The Brief

At a California State Senate committee hearing this year, the director of Caltrans, Tony Tavares, showed a simple chart that might have caused the assembled lawmakers some alarm.

It was a series of black bars representing the death toll on California's roads in each of the past 20 years.

Fatalities had been falling until 2010, when the bars started getting longer and longer. A blood-red arrow shot up over the growing lines, charting their rise, as if to make sure nobody could miss the more than 60% increase in deaths.

“We are working to reverse the overall trend,” Tavares said.

No legislators asked about the chart. No one asked the director what, exactly, his agency was doing about it.

Over the next three hours, the Senate Transportation Committee members asked instead about homeless encampments along roads, gas tax revenue, gender identity on ID’s and planning for the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.

The chart presented by then-CalTrans Director Tony Tavares at the March 11, 2025 Senate Transportation Committee hearing.

The committee chair said it was the legislature’s first informational hearing on the state’s transportation system in more than a decade. Yet only two senators — both Republicans with little legislative power in a state controlled by Democrats — even asked about dangerous driving, one following up with questions about a deadly stretch of road in her district and the other about a small California Highway Patrol program to target egregious behavior behind the wheel.

Over the past decade, nearly 40,000 people have died and more than 2 million have been injured on California roads. As an ongoing CalMatters investigation has shown this year, time and again those crashes were caused by repeat drunk drivers, chronic speeders and motorists with well-documented histories of recklessness behind the wheel. Year after year, officials with the power to do something about it — the governor, legislators, the courts, the Department of Motor Vehicles — have failed to act.

The silence, in the face of a threat that endangers nearly every Californian, is damning.

California has some of the weakest DUI laws in the nation. Here, DUI-related deaths have been rising more than twice as fast as the rest of the country. But this fall, a state bill to strengthen DUI penalties was gutted at the last minute.

When it comes to speeding — one of the biggest causes of fatal crashes — again the legislature has done little. For two years in a row, bills that would have required the use of speed-limiting technology on vehicles have failed.

Lawmakers did pass legislation a couple years ago that allows the use of speed cameras. But it’s just a pilot project in a handful of jurisdictions.

Marc T. Vukcevich, director of state policy for advocacy group Streets For All, considers it a win — but a modest one.

“This shit is not enough to deal with the size and severity and the complexity of the problem we have when it comes to violence on our roadways,” Vukcevich said.

Erika Pringle, at right, embraces Allison Lyman, whose son died in a collision, during a candlelight vigil as part of The World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims at the Capitol in Sacramento on Nov. 16, 2025.

(

Fred Greaves

/

CalMatters

)

Gov. Gavin Newsom declined an interview request. Last year, he vetoed a bill that would have required technology that alerts drivers when they’re speeding.

The state DMV, which is under his authority, has wide latitude to take dangerous drivers off the road. But it routinely allows drivers with extreme histories of dangerous driving to continue to operate on our roadways, where many go on to kill.

Steve Gordon, whom Newsom chose to run the agency in 2019, won’t talk about it. He has declined or ignored CalMatters requests for an interview.

The agency simply released a statement from him in March, after our first interview request, touting modernization efforts that reflect an “ongoing commitment to enhancing accountability and transparency while continually refining our processes to ensure California’s roads are safer for everyone.”

Neither Newsom nor Gordon has announced any major changes since then.

How a bill to fight DUIs fails in Sacramento

For a brief moment earlier this year, Colin Campbell thought the state might finally do something about the scourge that changed his life one night in 2019.

A repeat drunk driver slammed into his Prius on the way to the family’s new home in Joshua Tree, killing his 17-year-old daughter, Ruby, and 14-year-old son, Hart.

Campbell, a writer and director from Los Angeles, began advocating for California to join most other states and create a law requiring in-car breathalyzers for anyone convicted of a DUI.

At first he was encouraged when the bill coasted through two legislative committees. But then came the roadblocks.

The ACLU opposed the measure, calling it “a form of racialized wealth extraction,” according to a Senate Public Safety Committee report from July. In California, people forced to use the devices have to pay about $100 a month to a private company to rent them, though there’s supposed to be a sliding fee scale based on income.

Then the DMV told lawmakers that it could not “complete the necessary programming” for the law, citing possible technology delays and costs of $15 million or more.

The bill was gutted. California couldn’t do something that nearly three dozen other states could.

Campbell called the sudden reversal a shameful example of forsaking public safety for bureaucracy.

