The Brief

Orange County Supervisor Andrew Do, one of the county’s most powerful elected officials, has voted to fund millions of dollars to an organization led by his daughter without publicly disclosing his close family connection, an LAist investigation has found.

Do voted twice to award contracts that, according to county agenda records, included subcontracts to Warner Wellness Center, his daughter Rhiannon Do’s group. Warner Wellness is the DBA of the nonprofit Viet America Society. (A DBA is the name an organization uses to operate that’s different from its legal name.)

During public discussion of one of those votes, Do said he had two years of conversations with the top county health official leading up to the vote.

Both of Do’s votes to fund the subcontracts happened with no public mention that his daughter was working as Warner Wellness’ president.

Do, his daughter, and Do’s chief of staff Van Tran haven’t returned multiple phone and email requests for comment.

A group of community nonprofit leaders were so concerned about the handling of the subcontracts that they held a meeting about it with Connie Chung Joe, the leader of L.A.’s top Asian American civil rights group.

Joe, who is CEO of Asian Americans Advancing Justice Southern California, told LAist she followed up by contacting the FBI.

When asked about this, FBI spokesperson Laura Eimiller told LAist her agency doesn’t confirm or deny the existence of investigations.

Conflicts of interest have previously emerged during Do’s time as a supervisor. Last year, Do paid the largest conflict of interest fine in California since 2019, according to state records.

Part of the fine was for Do not disclosing his role in fundraising that ultimately paid for work done by the founder of Viet America Society.

A nonprofit 'not in good standing'  

Over a two-and-a-half-year span, Do was involved in directing $3.1 million to Warner Wellness, as well as an earlier $4.2 million to Viet America Society before it took on the Warner Wellness name as a DBA.

Viet America Society was incorporated in 2020 by Peter Pham, who previously worked on a high-profile statue project led by Do.

In budget records, Do took credit for Viet America Society’s county funding. And in a recent video touting Pham’s work, Do said he came up with the idea of expanding Viet America Society’s meal distribution.

“I approached Peter and said ‘Look, why don’t we blow this up, make it bigger and we can help more seniors,’ and that’s how we started working with him,” Do said in the video.

By the end of 2020, Viet America Society started receiving its first of several county contracts. By April 2022, it had received $4.2 million in contracts to prep and deliver hot meals to seniors, people with disabilities and others facing food insecurity in Do’s district.

Throughout those years, Viet America Society was not a legally registered nonprofit with the state — despite state law requiring registration within 30 days of receiving funds. Even after it registered in January 2023, the state warned the group in April that it was out of compliance. The AG’s office wrote that Viet America Society was “not in good standing and is prohibited from engaging in conduct for which registration is required, including soliciting or disbursing charitable funds.”

All along, county records show Viet America Society received funding approvals from the county anyway. It ultimately filed the required financial disclosures in June 2023.

County spokespeople have not answered whether the supervisors and county staff knew the county was approving millions in funding to a group the state had declared was unable to legally seek or spend funds .

“If they’re not registered and they’re operating, that’s illegal,” said Sean McMorris, the transparency, ethics and accountability program manager at California Common Cause.

Pham, the founder and president of Viet America Society, initially told LAist he would be available for an interview, but has not returned multiple follow-up calls to schedule it.

A family connection

O.C. Supervisors Vicente Sarmiento and Katrina Foley, who participated in a key vote on the center’s funding this May, told LAist they were not aware of Do’s family connection until LAist contacted them this month. Sarmiento said such family connections should be disclosed before votes.

The May vote approved an expansion of the county’s hotline contract with the local chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI OC) to add services in Spanish and Vietnamese.

That expansion included a $2.5 million subcontract for Warner Wellness — outlined in county agenda documents for the vote — to provide Vietnamese language services for the WarmLine, the county’s emotional support hotline for people struggling with mental health challenges.

When that item came up for a vote, Do discussed being involved in conversations to expand the WarmLine’s services.

