening this week’s final hearings, E. Joaquin Esquivel, chair of the State Water Resources Control Board, said he was struck by the opposing criticism. He called water agencies’ narrative that the plan has strayed from Newsom’ original deal “convenient theater.”

    "Some agencies say we kept too much oversight,” Esquivel said. On the other hand, tribes and environmental groups say “we kept too little. They are pointing at the same provisions from opposite directions. That doesn't make the plan perfect. It does tell me the plan sits where a regulator should.”

    The question is how California’s water regulators will move forward without the buy-in of major water users these agreements had aimed to bring on board, and whether the regulatory backup will hold if they don’t.

    “That creates a world of confusion and dysfunction,” Gary Bobker, program director at Friends of the River, said at a briefing Tuesday. “And I think the board recognizes that they're going to be handed an incredible morass.”

    Supporters say the deal has changed

    The Delta is the heart of California’s water delivery system, where state and federal pumps export Northern California river water to Central and Southern California. It’s also the center of California’s water wars, and in the throes of collapse.

    State officials have been warning for years that existing rules aren’t enough to stop the precipitous decline of native species like the state’s iconic salmon as they lose freshwater to cities and farms. Crashing populations forced the recent cancellation of salmon fishing for three unprecedented years in a row.

    But the state last overhauled the Bay-Delta Water Quality Control Plan, a keystone document governing water quality and flows, in 1995.

    Late Thursday night, after two days of public comments raising concerns with the plan and several hours deliberating last-minute changes, the State Water Resources Control Board approved an update centering Newsom’s voluntary agreements.

    Only one board member, civil engineer Nichole Morgan, voted against the update. Among the yes votes was Newsom’s former secretary for environmental protection Jared Blumenfeld, a signatory to the original deal.

    California Natural Resources Secretary Wade Crowfoot told a quiet room Thursday that he knew this path forward was uncomfortable for everyone.

    “We heard yesterday a lot of groups, including tribal governments, that continue to believe that this is not sufficient, and this is the wrong approach,” Crowfoot said. “We have water agencies that aren't comfortable with the way that their proposal — our proposal — has materialized … That’s natural. This is a paradigm shift.”

    Officially known as the Healthy Rivers and Landscapes Program and backed by $2.9 billion of mostly state as well as federal and water supplier money, the Newsom administration touted these agreements as a way to forestall legal fights while balancing competing demands on the Delta.

    But after years of regulatory processes, public comment and environmental review, the original signatories are balking. Water users, including Westlands Water District, a power player in the state’s $60 billion agricultural economy, say the current plan is not what they signed up for.

    “It's unrecognizable,” said Jennifer Pierre, general manager for the State Water Contractors, which represents public water agencies serving 750,000 acres of farmland and 27 million people.

    Pierre called the latest version a “complete system of micromanagement” that centers too much decision-making with the state water board’s executive director, and retains too little flexibility.

    “I think everyone's reviewing it to see, okay, we've all acknowledged this is not what we proposed, but is it workable?” she said.

    A second front opens up

    In a major blow to the voluntary agreements, the federal government — which pumps Delta water to millions of acres of Central Valley farmland — is threatening to jump ship. If it does, it would take hundreds of millions of federal dollars with it.

    State water regulators clarify that no one has yet officially withdrawn from the deal. But the threat hits harder than those from other water users, said Barry Nelson, a senior policy analyst for the Golden State Salmon Association.

    “They're the largest water project in the Central Valley. They have more storage than anyone else in the state of California. And they jointly operate the Delta with the state,” Nelson said at a briefing for reporters.

    Aubrey J.D. Bettencourt, principal deputy commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, which operates California’s federal water delivery system, wrote to the water board in September to express the Trump administration’s “serious concern” with the near-final draft.

    Bettencourt said it “reflects more of what has come to be expected from the State Board – executive and regulatory overreach, questionable legal authority, and continued downward pressure on water users throughout the state,” referring to reduced water supplies.

    These concerns include a new provision requiring that if state or federal managers make substantial changes to water deliveries that decrease flows through the Delta, they must submit a plan to make up for the loss.

    The addition comes after the Trump administration’s unilateral move last December to allow more federal exports from the Delta to Central Valley farms. California officials, who typically coordinate with federal water managers, warned at the time this risked leaving less for other water users and the environment.