“Our lives were destroyed that night,” he said. “If these people's children had been killed by a drunk driver, there is no way they would be objecting to this.”

Even if the law had passed, DMV data suggests that California judges would have mostly ignored it.

State law says judges have to require in-car breathalyzers for people convicted of repeat DUIs. Last month, the DMV issued a report reinforcing what a similar report laid out two years earlier. Judges across the state ordered the devices just one-third of the time for repeat offenders. In 14 counties, they ordered the devices less than 10% of the time for second-time DUI offenders. The counties are: Alameda, Colusa, Glenn, Lassen, Los Angeles, Madera, Mono, Plumas, Sacramento, San Luis Obispo, Santa Cruz, Sierra, Tulare and Yuba.

DMV officials did not answer questions about what, if anything, the agency was doing about it.

We reached out to all 14 counties’ courts. Only eight responded to questions.

Chris Ruhl, executive officer for the Glenn County Superior Court, said the court is looking at local changes.

“Given the light CalMatters is bringing to this issue … the Glenn Court will review its current DUI sentencing practices,” according to a statement.

Glenn was one of a number of counties — including LA, Alameda and San Luis Obispo — that also suggested it wasn’t their judges’ responsibility to issue a court order. They said they only needed to notify the DMV of the convictions.

However, the law is clear: It’s the judge’s job to order the offender to use the device, said Jerry Hill, the retired Bay Area Democrat who wrote the bill.

When he worked in the Capitol, Hill said he also saw little urgency to rein in intoxicated driving.

“If you ask any legislator, they are going to say it’s a terrible, terrible thing,” he said.

But he said committee chairs and staff members who set the tone and write analyses often shied away from increasing criminal penalties.

“That’s where we see a lack of understanding, in my view, of the devastating effect of drunk driving in California,” he said.

Lawmakers say next session could bring change

A number of lawmakers said they are aware of the carnage on our roadways and plan to do something about it this coming legislative session, maybe.

Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Democrat from Norwalk who sits on the Transportation Committee, lost his granddaughter to a drunk driver just before Christmas last year. He said he recently met with representatives from Mothers Against Drunk Driving and is considering possible bills.

“This is not a Republican issue, a Democrat issue, an independent issue — or political issue. This is a life-saving issue,” he said. “We should all take it as seriously as the family that lost a loved one.”

Democratic Assemblymember Nick Schultz of Burbank said he is considering introducing at least one measure next year to address loopholes and weaknesses in state law.

Schultz, who started his career prosecuting DUI cases in Oregon and now chairs the Assembly’s Public Safety Committee, said he is weighing several potential measures that would address issues CalMatters highlighted in its reporting this year, including lengthening license suspensions after fatal crashes, lowering the bar to charge repeat drunk drivers with a felony, strengthening breathalyzer requirements and making sure vehicular manslaughter convictions get reported to the DMV.

“People are tired of seeing the needless loss of life on our roadways,” Schultz said. “There’s no way to legislatively make someone make the right choice. But what we can do is create an incentive structure where there are consequences for bad decisions.”

In the absence of more leadership at the state level, road safety advocates — many of whom joined the cause after losing a loved one to a preventable car crash — are taking it on themselves to try to force change. They’re meeting with lawmakers and officials, holding public events, telling their stories.

At far right, Fumiko Torres speaks about losing Rayanna Diaz while standing alongside other family members during a candlelight vigil as part of The World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims event at the Capitol in Sacramento on Nov. 16, 2025.

(

Fred Greaves

/

CalMatters

)

Allison Lyman stands at a table honoring her son Connor, who was killed in a traffic collision, before the start of a candlelight vigil as part of the World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims at the Capitol in Sacramento on Nov. 16, 2025.

(

Fred Greaves

/

CalMatters

)

Jennifer Levi started working with MADD after her son, Braun, was killed in May while he was out walking with friends in Manhattan Beach. She said they’d only recently relocated to the area after the family home burned down in the Palisades fire, destroying “all of Braun’s pictures, videos from when he was born.”

The driver who killed her son was allegedly intoxicated and had a prior DUI arrest.

“The worst day of my life is now my life’s work. I will not stop until California changes,” Levi said.

