The Brief

At a California State Senate committee hearing this year, the director of Caltrans, Tony Tavares, showed a simple chart that might have caused the assembled lawmakers some alarm.

It was a series of black bars representing the death toll on California's roads in each of the past 20 years.

Fatalities had been falling until 2010, when the bars started getting longer and longer. A blood-red arrow shot up over the growing lines, charting their rise, as if to make sure nobody could miss the more than 60% increase in deaths.

“We are working to reverse the overall trend,” Tavares said.

No legislators asked about the chart. No one asked the director what, exactly, his agency was doing about it.

Over the next three hours, the Senate Transportation Committee members asked instead about homeless encampments along roads, gas tax revenue, gender identity on ID’s and planning for the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.

The chart presented by then-CalTrans Director Tony Tavares at the March 11, 2025 Senate Transportation Committee hearing.

The committee chair said it was the legislature’s first informational hearing on the state’s transportation system in more than a decade. Yet only two senators — both Republicans with little legislative power in a state controlled by Democrats — even asked about dangerous driving, one following up with questions about a deadly stretch of road in her district and the other about a small California Highway Patrol program to target egregious behavior behind the wheel.

Over the past decade, nearly 40,000 people have died and more than 2 million have been injured on California roads. As an ongoing CalMatters investigation has shown this year, time and again those crashes were caused by repeat drunk drivers, chronic speeders and motorists with well-documented histories of recklessness behind the wheel. Year after year, officials with the power to do something about it — the governor, legislators, the courts, the Department of Motor Vehicles — have failed to act.

The silence, in the face of a threat that endangers nearly every Californian, is damning.

California has some of the weakest DUI laws in the nation. Here, DUI-related deaths have been rising more than twice as fast as the rest of the country. But this fall, a state bill to strengthen DUI penalties was gutted at the last minute.

When it comes to speeding — one of the biggest causes of fatal crashes — again the legislature has done little. For two years in a row, bills that would have required the use of speed-limiting technology on vehicles have failed.

Lawmakers did pass legislation a couple years ago that allows the use of speed cameras. But it’s just a pilot project in a handful of jurisdictions.

Marc T. Vukcevich, director of state policy for advocacy group Streets For All, considers it a win — but a modest one.

“This shit is not enough to deal with the size and severity and the complexity of the problem we have when it comes to violence on our roadways,” Vukcevich said.

Erika Pringle, at right, embraces Allison Lyman, whose son died in a collision, during a candlelight vigil as part of The World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims at the Capitol in Sacramento on Nov. 16, 2025.

(

Fred Greaves

/

CalMatters

)

Gov. Gavin Newsom declined an interview request. Last year, he vetoed a bill that would have required technology that alerts drivers when they’re speeding.

The state DMV, which is under his authority, has wide latitude to take dangerous drivers off the road. But it routinely allows drivers with extreme histories of dangerous driving to continue to operate on our roadways, where many go on to kill.

Steve Gordon, whom Newsom chose to run the agency in 2019, won’t talk about it. He has declined or ignored CalMatters requests for an interview.

The agency simply released a statement from him in March, after our first interview request, touting modernization efforts that reflect an “ongoing commitment to enhancing accountability and transparency while continually refining our processes to ensure California’s roads are safer for everyone.”

Neither Newsom nor Gordon has announced any major changes since then.

How a bill to fight DUIs fails in Sacramento

For a brief moment earlier this year, Colin Campbell thought the state might finally do something about the scourge that changed his life one night in 2019.

A repeat drunk driver slammed into his Prius on the way to the family’s new home in Joshua Tree, killing his 17-year-old daughter, Ruby, and 14-year-old son, Hart.

Campbell, a writer and director from Los Angeles, began advocating for California to join most other states and create a law requiring in-car breathalyzers for anyone convicted of a DUI.

At first he was encouraged when the bill coasted through two legislative committees. But then came the roadblocks.