    Bettencourt wrote that if the board fails to address the Trump administration’s concerns, federal water managers will pull out and stop funding a plan she said “threatens reliability of water supplies that support … the entire fabric of California’s agricultural economy, rural communities, urban centers, and natural vitality.”

    War among the water users

    State water regulators say the plan can still succeed without federal participation or money, which was originally anticipated to reach $740 million.

    “We're still committed to making the (voluntary agreements) pathway work for the other participants. It does complicate things, and we'll have to work through that,” said Eric Oppenheimer, the state water board’s executive director.

    The money is part of the voluntary agreements’ $2.9 billion price tag intended to pay for habitat restoration and water purchases.

    Oppenheimer said that if the Trump administration pulls out, federal water managers at the bureau instead would be bound by the backup plan.

    But he added the board’s modeling shows it’s in the Trump administration’s best interest to stick with the voluntary agreements because it will allow them to export more water.

    “It has a reduced water supply impact for Reclamation and its contractors, and we also think that the voluntary agreement itself is a benefit for the ecosystem,” Oppenheimer said. “But we can't make them volunteer.”

    Environmental advocates and the fishing industry are skeptical about many things, including that state regulators will truly hold the federal government to the regulatory backup. They point to increased federal releases from Lake Shasta to send water to Central Valley farms this past summer, despite state objections that this would sap cold water necessary for imperiled salmon.

    Those who fought voluntary agreements from the outset for failing to protect the Delta and all who depend on it say it’s ironic that water users are now fighting the deal, too.

    “There actually might be a war among water users,” Bobker said. “That's kind of what you're seeing here: people who think the (voluntary agreements) are a weak-enough gutting of the regulations, and those who think actually no, they don't go far enough.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • DOJ request to set aside ballots is denied
    Empty podium bearing the Department of Justice seal, in front of a U.S. flag, a Department of Justice flag and a Department of Justice plaque on a navy curtain.
    The U.S. Department of Justice logo is seen on a podium before a press conference, May 6, 2025, at the Justice Department in Washington.

    Topline:

    The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals on Friday rejected the Justice Department’s request for California to set aside disputed ballots received in the midterm election. The panel’s 2-1 ruling is the latest setback for the Trump administration’s efforts to assert control over state-run elections.

    Why it matters: The ruling comes during broader federal scrutiny of local elections, with the Trump administration issuing a raft of subpoenas in Alaska in a spoiler-candidate controversy. The Justice Department has also provided a list of alleged noncitizen voters to officials in Washington state.

    The backstory: The administration has alleged California sent ballots to some 20,000 people who may not be U.S. citizens. It wants the state to set those ballots aside and not count them until citizenship can be verified. California officials say the list is highly unreliable and likely includes many people who are U.S. citizens. A district court judge already forcefully denied that request and warned that the Justice Department’s demands could disenfranchise citizens.

    What's next: The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the ruling.

    The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals on Friday rejected the Justice Department’s request for California to set aside disputed ballots received in the midterm election.

    The panel’s 2-1 ruling is the latest setback for the Trump administration’s efforts to assert control over state-run elections.

    The administration has alleged California sent ballots to some 20,000 people who may not be U.S. citizens. It wants the state to set those ballots aside and not count them until citizenship can be verified. California officials say the list is highly unreliable and likely includes many people who are U.S. citizens.

    A district court judge already forcefully denied that request and warned that the Justice Department’s demands could disenfranchise citizens.

    “As the district court found — and we discern no clear error — there is no feasible way to identify and segregate the ballots of specific individuals without potentially catastrophic effects on the entire system,” the appeals court wrote.

    The ruling is the latest in an expansive legal battle between the federal government and the state before Election Day in the midterms Tuesday. Millions of people in California have already voted.

    The majority opinion was authored by Judge Mark J. Bennett, who was appointed by President Donald Trump, and Judge Gabriel P. Sanchez, who was appointed by former President Joe Biden.

    The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the ruling.

    Hundreds of thousands of ballots have already been processed. Elections officials have said that processed votes are completely anonymized and can’t be matched back to the voters who submitted them.

    The ruling comes during broader federal scrutiny of local elections, with the Trump administration issuing a raft of subpoenas in Alaska in a spoiler-candidate controversy. The Justice Department has also provided a list of alleged noncitizen voters to officials in Washington state.