In the months since her son’s death, Levi said, she’s met with any officials or influential people she could — current and former lawmakers, district attorneys, local council members, a lobbyist, and members of the media. Among the changes she wants: to make it easier to charge repeat DUI offenders with murder when they kill someone, to make fatal DUIs a violent felony and to increase penalties for hit-and-run fatalities. As CalMatters reported in October, California law often treats drunken vehicular manslaughter as a nonviolent crime with minimal time behind bars.

Levi calls her push to reform the system “Braun’s Bill.”

Many grieving families share a similar goal: for those they lost to be remembered by a state and society that seem indifferent. That desire was on display last month during an event in Sacramento to mark the World Day of Remembrance for Road Traffic Victims.

On a cold Sunday evening in mid-November, after a break in the rain, dozens of relatives of people killed in car crashes gathered on the dark steps of the state Capitol for a candlelight vigil. They fought to keep photos on posterboards upright in the gale-force winds. Family by family, they ascended the steps, stood above a display of orange cones lit with strands of white lights and addressed the onlookers, talking about their loved ones and what was lost — children left without their mother, mothers without their children, a wife left without the love of her life.

“Every day I live and I wake up and I pretend like I’m happy. Every day I wish my stairs would make noise. I miss being called mom,” said Angel Dela Cruz, whose 17-year-old son Edward Alvidrez Jr. was hit by a truck while riding a dirt bike in Madera County in 2022.

“I hope we all get justice,” she said.

The event ended with a moment of quiet reflection and a prayer before the families put away their pictures and walked off, the Capitol behind them locked, silent.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Airbnb spent millions to influence L.A.’s local elections this November, but lost in its most expensive races.

The short-term rental giant bet on Mayor Karen Bass with more than $4.1 million in spending toward groups supporting her. Airbnb also poured $2.1 million into the city attorney’s race to back candidate John McKinney.

On Thursday morning, Bass conceded the race to challenger Nithya Raman, as Raman continued to build a decisive lead. Marissa Roy was up in the city attorney race by an almost 2-to-1margin, and was all but guaranteed to defeat McKinney.

Both are progressives likely to push back against Airbnb as it angles to expand its presence in the city ahead of the 2028 Olympics and Paralympics.

“Their investments sure didn't pay off,” said Mike Bonin, a former L.A. City Council member and executive director of the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs.

The role of short-term rentals in L.A.’s future became a fault line in the mayoral campaign after Bass quietly put forward a proposal in her annual budget suggesting the city temporarily loosen regulations and allow Airbnb to prepay some of its taxes to help ease the city’s budget deficit.

Under current Los Angeles law, homeowners can use only their primary residence for short-term rentals. Airbnb wants the city to change its rules to allow homeowners to rent out second homes.

That proposal did not survive the budget process and is stuck in a City Council committee. But it didn’t stop Raman from jumping on Bass’ budget maneuver, calling it “a sweetheart deal that [Airbnb] spent hundreds of thousands of dollars lobbying City Hall to get” at a press conference.

Raman, now the mayor-elect, has said she’s against rolling back restrictions for short-term rentals ahead of the Olympics and will increase enforcement of the city’s current rules.

As city attorney, Marissa Roy is also likely to take a strong stance against short-term rental platforms. She has put forward a policy pledging to align with tenants’ unions and community organizations, and will take over an ongoing lawsuit against Airbnb over alleged price gouging during the L.A. fires.

She could also take action against companies including Airbnb over illegal listings. A 2022 report found that nearly half of Airbnb and Vrbo listings were out of compliance with the city’s home-sharing ordinance.

“A lot of people don’t realize the L.A. city attorney has the extraordinary power to sue any business for anything unlawful, unfair or deceptive,” Roy told AirTalk in September.

LAist reached out to Roy requesting an interview and comment on her approach to Airbnb, but did not hear back in time for publication.

Nathan Rotman, Airbnb’s director of policy strategy for North America, said in an emailed statement in the lead-up to the election that the company backed candidates working toward “local jobs, thriving small businesses, strong neighborhood services, and a tourism economy that benefits not just big corporate hotels but also everyday Angelenos who share their homes to make ends meet.”

Rotman also said Airbnb was supporting efforts to expand short-term rentals in Los Angeles to make sure tourists had places to stay in the summer of 2028.

While the citywide races seem all but decided, the outcome of the two open City Council seats remains too close to call. Airbnb weighed in on those elections, too, spending more than $1 million to back groups supporting Tim Gaspar in Council District 3 and more than $300,000 to support campaigners for Jose Ugarte in Council District 9.