“I want to thank Dr. Chau,” Do said. He was speaking of Clayton Chau, attending the meeting in his role as the county’s top public health official. Chau’s department recommended the item for supervisors’ approval.

“To see this coming, now, after you and I have talked about it for over two years,” Do said to Chau. Do then voted with the other supervisors to approve the item, without disclosing his family relationship to the subcontractor.

It was not the first time Warner Wellness received funding through a county subcontract Do voted to fund.

County supervisors previously approved funding for a $625,000 subcontract with Warner Wellness in November 2022. Do, who voted for it, made no mention of his family connection. The funding was part of a contract with Orange County Asian and Pacific Islander Community Alliance (OCAPICA), one of Orange County's best-known Asian American community organizations, to provide mental health outreach in local communities.

Offices marked for Warner Wellness and Viet America Society are located on the same floor of the same office building as Do’s private law office in Huntington Beach. Until LAist contacted her this month, his youngest daughter Rhiannon Do listed herself on LinkedIn as president of Warner Wellness since July 2021.

After LAist contacted Rhiannon Do for comment, her title was updated to vice president. A week later, the person who answered the phone at Warner Wellness told LAist that Rhiannon Do was still the organization’s leader. The center’s website says it’s “a nonprofit, outpatient mental health center” but does not name anyone involved in the organization, including its leadership.

Do’s daughter is a law student at U.C. Irvine. She graduated from high school four years ago and then earned a bachelor’s degree in economics from U.C. Davis in December 2021. While at U.C. Davis, she interned at the Steinberg Institute, which advocates for statewide mental health policy changes. Her LinkedIn resume lists another internship at a law firm and no other work experience.

Rhiannon Do in a YouTube video posted in August 2021 by the Steinberg Institute where she was an intern.

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How Warner Wellness became a subcontractor

NAMI OC President Steve Pitman oversees Warner Wellness’ $2.5 million WarmLine subcontract. In written responses to LAist’s questions, he described Warner Wellness as a natural partner choice that was suggested to them as “county-vetted.”

OCAPICA’s executive director, Mary Anne Foo, told LAist that Warner Wellness was not part of her organization’s proposal to the county. Instead, the center was later suggested to her group during negotiations with the county after OCAPICA won the main contract. OCAPICA added Warner Wellness as a subcontractor before supervisors voted to approve the contract.

Chau, who no longer works at the county, didn’t return phone calls and text messages for comment to his cell phone or messages left with his new boss. Orange County CEO Frank Kim also didn’t return phone calls and text messages.

OC’s ethics code

County staff have not answered whether the handling of the Warner Wellness subcontracts complied with Orange County’s ethics policies, which state:

The code of ethics also says that county officials cannot participate in any activities that “would tend to impair independence of judgment or action in the performance of official duties.”

The code itself doesn’t describe consequences for any violations of these provisions, and county staff haven’t answered questions about whether any consequences exist.

Orange County has a five-member ethics commission, appointed by the five county supervisors. It has jurisdiction over some ethics code provisions, but not the ones listed above.

Tracy Westen, a government ethics expert, said the votes by Do raise ethical questions about why he didn’t publicly disclose his close family connection and recuse himself. Those factors, he said, lead to questions that should now be answered: How was the group was chosen? How is it performing? Was it given preferential treatment?

“I think it’s always a mistake for a public official to vote on something that can affect him, her or their family,” said Westen, who previously ran the L.A.-based Center for Governmental Studies.

“It’s one thing to vote on things that affect his family if it’s disclosed openly, candidly,” Westen said. “But it’s another to vote on something that affects your family positively, without disclosing it.”

Spokespeople for the county Health Care Agency have yet to answer questions submitted nearly two weeks ago about whether Do had a role in the selections of his daughter’s group as a subcontractor, whether county ethics policies were followed, and how Warner Wellness has been performing.