The ACLU opposed the measure, calling it “a form of racialized wealth extraction,” according to a Senate Public Safety Committee report from July. In California, people forced to use the devices have to pay about $100 a month to a private company to rent them, though there’s supposed to be a sliding fee scale based on income.

Then the DMV told lawmakers that it could not “complete the necessary programming” for the law, citing possible technology delays and costs of $15 million or more.

The bill was gutted. California couldn’t do something that nearly three dozen other states could.

Campbell called the sudden reversal a shameful example of forsaking public safety for bureaucracy.

“Our lives were destroyed that night,” he said. “If these people's children had been killed by a drunk driver, there is no way they would be objecting to this.”

Even if the law had passed, DMV data suggests that California judges would have mostly ignored it.

State law says judges have to require in-car breathalyzers for people convicted of repeat DUIs. Last month, the DMV issued a report reinforcing what a similar report laid out two years earlier. Judges across the state ordered the devices just one-third of the time for repeat offenders. In 14 counties, they ordered the devices less than 10% of the time for second-time DUI offenders. The counties are: Alameda, Colusa, Glenn, Lassen, Los Angeles, Madera, Mono, Plumas, Sacramento, San Luis Obispo, Santa Cruz, Sierra, Tulare and Yuba.

DMV officials did not answer questions about what, if anything, the agency was doing about it.

We reached out to all 14 counties’ courts. Only eight responded to questions.

Chris Ruhl, executive officer for the Glenn County Superior Court, said the court is looking at local changes.

“Given the light CalMatters is bringing to this issue … the Glenn Court will review its current DUI sentencing practices,” according to a statement.

Glenn was one of a number of counties — including LA, Alameda and San Luis Obispo — that also suggested it wasn’t their judges’ responsibility to issue a court order. They said they only needed to notify the DMV of the convictions.

However, the law is clear: It’s the judge’s job to order the offender to use the device, said Jerry Hill, the retired Bay Area Democrat who wrote the bill.

When he worked in the Capitol, Hill said he also saw little urgency to rein in intoxicated driving.

“If you ask any legislator, they are going to say it’s a terrible, terrible thing,” he said.

But he said committee chairs and staff members who set the tone and write analyses often shied away from increasing criminal penalties.

“That’s where we see a lack of understanding, in my view, of the devastating effect of drunk driving in California,” he said.

Lawmakers say next session could bring change

A number of lawmakers said they are aware of the carnage on our roadways and plan to do something about it this coming legislative session, maybe.

Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Democrat from Norwalk who sits on the Transportation Committee, lost his granddaughter to a drunk driver just before Christmas last year. He said he recently met with representatives from Mothers Against Drunk Driving and is considering possible bills.

“This is not a Republican issue, a Democrat issue, an independent issue — or political issue. This is a life-saving issue,” he said. “We should all take it as seriously as the family that lost a loved one.”

Democratic Assemblymember Nick Schultz of Burbank said he is considering introducing at least one measure next year to address loopholes and weaknesses in state law.

Schultz, who started his career prosecuting DUI cases in Oregon and now chairs the Assembly’s Public Safety Committee, said he is weighing several potential measures that would address issues CalMatters highlighted in its reporting this year, including lengthening license suspensions after fatal crashes, lowering the bar to charge repeat drunk drivers with a felony, strengthening breathalyzer requirements and making sure vehicular manslaughter convictions get reported to the DMV.

“People are tired of seeing the needless loss of life on our roadways,” Schultz said. “There’s no way to legislatively make someone make the right choice. But what we can do is create an incentive structure where there are consequences for bad decisions.”

In the absence of more leadership at the state level, road safety advocates — many of whom joined the cause after losing a loved one to a preventable car crash — are taking it on themselves to try to force change. They’re meeting with lawmakers and officials, holding public events, telling their stories.