As of Thursday, Gaspar was in a dead heat with Barri Worth Girvan, both moderate Democrats battling to replace Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, who represents part of the San Fernando Valley.

In CD-9, where the winner will replace Councilmember Curren Price to represent South L.A., Ugarte maintained the lead with 53% of the vote. His opponent, Estuardo Mazariegos, who is backed by the Democratic Socialists of America, had called for a moratorium on short-term rentals and campaigned by blasting Airbnb’s spending in the race.

On election night, Ugarte told LAist that he hadn’t made up his mind on the proposal still in City Council committee to allow more short-term rentals for the Olympics and planned to hold community meetings on the topic.

“The first thing I want to do is have those conversations with our community, sit down at the table, have Airbnb show up, and also have people that oppose Airbnb show up,” Ugarte said.

With Raman heading to the mayor’s office, Mike Bonin said Airbnb will now be looking to “count to 10” — the number needed in city council to override a mayoral veto.

Maloy Moore and Aaron Schrank contributed to this report.

Nithya Raman, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America who offered a message of hope to a city beset by crises, has beaten Karen Bass in the race for Los Angeles mayor, the first time an incumbent has been ousted from that office in nearly a quarter century.

Raman, who is of Indian descent, becomes the first South Asian mayor of L.A. She was elected to the City Council six years ago.

Bass conceded the race Thursday morning. At the time, she had 48% of the vote compared with Raman's 52%, according to the latest vote count.

In a video statement, Raman said she was "deeply honored" to be L.A.'s next mayor, and she thanked the people who knocked on doors, sent texts and made phone calls in support of her campaign.

Despite the sometimes contentious race she and Bass waged against one another, Raman commended Bass for her decades of service to the city and pledged to earn the trust of all Angelenos.

"And that work starts now, so that we can build housing that people can afford, parks for our children to play in, a transit system that can get people where they need to go, a city that is safe for its working people and its families, and a city government that is actually capable of delivering on its promises," she said in the statement.

"I love this city, and I love its people, and I cannot wait to get started on building a better future together with all of you," she continued. "Thank you so much, Los Angeles."

In her concession statement, Bass said it had been an honor to serve "the city that raised me." She said she had carried that responsibility with her every day since she was elected.

“While this is not the outcome we hoped for, the people of Los Angeles have spoken," she said. "I have called Councilmember Nithya Raman to congratulate her on her victory, and I have committed to ensuring a smooth and seamless transition. Moving this city forward is what Los Angeles needs from all of us.

“I love Los Angeles," she continued. "I believe in Los Angeles. And I will continue to ensure the promise of a better life belongs to all of us. Thank you.”

A champion of tenants' rights, Raman has promised she would tackle housing affordability, homelessness and police reform — the latter by removing Police Chief Jim McDonnell. She also has vowed to improve basic city services like pothole and streetlight repair.

A year ago, Raman wasn’t on anybody’s radar for mayor. A year earlier, she narrowly won reelection to a second term representing District 4, which stretches from Hollywood to Sherman Oaks.

Seeing polls that showed Bass was highly unpopular, she filed to run against her one-time ally on the last day possible, Feb. 7, stunning the political establishment.

She had endorsed Bass only weeks earlier.

Raman’s road to victory

No other political figure stepped up to challenge Bass. Not Rick Caruso, the billionaire developer who lost to Bass four years ago. Not County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath. So Raman did.

In the primary, Raman overcame a strong campaign by TV personality Spencer Pratt to finish second behind Bass. Pratt, who lost his home in the Palisades Fire, came in third.

In the general election, Raman beat Bass despite the political establishment’s backing of the mayor. Bass had the support of the Los Angeles County Democratic Party, the Chamber of Commerce and the L.A. County Federation of Labor. Airbnb also spent big on behalf of Bass, who supported lifting restrictions on the homestay industry in the run-up to the 2028 Olympics.

Raman’s election represented a repudiation of the status quo, a reflection of Angelenos’ deep dissatisfaction with the way the city was being governed. Polls showed support closely correlated with age, with younger voters supporting Raman.

Her victory coincided with a blue wave that swept across the country and came despite a barrage of negative ads against her by the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union that represents rank-and-file officers. The ads focused on Raman’s opposition to an ordinance that allows the police to remove homeless encampments from around schools, daycare centers and other sensitive sites.

Raman said the program merely shuffled unhoused people down the street.