Instead, a spokesperson for the agency responded that responsibility for overseeing Warner Wellness’ work under the subcontracts lies with the contractors, NAMI OC and the Orange County Asian and Pacific Islander Community Alliance (OCAPICA).

Is it legal to steer government contracts to your child? 

State law currently limits elected officials from approving contracts that benefit the official’s spouse — or child if they’re under 18 and can be claimed as a dependent.

But those conflict of interest rules do not apply when officials’ children are over 18.

Back in 2016, the Legislature had a lot of momentum to change that.

Then-Senator Tony Mendoza introduced a bill that year to expand the conflict definition to officials’ adult children, parents and siblings. Violations would result in “disqualification from ever holding any office in California in addition to prison time and/or a fine” of up to $1,000, he said in a news release at a time.

That ban would have applied only when officials were aware of a conflict.

It had major momentum — winning unanimous approval in the State Senate followed by unanimous yes votes by two Assembly committees. But it died before reaching a full Assembly vote, state records show.

The bill was inspired in part by a City of Industry audit that found more than $300 million in contracts with its former mayor’s family.

There’s a strong argument that conflict of interest laws should include officials’ adult children — as well as siblings and parents — said McMorris, the ethics advocate at Common Cause.

“I mean, you’re still blood relatives,” he said.

“The natural inclination of mothers and fathers is to want to assist their sons and daughters. So I’m not sure that exempting sons and daughters once they turn 18 years old necessarily passes the smell test when it comes to things like this.”

The NAMI OC subcontract

The NAMI OC subcontract with Do’s daughter’s group for $2.5 million — to provide Vietnamese language services for the WarmLine — was the larger of the two county-funded subcontracts with Warner Wellness.

NAMI OC is one of the best-known mental health organizations in Orange County.

Pitman, the NAMI chapter’s president, initially agreed to an interview through the group’s executive director but later provided written answers to questions from LAist instead.

Pitman wrote that it was the county that suggested expanding the WarmLine, and that county officials suggested Warner Wellness as a subcontractor for Vietnamese-language services.

Warner Wellness Center’s office in Huntington Beach on Nov. 8, 2023. It’s a few doors down from O.C. Supervisor Andrew Do’s private law office in the same building.

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“We were provided a short list of community-driven, county-vetted organizations to provide NAMI OC WarmLine sub-contract services,” Pitman wrote.

“Warner Wellness is a natural partner choice because we have bilingual volunteers who previously helped with Vietnamese community outreach efforts for the WarmLine now connected to Warner Wellness. Those volunteers are well versed in NAMI OC WarmLine functions.”

He did not directly answer whether Do’s daughter has been paid under the county-funded subcontract or specifically how her group has been performing over the six months since the county funding was approved.

“NAMI OC works closely with Warner Wellness and [Spanish-services provider] Abrazar to ensure quality interactions to best serve the community,” Pitman wrote.

“We review and process payments for services laid out in the sub-contract agreement. Subcontractors must provide appropriate documentation to support invoices .”

The OCAPICA subcontract

On Nov. 29 of last year, Do was among the five supervisors who voted for a contract with Orange County Asian and Pacific Islander Community Alliance (OCAPICA), which included a $625,000 subcontract to Warner Wellness Center for mental health outreach. Warner Wellness was named in the county agenda documents as receiving the subcontract funding, though Do did not publicly disclose his immediate family relationship to the group.

OCAPICA, a well-respected group run by Foo, oversees 16 subcontractors to perform outreach to Asian communities under the county contract.

Do’s daughter’s group was one of two groups to receive the largest subcontracts given, for $625,000. Most of the other 16 subcontractors received $100,000 or less, according to the county’s summary of the OCAPICA contract, which was attached to the agenda for the supervisors’ vote.

Foo declined to say who recommended Do’s daughter’s group during county negotiations, saying she doesn’t want to get that person in trouble.

“In any subcontracting case, we do really strong monitoring to make sure they’re successful,” she said, speaking generally.