At far right, Fumiko Torres speaks about losing Rayanna Diaz while standing alongside other family members during a candlelight vigil as part of The World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims event at the Capitol in Sacramento on Nov. 16, 2025.

(

Fred Greaves

/

CalMatters

)

Allison Lyman stands at a table honoring her son Connor, who was killed in a traffic collision, before the start of a candlelight vigil as part of the World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims at the Capitol in Sacramento on Nov. 16, 2025.

(

Fred Greaves

/

CalMatters

)

Jennifer Levi started working with MADD after her son, Braun, was killed in May while he was out walking with friends in Manhattan Beach. She said they’d only recently relocated to the area after the family home burned down in the Palisades fire, destroying “all of Braun’s pictures, videos from when he was born.”

The driver who killed her son was allegedly intoxicated and had a prior DUI arrest.

“The worst day of my life is now my life’s work. I will not stop until California changes,” Levi said.

In the months since her son’s death, Levi said, she’s met with any officials or influential people she could — current and former lawmakers, district attorneys, local council members, a lobbyist, and members of the media. Among the changes she wants: to make it easier to charge repeat DUI offenders with murder when they kill someone, to make fatal DUIs a violent felony and to increase penalties for hit-and-run fatalities. As CalMatters reported in October, California law often treats drunken vehicular manslaughter as a nonviolent crime with minimal time behind bars.

Levi calls her push to reform the system “Braun’s Bill.”

Many grieving families share a similar goal: for those they lost to be remembered by a state and society that seem indifferent. That desire was on display last month during an event in Sacramento to mark the World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims.

On a cold Sunday evening in mid-November, after a break in the rain, dozens of relatives of people killed in car crashes gathered on the dark steps of the state Capitol for a candlelight vigil. They fought to keep photos on posterboards upright in the gale-force winds. Family by family, they ascended the steps, stood above a display of orange cones lit with strands of white lights and addressed the onlookers, talking about their loved ones and what was lost — children left without their mother, mothers without their children, a wife left without the love of her life.

“Every day I live and I wake up and I pretend like I’m happy. Every day I wish my stairs would make noise. I miss being called mom,” said Angel Dela Cruz, whose 17-year-old son Edward Alvidrez Jr. was hit by a truck while riding a dirt bike in Madera County in 2022.

“I hope we all get justice,” she said.

The event ended with a moment of quiet reflection and a prayer before the families put away their pictures and walked off, the Capitol behind them locked, silent.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

USC canceled a gubernatorial debate set to be held on March 24 after widespread claims that the debate purposefully left out candidates of color.

The USC Dornsife Center for the Political Future was organizing the debate, with ABC/KABC Los Angeles and Univision set to co-host and televise in both English and Spanish. Many of the Democratic candidates, including those who were invited, have been calling for the inclusion of all candidates regardless of their positioning in USC’s debate criteria formula.

"USC vigorously defends the independence, objectivity and integrity of USC Professor Christian Grose, whose data-driven candidate viability formula is based on extensive research and enjoys broad academic support,” said a USC statement sent to the media late Monday night. “At the same time, we recognize that concerns about the selection criteria for tomorrow’s gubernatorial debate have created a significant distraction from the issues that matter to voters.

“Unfortunately, USC and KABC have not been able to reach an agreement on expanding the number of candidates at tomorrow’s debate. As a result, USC has made the difficult decision to cancel tomorrow’s debate and will look for other opportunities to educate voters on the candidates and issues."

Controversy surrounding the debate began as early as March 16, when former Human and Health Services Secretary and candidate for governor Xavier Becerra sent letters to USC, ABC7 and Univision calling the debate criteria a “patently arbitrary, spontaneous qualification formula.”

The former California Attorney General took issue with no candidates of color being invited to participate, while a white candidate, San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, was invited despite polling lower than Becerra and others.

The Democrats who were invited — Mahan, Rep. Eric Swalwell and former Rep. Katie Porter — all took to social media in the last week calling on USC to expand its debate to include all of the Democratic candidates.