Raman had her share of powerful support. Three big unions broke with the Federation of Labor and backed her over Bass: the Western States Council of Carpenters, UNITE HERE Local 11 and the United Auto Workers.

Hedge fund manager Aaron Sosnick poured more than $8.5 million into ads supporting Raman and bashing Bass. Sosnick is an avid cyclist who wants to see more bike lanes in L.A. He funneled some of his money through Streets for All, a community group that ran ads against Bass.

Outside independent expenditures topped $16 million for Bass and against Raman, compared with $13 million for Raman and against Bass.

Raman also touted a massive door-knocking campaign that involved more than 11,000 volunteers knocking on more than 110,000 doors.

The election marked a generational shift in leaders. Bass is 73 years old and drew much of her support from older voters. Raman is 45 and enjoyed the overwhelming support from voters ages 30 to 39, according to a UC Berkeley/L.A. Times poll taken days before the election.

Mayor Karen Bass (left) and challenger Nithya Raman speak at a forum focused on environmental issues during the 2026 L.A. mayoral race.

(

Ashlyn Ablao

/

LAist

)

A relative newcomer to LA politics

Raman was born in India and moved to Louisiana with her family when she was 6. She earned a degree in social studies from Harvard and a master's in urban planning from MIT. Raman became a naturalized citizen at the age of 22.

Raman moved to L.A. in 2013 and founded a nonprofit neighborhood homeless services coalition. She also served as executive director of Time’s Up Entertainment, a now-defunct group formed in response to the #MeToo movement.

The mother of twin boys and wife of a Hollywood screenwriter burst onto the political scene when she ousted an incumbent City Council member in 2020 with the backing of the DSA.

In defeating Bass, the first Black woman to serve as L.A. mayor, Raman ousted an icon in progressive politics in L.A. Bass was a community organizer who for years fought against police abuse and the crack epidemic in South L.A. Later, she went on to become speaker of the California State Assembly and represent L.A. in Congress.

Congresswoman and Los Angeles Mayoral Candidate Karen Bass speaks on stage at the Los Angeles County Democratic Party Election Night party held at the Palladium in Hollywood on Tuesday, Nov. 8, 2022.

(

Brian Feinzimer

/

LAist

)

In 2022, Bass was elected as a progressive Democrat with the backing of a coalition that looked a lot like the one she had this year, with the exception of the police union, which backed Caruso four years ago. She was able to portray herself as an outsider coming in to fix City Hall.

This year, however, Bass was the incumbent saddled with the city's problems. Her popularity plummeted in the wake of the Palisades Fire. She was out of town when it broke out and was sharply criticized for the Fire Department’s response.

Adding to her woes was the homelessness crisis. The latest count showed the number of unhoused people was growing after a two-year drop. Numerous audits found deep mismanagement of hundreds of millions of dollars by the regional Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority. Until recently, Bass sat on the board of the authority.

Her ouster is an ignominious end to an otherwise honorable career in public service.

In her concession statement, Bass thanked her supporters and her family, whom she said had stood beside her through every challenge.

“Over the past four years, we have taken on some of the most difficult challenges facing any major American city," Bass said. "Coming out of the pandemic, when encampments lined our streets and businesses were trying to reopen — we got Angelenos off the streets, made our neighborhoods safer, built more affordable housing, and created new opportunities for working families.

"We stood together through devastating wildfires and protected our immigrant communities when Donald Trump sent federal troops into our streets to spread fear and intimidation," she continued. "That progress belongs to all of us."

Despite her six years on the City Council, Raman enters the mayoral stage as an outsider promising to shake up an intransigent City Hall.

She may face an uphill battle. All but one of her colleagues on the council backed Bass, including three DSA members. City Controller Kenneth Mejia was the only elected official at City Hall to endorse Raman.

She may have an ally in the city attorney. DSA-backed Marissa Roy is leading Deputy District Attorney John McKinney in the race for that office.

The world of artisanal chocolate has exploded. Going into a specialist store, or even a mainstream supermarket, can be overwhelming, with rows of gorgeously designed chocolate bars facing you. How on earth do you find out what you like — let alone what to buy?

That’s the question Brian Cisneros, director of this weekend’s inaugural L.A. Chocolate Festival, would like to help you with. He sees the festival — in addition to being a great way to bask in chocolate for a day or two — as a way to learn how to read labels, properly taste chocolate and meet the people behind those craft bars.