“And if there’s any issues, we would definitely do corrective actions and make sure that everyone’s doing what they’re supposed to be doing.”

A pay-to-play fine

Last year, Do paid a $12,000 fine for violating the state’s “pay-to-play” laws on government contracts and for failing to disclose his role in nonprofit fundraising by required deadlines. That fine is the largest conflict of interest fine statewide since 2019, according to online records of the Fair Political Practices Commission, which enforces these laws.

The fine was based on two distinct issues.

One had to do with Do’s fundraising for the high-profile statue project at Mile Square Park in Fountain Valley. The project placed statues of President Ronald Reagan, Vietnamese General Trần Hưng Đạo and Spanish priest Miguel Hidalgo in 2015 and 2016.

Pham led construction work at the park for two of the statutes in 2015 and 2016, before founding Viet America Society in 2020 and creating Warner Wellness Center in 2021. His partner on the statue work was Le Dan Hua, who also later was a board officer at Viet America Society and Warner Wellness.

Do filed a required disclosure about his role requesting $40,000 in donations for the statues over two years late, after investigators contacted him, according to a report by state investigators.

During their probe, state investigators also determined that Do falsely told them — under penalty of perjury — that he never directly asked for donations into the nonprofit he was using to fund the statues.

“Do submitted false information to [FPPC] Enforcement under penalty of perjury — casting serious doubt on his credibility, such that any denials by him may be disbelieved, entirely,” the state enforcement agency wrote in a report last year.

State investigators found that the nonprofit that collected donations and paid for the statues — including Pham’s work — was being used as “a money holding company” controlled by Do and one of his top county aides.

Peter Pham was paid $20,800 for construction work at Do’s behest, according to a state investigation report. Pham was not accused of any wrongdoing.

The second type of violation cited in the fine was issued for votes he made as a county-appointed board member of the public health insurance plan CalOptima, to award lobbying contracts to two of his campaign donors.

“Do made, participated in making, and attempted to use his official position to influence governmental contracting decisions involving a participant who contributed to his campaign,” read the findings from the state Fair Political Practices Commission.

At the time, Do blamed agency staff for not notifying him about the potential conflicts of interest. But state investigators noted Do has extensive experience in law and government office.

Do is married to Cheri Pham, one of Orange County's highest ranking judges. Before being elected to the O.C. Board of Supervisors in a special election in 2015, Do served on the Garden Grove city council and worked as a prosecutor with the O.C. District Attorney’s office.

“In light of this background, it is fair to say that Do is a sophisticated public official who had ample reason to know and understand the requirements of the Act,” FPPC investigators wrote in their description of the fine.

As part of his $12,000 settlement, Do agreed that he violated the pay-to-play law and failed to file donation disclosures on time about his role in the statue fundraising.

He did not admit to making false statements, which were not part of the ultimate fine.

Mailings by Do prompted a change to state law

A few years before the $12,000 ethics fine, state law was changed in response to Do’s use of taxpayer money to send mailers from his supervisorial office during the 2016 re-election campaign.

Do sent out 1.2 million mailers to voters in his supervisorial district — many of which prominently showed his name and photo — shortly before Election Day. Do’s taxpayer-funded mass mailings helped prompt the state Legislature to ban county supervisors from sending out county-funded mailers featuring themselves within 60 days of elections where they’re on the ballot.

“There’s been some abuse by some elected officials who use public funds to mail what seems to be and look like political mailers,” Mendoza, the then-state senator who sponsored the bill, said when the new law was passed in 2017, citing Do in particular.

Response from O.C. supervisors

LAist called all five current county supervisors for this story, and spoke with the three who responded. Two said they weren’t aware of Do’s family connection to the subcontractor.

“This is the first I’m hearing about this,” said Supervisor Foley, who voted to fund both of the Warner Wellness subcontracts. She said she would be following up with her staff to look into it.