Also invited to the debate were political commentator Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, both Republicans who are polling fairly high.

Becerra took the debate cancellation as a win, saying in an X post late Monday night that “hopefully next time it’s done right.”

“Thank you to everyone who stood up, raised hell and demanded justice,” reads the post. “Never give up when you’re fighting for fairness!”

Topline:

The backstory: A New York Times investigation published last week found Chávez sexually abused girls and women including United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta.

LAUSD leaders respond: Board Member Kelly Gonez introduced the resolution.

“These heart-wrenching stories represent a betrayal for so many of us and yet they resonate with many survivors and many women who have experienced this as girls and in our adulthood including myself,” Gonez said through tears.

Board Vice President Rocío Rivas co-authored the resolution.

“This is not an easy moment, but it’s a necessary one,” Rivas said.

What’s next: The board committed to working with the communities surrounding César Chávez Learning Academies in San Fernando and César Chávez Elementary School in El Sereno to identify new names that “reflect the District’s values of equity, justice, and community leadership.”

The district will also recognize March 31 as Farm Workers Day this year and in future calendars.

Read the resolution and go deeper to see how educators are responding to the allegations.

At the Supreme Court Monday, the conservative majority seemed ready to overturn laws in 29 states that allow mail-in votes to be counted after Election Day if they were postmarked by Election Day.
President Donald Trump has long railed against mail-in voting, believing — incorrectly — that those late votes improperly cost him the 2020 election. But citizens and politicians alike have enthusiastically embraced voting by mail.

The split was illustrated in Monday's case from Mississippi. In 2020, the state Legislature, by a bipartisan and nearly unanimous vote, approved a five-day grace period for counting election ballots if they were postmarked by Election Day but arrived late.

But in the Supreme Court Monday, the conservative justices, like Trump, seemed suspicious of extending a short grace period to count late-arriving ballots. Justices Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett, for instance, fixated on what they deemed the possibility of voters "recalling ballots," which they said could be theoretically done by the U.S. Postal Service or other common carriers like FedEx.

Mississippi Solicitor General Scott Stewart tried repeatedly to assure the court that the state does not permit ballot recalls. But Gorsuch in particular seemed to view those assurances as unreliable.

"FedEx isn't an election official," Gorsuch said.

Similarly, Justice Brett Kavanaugh questioned whether a grace period to count legally cast ballots might undermine public confidence in the election process. And Justice Clarence Thomas wondered how early voting is legal. On that, however, even the Trump administration's solicitor general, D. John Sauer, conceded the validity of early voting.

The larger question that seemed to divide the court's six conservatives from the three liberals was where the court should be in terms of assessing new election procedures.

Why, asked Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, should we look only at old procedures and not new ones that Congress has left undisturbed. And finally, Justice Sonia Sotomayor took aim at what she viewed as dishonesty in the Trump administration's brief.

"I am a little upset — not a little, a lot upset — by many of the statements in your brief quoting historical sources out of context," she said.

A decision overturning Mississippi's law would have particularly profound implications for large rural areas, and members of the military abroad.

The state most likely to suffer serious ramifications is Alaska, the nation's largest state by area, where 80% of the population lives off the road system, the weather is unpredictable, and some communities do not offer in-person voting. Indeed, in 2022, ballots from six rural villages were not counted because the U.S. Postal Service failed to deliver them in time.

Copyright 2026 NPR

Immigration and Customs Enforcement deployments to American cities are a central part of President Donald Trump's immigration crackdown. Yet, according to data analyzed by NPR — and interviews with law enforcement and city officials — these actions stretched local police departments thin, disrupted businesses and left city budgets struggling to absorb the fallout.

In Los Angeles and Minneapolis, the immigration enforcement surge resulted in ballooning overtime costs for local police. In Portland, Ore., decreased police manpower contributed to longer call response times.