    Outside groups sued for access to the disputed list

    Earlier on Friday, a federal judge in Washington ordered the Trump administration to share the disputed list of names with lawyers for the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights and the UCLA Voting Rights Project. They want the list so they can examine who is on the list and assess its impact on eligible voters.

    It will be the first time that a nongovernment organization will have the opportunity to evaluate the merits of the list of some 20,000 names.

    Prosecutors with the Trump administration have argued that there is just as much to lose from noncitizens illegally voting, arguing that to tally those votes would dilute the voice of citizens.

    Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra is an adviser to the UCLA Voting Rights Project.

    The two groups sued the Homeland Security Department in early October to prevent it from using federal immigration data to challenge state voter rolls. The lawsuit cited examples in other states where the federal government’s data has been proven to mistakenly include thousands of citizens. It argued that the data-matching methods risk disenfranchising or deterring citizens from voting. On top of that, plaintiffs argued, the lists could disproportionately target naturalized citizens who are legally entitled to vote.

    Another suit seeks to defend election workers

    A coalition of unions on Friday also joined the growing list of groups challenging the federal government’s efforts.

    The unions, including the A.F.L.-C.I.O. and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, are asking a federal judge to temporarily block the Justice Department from demanding that local officials stop counting ballots and to drop threats to criminally prosecute officials who do not comply with their demands.

    The top federal prosecutor in Los Angeles, Bill Essayli, has warned that “any election official who knowingly processes the ballot of a noncitizen is opening themselves to legal jeopardy.”

    On Thursday the Associated Press obtained subpoenas issued to election officials in Los Angeles County. The subpoenas request any documents and communications related to letters sent in July and October by federal officials to state election officials outlining the allegations about noncitizen voters. They also seek any information about efforts to prevent noncitizen votes from being counted. At least three L.A. County election officials have been asked to appear before a grand jury on Nov. 4, the day after the election.

    The lawsuit accuses the Justice Department of issuing threats against election officials that could interfere with their ability to process votes.

    It is unclear whether the Justice Department intends to bring criminal charges against anyone. The department does not typically subpoena people whom it regards as targets of a criminal investigation to appear before a grand jury.

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  • Last call for Pasadena's last gay bar
    Interior of a bar with Halloween decorations. A black bartender is talking to a drag queen.
    The Boulevard, Pasadena's last gay bar, is closing after 45 years.

    Topline:

    The Boulevard, Pasadena’s last gay bar, is closing after 45 years on Saturday with a farewell bash of drag and karaoke.

    Why it matters: The watering hole on 3199 E. Foothill Blvd. has stood witness to Pasadena's LGBTQ+ history, including the worst years of the AIDS crisis.

    Why now: The bar is shutting down after a farewell bash on Saturday, Oct. 31, unless a buyer steps up.

    Read on ... for the history of The Boulevard and details on how to send it off.

    The Boulevard, Pasadena’s last gay bar that has stood witness to the worst years of the AIDS crisis and so much more, is closing after 45 years on Saturday with a farewell bash of drag and karaoke.

    “We’ve had weddings. We’ve had funerals. We’ve had college graduations,” said Steven Terradot, owner of The Boulevard, who’s retiring and has put the bar up for sale.

    “You always feel welcome,” said David Imai, who first came to the bar in 2012. “This place has a reputation of being the gay Cheers for a reason.”

    Come November, what Pasadena loses isn't just a cozy watering hole, but a keeper of its LGBTQ+ past.

    “We were more than just a place that sold drinks — or more than a party,” Terradot, 69, said. “I like to think that we had a conscience here, you know?”

    How The Boulevard survived the AIDS crisis

    The Boulevard, Terradot said, opened in 1981, when original owners Randy Biggs and partner Carl got a liquor license after buying its predecessor, The Office, a gay beer-and-wine bar.

    At the time, Pasadena had a cluster of queer night spots, Terradot said. Among them: The Vermie’s on Foothill Boulevard; Nardi’s, which became Copa; and The Whistle Stop, near The Office when it was on Colorado Boulevard.

    Terradot first set foot inside the newly opened Boulevard in his mid-20s. “I looked both ways to see if anybody saw me come in, because there was a shame and a guilt in those days about who you were,” he said.

    The place was packed, filled with people seeking belonging, sex, friendship — even as the AIDS epidemic was becoming full blown. He became a regular, eventually moonlighting as a bartender.