“You've had some practice, you've met some chocolate makers,” he said. “And now you're able to evaluate, ‘Oh, that was worth the $8,’ or, ‘That was so good, I'm going to get that as a gift.’”

Everything chocolate is on offer, from pastries and drinking chocolate to ceremonial cacao.

(

Char Beck

/

Courtesy LA Chocolate Festival

)

Cisneros has been passionate about spreading the bean-to-bar chocolate gospel for 18 years, since he began the then-tiny but now large-scale annual Northwest Chocolate Festival in Seattle.

“When I founded the festival, there were only six craft chocolate or bean-to-bar chocolate makers in the United States,” he recalled.

Chocolate back then was dominated by large conglomerate producers, whose trade and manufacturing practices were increasingly being called out by activists.

“I had learned about all the trade implications in chocolate, and I really wanted to help connect people with chocolate that was ethical,” he said. “That was part of the original reason for the show.”

As the craft movement has expanded, so has the Northwest festival, with more than 100 exhibitors from all over the world. Well established enough, he felt, to expand to Los Angeles this year. He also has a personal connection — he grew up in Bellflower, with a grandmother who lived in East Los Angeles, before moving to Seattle for high school.

“So there is a little bit of a homecoming energy for me personally,” he said, “though I try to keep that internal.”

Exhibitors include Dick Taylor, a small batch maker from Northern California.

(

Char Beck

/

Courtesy LA Chocolate Festival

)

The festival is being held on Saturday, Nov. 7, and Sunday, Nov. 8, at The Magic Box @ The Reef in DTLA. It’s the new kid in town — smaller than its Seattle sibling at around 30 exhibitors — but Cisneros sees advantages in a more intimate, less overwhelming event, aiming for a “more boutique experience,” he said. Exhibitors include California maker Dick Taylor and Melissa Coppel, a Las Vegas-based vegan chocolate maker, with educational workshops all day included in the ticket price.

Gov. Gavin Newsom is commuting the death sentences of 548 people, clearing the California death row for the first time since the state conducted hangings in the late 19th century.

It is a monumental move in the history of capital punishment in America: The prisoners represent more than a quarter of the nation’s condemned inmates.

And it is a decision Newsom has spoken about in starkly personal terms. In 2019, shortly after taking office, he issued a moratorium on executions just three years after voters rejected a ballot measure to abolish the death penalty and instead approved one to speed them up. But at the time, the governor said he couldn’t be responsible for killing another person.

“After nearly 30 years in office I have come to understand the limits of what government can justly accomplish,” Newsom wrote in a letter addressed “to all Californians.” “I take this action because I firmly believe that state-sanctioned killing is incompatible with California’s values, undermines the foundations of our legal system, and diminishes each of us.”

Since 2024, death row has been a metaphorical place. The male prisoners were cleared out of their individual cells in San Quentin State Prison and distributed among other 24 facilities. Twenty female prisoners condemned to death were moved to general population at the Central California Women’s Facility that year. Even before Newsom’s 2019 moratorium, it had been more than a decade since the state performed an execution.

Some of the decisions Newsom made Thursday will need court approval. For those convicted of multiple felonies, four of seven judges on the Supreme Court will have to sign off on the commutations.

Newsom said those with the commuted sentences will not be eligible for new Board of Parole Hearings commutation and resentencing regulations. That addresses some concerns prosecutors, victims’ groups and supporters of the death penalty had expressed as they anticipated Newsom’s decision: that those newly sentenced to life might get a chance later to be released.

His anticipated decision garnered sharp condemnation in recent weeks from those groups, who argued it flew in the face of juries and judges that had upheld the death sentences, and voters who have upheld the practice.

“I don’t think he or any person should undo the sentence rendered by a jury and signed off by a judge because of his personal beliefs or feelings,” said Topo Padilla, president of Crime Victims United, last week.

Natasha Minsker, former director of the American Civil Liberties Union of California's Center for Advocacy and Policy, said the death penalty is now a forgotten part of California politics. “I’m shocked, when I talk to legislators and tell them to oppose it, they say we don’t have the death penalty in California,” she said.

Mary McComb, the former State Public Defender, said from her first case defending a man with intellectual disabilities who was charged with a capital offense, she has found a moral reason to oppose the death penalty.

“One can always hope, but without the commutations, it’s not always guaranteed that governors would continue to have the courage to (maintain a moratorium),” McComb said

This is a developing story that will be updated.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.