Amid what the Trump administration has dubbed Operation Metro Surge, businesses in cities like Bloomington and St. Paul, Minn. lost revenue, experienced unrest, and were similarly left with high bills.

What unifies these ICE actions is they were all sustained over several weeks in communities where local law enforcement isn't authorized to assist with federal immigration efforts. Still, these deployments resulted in knock-on effects that required the use of local police to bring about or preserve order.

Police overtime surged as departments were forced to deploy officers for demonstrations, extra patrols, security around federal facilities and emergency responses tied to the raids — often at overtime pay rates.

In cities already struggling with staffing shortages, like Los Angeles and Minneapolis, those extra hours quickly added up.

In Los Angeles, where the financial situation is already dire, LAPD overtime spending climbed to $41 million in June 2025, when immigration raids sparked weeks of protests — well above the department's typical monthly range of $18 to $30 million, according to the City Controller's Office.

In Minneapolis, the Police Department reported more than $6 million in overtime and standby pay in less than a month, from Jan. 7 to Feb. 8, according to the city's police chief. That's more than double the city's entire annual police overtime budget of $2.3 million.

The full financial picture is still not fully known. City leaders are reviewing their budgets and expect costs to continue to go up.

In response to NPR's questions about how the immigration crackdown has affected city budgets, Abigail Jackson, a White House spokeswoman, provided a statement and included source links: "Illegal aliens cost American taxpayers over $150 billion in 2023 alone and expenditures for benefits provided to the illegal aliens who entered during the Biden surge will add $177 billion in mandatory federal spending through 2034."

NPR has not independently verified these figures.

The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to NPR's questions for this story.

What happened in Los Angeles?

In early June 2025, ICE agents began a series of aggressive immigration sweeps in Southern California.

"The first three weeks of it, we were really balancing and teetering on martial law," LA Councilwoman Eunisses Hernandez told NPR. She said the city didn't expect "such a heavy-handed and militarized and war-like response from the federal government to people expressing their First Amendment rights."

The LAPD spent around $17 million between June 8 and June 16 responding to the anti-ICE protests that broke out that month. Close to $12 million of that went to overtime costs, according to a report from the LA City Administrative Office.

These figures do not include the costs of potential lawsuits or liability claims from residents and protesters injured during the demonstrations, and from aggressive policing by the LAPD that the city expects to face, Hernandez said.

To meet these financial needs, the city has had to tap into its reserve funds. 

In response to questions from NPR, the LAPD did not provide any information about what types of activities officers were engaged in when they incurred the overtime hours.

The City Controller's Office pointed NPR to the public database of city funding for more information. But the data lacked specifics.

Overtime costs for the LAPD for the entire month of June 2025 ballooned to more than $40 million. Overtime hovered between $22 million to a little over $33 million from January 2025 through May 2025.

The LAPD, the country's third-largest police department, has struggled with short staffing — contributing to the need to spend millions on overtime in prior years, according to the LAist. 

L.A. Mayor Karen Bass did not answer questions about the financial repercussions on the city from the police response to the raids or on local businesses.

U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents stand off against demonstrators as tear gas fills the air outside the federal ICE building during a protest in Portland, Ore., last June.

(

Jenny Kane/AP

/

AP

)

Portland's story: 'We are understaffed, under-resourced'

Not long after the unrest in Los Angeles, Portland Police Bureau Chief Robert Day said protesters and federal agents began to converge on the city's ICE facility in June.

"The bulk of our overtime investment, and demands on our time have been at the [federal ICE] facility," Day told NPR.

Like LA, Portland's police department has dealt with staffing shortages for years.

From June until November 2025, Portland police officers were staffed at the ICE facility nearly every day, according to the city data provided to NPR. There were other times when officers were actively monitoring but weren't at the facility.

In 2025, the Portland Police Bureau recorded 38,213 overtime hours categorized as "event response," according to data provided to NPR. For context, Portland police racked up 19,166 overtime hours for event response for all of 2024.