    The Boulevard felt the devastation of HIV.

    “I saw it as a young man here,” Terradot said.

    The daytime crowd of mostly older gay men, Terradot said, “started dropping like flies and it was scary, it was sad, and you couldn't do anything.”

    Funerals were commonplace at The Boulevard and bar regulars started a fund for those in need.

    “All we could do was try to get money for medicine or food or rent because people would get fired, they'd lose their health insurance,” he said.

    Farewell and Halloween bash at The Boulevard

    Event: Last Call at the Boo-levard! (costumes encouraged)
    Where: The Boulevard Bar, 3199 E. Foothill Blvd., Pasadena
    When: Saturday, Oct. 31, starting at 7 p.m.
    Ages: 21+

    To say hi to Steven Terradot, look for the guy with an unlit cigarette dangling between his lips.

    Why he bought a struggling bar in 1999 

    In 1999, Terradot bought The Boulevard, three years after the introduction of the so-called “AIDS cocktail,” which turned HIV into a manageable chronic condition.

    At the time, business was slow. The internet was making it easy for LGBTQ+ folks to find each other. And his regulars were going to West Hollywood and Silver Lake to meet new people.

    “The first Friday night I owned this bar, we did $200 on the register,” Terradot said.

    But he saw it as a calling of sorts.

    “I lost 11 friends during the AIDS epidemic,” he said. “I wanted to do something.”

    A new generation finds community 

    A drag performer wearing a soccer jersey sits at a bar, smiling.
    Honey B. Hive hosts Tuesday trans nights at The Boulevard.
    (
    Fiona Ng
    /
    LAist
    )

    To give the bar a jolt, Terradot started its now-signature karaoke nights. He then made drag a weekly night.

    In recent years, The Boulevard has become a place for trans folks to build community, adding trans nights on Tuesdays.

    “For a long time I would come to The Boulevard in drag, and I would just pick up a lot of the queens' tips, and that was my way of paying my dues,” said Honey B. Hive, a drag performer.

    Before long, she was anchoring Tuesday trans nights.

    “A lot of the San Gabriel Valley comes for Tuesdays,” she said. “People have been coming ever since it started. It feels very familial.”

    One last rush, and hope for a buyer 

    On its final Sunday, after the leather social and before karaoke, Terradot was pitching in behind the bar.

    An Asian man with a buzz cut and a Mickey Mouse shirt sitting at the bar.
    David Imai is a Boulevard regular.
    (
    Fiona Ng
    /
    LAist
    )

    Business has more than tripled, he said, as old-timers and newcomers flood in after hearing about the closure.

    “It does feel like we are losing a resource and a local hangout for those of us living in the San Gabriel Valley,” Imai, the longtime regular, said.

    A buyer could still reopen The Boulevard. Terradot said he’s holding out until mid-November for an offer before packing it all up and walking into the sunset.

    He hopes someone out there sees the importance of a neighborhood gay bar.

    “You still have kids that are lost that come in here, OK? You need to stick a hand out to them,” Terradot said. “So that is the role of the gay bar.”

  • Some students are impacted by a bank breach
    Students walk along a brick-paved pathway lined with trees and lamp posts at Los Angeles Pierce College. A red banner in the foreground reads “We are here for you,” and other campus banners hang along the path.
    Los Angeles Pierce College

    Topline:

    Thousands of California college students have been affected by a breach of the BankMobile app used by roughly 60 community college districts to issue school and federal financial aid and scholarships. Some universities also use the mobile banking system.

    The backstory: According to BankMobile communications with California community college officials, approximately 65,000 student accounts were impacted by data changes, roughly 1,000 accounts were accessed and about 400 accounts had financial aid funds stolen. The financial aid disruption has set off a wave of desperation among community college students from Santa Rosa to Los Angeles who rely on the funds for school supplies and basic needs. Some students are rationing gas, forgoing textbook purchases or skipping meals as they wait for their disbursements, which may never come for the 400 accounts from which funds were taken.

    Isabella La Rocca has been waiting for her financial aid refund for more than a month.

    Santa Rosa Junior College’s financial aid office told the 21-year-old she could expect her disbursement via the BankMobile app by Sept. 16 — a date that came and went, she said.

    “When I logged into the account after updating and doing the new verification, there was nothing there waiting for me,” La Rocca said.