The overtime hours accrued in 2025 are nearly half of what was accrued when police responded to major protests in 2020 and 2021 following the death of George Floyd. Those protests lasted months, and the at-times chaotic demonstrations damaged property and sometimes turned violent.

Police worked between 70,000 to more than 80,000 hours of overtime to respond to those events, according to the data.

Local law enforcement's role at the ICE facility this summer and fall was to maintain order. Protests got out of hand at times. "The facility was badly damaged. It was heavily attacked. Windows broken and graffiti," Day said.

During now-outgoing DHS Secretary Kristi Noem's October visit, Portland police were tasked with providing even more security to the center — 456 officers, resulting in close to 3,000 hours of overtime hours worked, according to data provided to NPR, and equating to "a few hundred thousand bucks," according to Day.

"Cops were working long days, long weeks, over an extended period of time," Day said. "We are understaffed, under-resourced, and the rest of the city suffers because of that."

In the summer and fall, that meant calls for service took much longer, according to Day. "Our average response time to priority calls has grown to 17,18 minutes … and it should be more like six to eight," he confirmed.

Police stand during a noise demonstration outside the Graduate by Hilton Minneapolis hotel in January.

(

Adam Gray/AP

/

FR172090 AP

)

Minneapolis police report PTSD symptoms 

At the peak of the immigration enforcement surge, there were around 3,000 ICE and Customs and Border Protection agents in the Minneapolis area. There are only around 600 cops in the Minneapolis Police Department, and statewide, there are around 10,000 law enforcement officers.

"I cannot imagine any other city going through the intensity and the sheer amount of chaos that happened here. It was terrible," Minneapolis Police Chief Brian O'Hara told NPR. "Minneapolis is a small city. This is not Chicago. It's not LA, I don't think it would be possible for them to overwhelm those cities in the way that this city was really overwhelmed by that surge."

There is still a presence of ICE agents in the city, but far fewer than at its peak.

Early on, O'Hara made big changes to respond to the deployments of federal agents to Minneapolis. He changed operational procedures and created a full-time position for a lieutenant to be available to monitor ICE-related calls. He also staffed the department's operation center with civilian community service officers to help monitor social media and the city's camera feed to see action in the streets in real time, he explained.

By early January, O'Hara was instructing all sworn officers to be in uniform at all times while on duty.

"I was afraid there was going to be a need for an emergency situation that would require a massive deployment. And the next day is when Renee Good was killed," he told NPR. "From that moment, until about a day or two after the third shooting that we had when Mr. Pretti died, I would say it just continued to escalate."

When the police were responding to and protecting active crime scenes in the aftermath of the shootings, ICE agents continued with immigration stops and arrests. In response, demonstrations of thousands in opposition to the raids continued.

Minneapolis police had to respond to all of it.

O'Hara compared that chaos to the unrest after the 2020 killing of Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer, which led to major protests and riots.

After Good's death, all days off for officers were canceled. Police were tasked with handling marches, protests at hotels and monitoring vigil sites. Specialized units were activated and police generally tried to maintain order.

As a result, overtime costs skyrocketed. O'Hara said the department spent about $6.4 million on overtime costs from Jan. 7 through Feb. 8.

"It was, honestly, an overwhelming situation that for most of it, it felt like there was just no end in sight," he said.

Activists gather in protest to light candles on frozen Lake Nokomis in Minneapolis, spelling "Ice Out," in January.

(

Alex Brandon/AP

/

AP

)

By the third week of January, O'Hara said he received reports that officers were experiencing symptoms of PTSD, "which scared me," he said.

The 2020 Floyd protests had a huge impact on the department — so much so it led to a mass exodus of officers reporting symptoms of PTSD.

"As emotionally charged as things were on the street, it was difficult for them," O'Hara said. "It took them back to the feelings and things that they had experienced in 2020. That was really tough for a lot of the cops."

O'Hara continued, talking about staffing concerns: "It was my fear that we were going to wind up having this cycle again and just wind up losing more people. Unlike in 2020…there's absolutely no buffer. We're at bare bones here."

With police pulled to respond to keep public order, officers were being pulled off of active investigations. Crimes weren't being solved or investigated as quickly as they could have, he added.

The financial cost of the deployment to the city as a whole is also pronounced. Minneapolis issued a report on Feb. 13 that estimated the total economic fallout in one month during these operations was more than $203 million.

The report lists a host of consequences from the raids, including residents detained, job losses and business closures.

"The impact was both extraordinary and it was devastating for those months, while this invasion was taking place," Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey told NPR. "People were afraid to go out. Afraid to go to the grocery store. Terrified that their families were going to get ripped apart."

He said, "ICE is clearly to blame."

NPR asked the White House to respond to this criticism.

Jackson, the White House spokeswoman, said in her statement: "When will NPR ask sanctuary cities if they will reimburse the American people for expenses incurred by illegal aliens? Or if they will apologize to the victims of violent criminal illegal aliens?"

O'Hara said the problem was not that immigration enforcement was happening. The problem is the "unsafe and questionable methods" of the federal agents and "questionable leadership."

Noem, the head of DHS at the time of this surge, was recently fired in part because of the political fallout from these operations.

Consequences of ICE deployment spread beyond city borders

St. Paul, the capital of Minnesota and close neighbor to Minneapolis, loaned some officers to Minneapolis to deal with the crush of Operation Metro Surge, according to Rebecca Noecker, the president of St. Paul's City Council.

"This was a problem that we did not make and it's a problem we don't have the resources to solve," said Noecker.

Following the shooting of Renee Macklin Good in Minneapolis, St. Paul police spent $46,000 in overtime in just one day to assist the neighboring police department, Noecker said.

From Jan. 7 to Feb. 5 St. Paul police shared with NPR that 4,679.75 employee overtime hours were worked in response to Operation Metro Surge. That cost $372,341.38. They didn't tell NPR how many officers worked the additional hours or provide additional data beyond early 2026.

"The line between physically intervening with ICE to keep protesters safe and physically intervening with ICE in a way that prevents a lawful enforcement action is a really fine one," Noecker said. "What I heard mostly from our police was: 'We're really in an impossible situation.'"

Community members and neighbors of people detained by ICE gather in protest at a Target store on Jan. 19 in St. Paul.

(

Yuki Iwamura/AP

/

AP

)

Noecker says the numbers her city is seeing now are not the end of the story. She expects these bills to go up.

In nearby Bloomington, Minn., 10 minutes south of Minneapolis, the city's police Chief Booker Hodges told NPR protests against ICE spilled into his community. He said, for example, demonstrations broke out in front of hotels where it was rumored that ICE agents were staying.

In January, when the White House deployed federal law enforcement to Minneapolis "all hell broke loose," Hodges said.

Border Patrol and other federal agents were seen following residents to nearby schools, which triggered emergency calls to the department. There were also racial profiling incidents targeting the city's large Latino and Somali population, Hodges told NPR.

He also said officers of color were subjected to racist abuse by anti-ICE protesters.

Hodges said his officers were exhausted, but that his department is fully staffed so didn't require as much overtime as other agencies.

His department spent more than $32,000 in overtime costs in response to immigration protests and activities, he told NPR. That covered 60 police officers and totaled 415.5 hours.

The work for these officers involved extra patrols in retail and at the city's more than four dozen hotels. It also required the deployment of the department's Public Order Group (a group trained to respond to public disorder). It was deployed once all of last year. This year, as of mid February, the group was deployed four times.

He would like to see reimbursement from the federal government, but said, "it's pointless to even ask them for it."

He says time would be better spent pushing for comprehensive immigration reform: "Because even though the surge has ended here, the laws that allowed it to take place are still in place."

Copyright 2026 NPR