    La Rocca is among the thousands of California college students who have been affected by a breach of the BankMobile app used by roughly 60 community college districts to issue school and federal financial aid and scholarships. Some universities also use the mobile banking system.

    According to BankMobile communications with California community college officials, approximately 65,000 student accounts were impacted by data changes, roughly 1,000 accounts were accessed and about 400 accounts had financial aid funds stolen.

    The financial aid disruption has set off a wave of desperation among community college students from Santa Rosa to Los Angeles who rely on the funds for school supplies and basic needs. Some students are rationing gas, forgoing textbook purchases or skipping meals as they wait for their disbursements, which may never come for the 400 accounts from which funds were taken.

    BankMobile breach

    Once school costs are taken care of, college students in California typically receive refund checks from their financial aid, scholarships or student loans during the first few weeks of a semester, depending on the type of assistance.

    That’s around the time “unauthorized individuals” gained access to a “significant number of BankMobile student accounts,” according to a letter from Los Rios Community College obtained by EdSource.

    BankMobile first changed its account verification process in July, leading to a vulnerability exploited to hijack and modify account information for student accounts, state community college officials said.

    Some college districts, such as Los Rios, issued paper checks and directed students to file a claim with BankMobile.

    In October, after being alerted of the security breach, the California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office advised its college districts, including the Riverside and Foothill De Anza districts, to halt electronic payments through BankMobile.

    Butte College officials said they didn’t know if compromised accounts belonged to students, but issued paper checks for its Oct. 8 disbursements, Action News reported.

    Long Beach Community College distributed paper checks in person and by mail as well, The Viking News student newspaper reported.

    Riverside Community College District switched to paper checks on Oct. 8 to make financial aid payments to about 3,400 students who normally receive payments via direct deposit, said John Geraghty, the district’s controller.

    The district has since reverted to its standard process of direct deposit. Geraghty said the district was comfortable returning to direct deposit after BankMobile officials “disclosed information to us about security protocols that they’ve enhanced.”

    Riverside students received their latest disbursement Wednesday, but students at other campuses are still waiting for their financial aid.

    Los Rios, however, announced Monday it will transition from BankMobile to Nelnet for student disbursements and refunds. The district said it may continue issuing paper checks until “Nelnet is fully operational, and the process is working effectively and securely.”

    In the meantime, Los Rios Community College directed its students to the college’s Basic Needs Center for support with food, housing, transportation or other essentials if there’s a continued delay.

    Widespread impact across different campuses: food, gas, or books?

    La Rocca at Santa Rosa Junior College said her financial aid pays for her tuition, transportation costs and school materials, while her part-time job covers her car payment, insurance and rent.

    The delay has impacted her ability to pay bills, and is especially difficult given rising gas prices.

    “I do rely on that money for transportation and books that I need,” La Rocca said. “I’ve had to come out of pocket for everything so far this semester.”

    Julia Ramirez, an American Sign Language major at Los Angeles Pierce College, is on campus nine hours from Monday to Thursday. Without her financial aid, she said she’s weighed whether to buy basic necessities throughout the day, such as water and food.

    “Now, I’m thinking about, ‘Is it worth buying this meal versus a textbook?’ ” Ramirez, 27, said. “I have to figure out what I’m spending my money on.”

    Since the beginning of the semester, Ramirez has avoided buying her textbooks, which start at $64.

    If and when students get their funds

    Some students say they’ve been left in the dark about when, and if, they will receive their financial aid.

    At Los Angeles Pierce College, some students say they have not received communication from the college’s financial aid office about the delays beyond an undated announcement that disbursements had been temporarily paused “due to unforeseen technical difficulties.”

    Ramirez said she reached out to the financial aid office three times regarding the issue and was instructed to check back in two weeks. When she inquired two weeks later, she was told to check back in another week.

    “They just have you going in circles, and I guess they don’t have answers either,” Ramirez said.

    Although La Rocca’s refund is more than a month late, she has also not heard from her campus financial office at Santa Rosa Junior College. She said she intends to ask for a physical check, but it’s difficult with her work and class schedule. She attends classes four times a week at the Petaluma campus, 30 minutes away from the main campus where the financial aid office is located.

    She said that the first thing she’ll do when she gets her check is fill up her gas tank.

    And when her aid finally arrives, Ramirez said she is going to use it to buy textbooks and food.

    “It’s a little sad that I have to pick between food or a textbook,” Ramirez said. “I feel like going to school is already stressful enough for students, and having to worry about eating on top of that is really stressful.”

    EdSource reporter Michael Burke contributed to this report.

    Sathya Chaib, a journalism student at California State University, Fullerton, and Emily Garcia, a journalism student at California State University, Northridge, are members of the EdSource California Student Journalism Corps.

    EdSource is an independent nonprofit organization that provides analysis on key education issues facing California and the nation. LAist republishes articles from EdSource with permission.

  • How Prop 45 could render restrictions toothless
    In the foreground a field of grass with a large warehouse-type building in the back.
    An Amazon Web Services data center under construction in Gilroy on Aug. 31, 2026.

    Topline:

    California voters considering Proposition 45 will decide the fate of a sweeping infrastructure measure that opponents warn could render the state’s brand-new data center laws virtually toothless. That would make it far easier for developers to force unwanted facilities into local communities, potentially undermining a growing wave of bans, moratoriums, and anti-data-center resolutions at the city and county level.

    The context: Data center backers insist the ballot measure will do nothing for them — even as some data center beneficiaries are spending big backing Prop. 45.

    How it's being framed: Supporters have framed Prop. 45 as a tool to accelerate critical infrastructure projects, like housing and schools, and the measure does not directly name data centers among the sorts of projects it considers critical. But some legal scholars and environmental advocates say that the proposition’s technical language creates a loophole. By expediting environmental reviews under the California Environmental Quality Act for broad categories of projects — including broadband internet facilities and any additional infrastructure required to get them up and running — the measure could quietly allow data centers to bypass recent state safeguards and local scrutiny.

    A warning: Julia Stein, a legal scholar and deputy director at UCLA School of Law’s Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, warns that the measure acts as a “blunt force instrument when it comes to streamlining” because of how wide its secondary umbrella extends.

    Read on... for more on the implications and what both sides are saying.

    California voters considering Proposition 45 will decide the fate of a sweeping infrastructure measure that opponents warn could render the state’s brand-new data center laws virtually toothless.

    That would make it far easier for developers to force unwanted facilities into local communities, potentially undermining a growing wave of bans, moratoriums, and anti-data-center resolutions at the city and county level.

    Data center backers insist the ballot measure will do nothing for them — even as some data center beneficiaries are spending big backing Prop. 45.

    Supporters have framed Prop. 45 as a tool to accelerate critical infrastructure projects, like housing and schools, and the measure does not directly name data centers among the sorts of projects it considers critical. But some legal scholars and environmental advocates say that the proposition’s technical language creates a loophole. By expediting environmental reviews under the California Environmental Quality Act for broad categories of projects — including broadband internet facilities and any additional infrastructure required to get them up and running — the measure could quietly allow data centers to bypass recent state safeguards and local scrutiny.

    Julia Stein, a legal scholar and deputy director at UCLA School of Law’s Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, warns that the measure acts as a “blunt force instrument when it comes to streamlining” because of how wide its secondary umbrella extends.

    “What Prop. 45 does is designate an entire class of projects that would be subject to streamlining, and then it also says that projects ancillary to those projects — so something that you might need to do in the course of the development of the project that’s exempted itself — would fall within that same streamlining bubble,” Stein said.

    Telecommunications projects are explicitly streamlined under the proposition, “and there’s an argument that the development of data centers might be necessary for projects like that,” Stein added.

    Other projects, like high-speed rail, are explicitly excluded from streamlining under the proposition — but data centers are not on that list, either. Stein and three other environmental law scholars told CalMatters that this opens the door for legal challenges.

    “The fact that they excluded some projects but have not expressly excluded data centers, a court would probably actually interpret that not as an unintentional oversight, but rather as intent to include data centers in the initiative,” said Matt McKerley, an attorney with Shute, Mihaly and Weinberger.

    Further, opponents argue that the proposition’s language, which includes a clause that it would supersede other related laws, would override measures like the recently-passed Senate Bill 887, which made it harder to fast-track environmental review for data centers.

    Industry representatives say these objections to Prop. 45 are misplaced. The Data Center Coalition, an industry group supporting Prop. 45, insists their facilities fall outside the initiative’s scope, which focuses largely on housing development.