“That is news to me,” said Supervisor Sarmiento, who voted in favor of the WarmLine expansion that included the Warner Wellness subcontract after he joined the board this year. He said supervisors should disclose their family relationships with vendors, even if it’s not legally required.

O.C. Supervisor Don Wagner said he sees nothing wrong with what Do did, because there’s no legal requirement for officials to disclose or recuse themselves when their votes would financially benefit their adult children.

“I don’t find any fault with Supervisor Do’s conduct,” he told LAist. Wagner did not respond to questions from LAist about whether he knew about Do’s daughter’s involvement prior to his vote for the contracts.

Supervisor Doug Chaffee, who also voted for the contracts, didn’t return LAist’s requests for comment.

Do’s outside income

The outside of O.C. Supervisor Andrew Do’s law office in Huntington Beach, a few suites away from Warner Wellness Center and Viet America Society’s offices.

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Among the county supervisors, Do is an outlier in how much money he’s received from undisclosed sources for outside work, according to an LAist review of public disclosures for recent years.

As a supervisor, Do made $231,000 last year in pay and benefits, according to public records posted by Transparent California. As one of five supervisors in a county of 3.1 million residents, he helps to oversee billions in government programs.

Starting in 2020, state-mandated disclosures show, Do began receiving outside income through a new law office he created.

On the disclosures for 2021 and 2022, Do selected a box on the forms stating that he received between $100,000 and $1 million per year in income for "law services.”

State law requires local elected officials to disclose all outside income sources of $500 or more per year, which would include specific clients if they pay the official directly. But if the official creates a company — like a law firm — that they control and receive money through, disclosure is only required for clients who paid $10,000 or more.

Do did not disclose in his filings where any of the money paid to his law office came from.

That’s in contrast to other elected officials. For example: When Michelle Steel was a county supervisor, each year she disclosed the names of dozens of clients who paid her husband’s law firm more than $10,000.

Do is the only O.C. supervisor making more than $100,000 per year in outside income who did not make more detailed disclosures about who was paying their company, according to LAist’s review of disclosures.

What’s next 

Orange County supervisors are currently in the midst of updating the county’s rules around contracting, including what kinds of conflicts of interest to ban. They’re scheduled to vote on the new contract policy manual on Tuesday, Nov. 28, at their regular Board of Supervisors meeting.

Right now, the county’s conflict of interest rules adhere to the state law definition of “immediate family,” which restricts officials from being involved in steering taxpayer money to their own children who are under 18.

It doesn’t apply when they’re adults.

Do was one of the two county supervisors who oversaw the drafting of the contract policy updates, as an ad-hoc committee member.

The proposed changes to the manual keep the current definition of “immediate family” in place.

Last year, Do ran unsuccessfully for statewide office, seeking to become California’s treasurer who oversees $3 trillion in annual banking transactions and manages over the state’s $100-billion-plus investment pool.

He later opened a campaign fundraising committee for the next state treasurer election, in 2026.

Spectators in L.A. this summer for the World Cup could pay up to $209,000 for a private suite for just one match, but union workers at SoFi Stadium are worried they'll miss out on the action.

Bartenders, cooks, dishwashers and servers represented by Unite Here Local 11 have staffed the events held at the stadium since it opened, from the 2022 Super Bowl and NFL games every fall to Taylor Swift and Beyoncé concerts. That includes positions in suites, where fans can pay top dollar for private rooms, food and drink.

But FIFA has brought in another entity entirely to run its luxury program for World Cup fans. The company, called On Location, is FIFA's official "hospitality partner," offering those that can afford it exclusive seating, special gifts and meals. Their packages can cost tens of thousands of dollars or more.

Luxury suites for fans attending the World Cup at SoFi Stadium cost hundreds of thousands of dollars.

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Workers at SoFi say they're worried that FIFA's relationship with On Location means jobs that would typically go to union workers — and the wages and tips that go with them — will instead go to subcontractors without union protections. It's one reason they're threatening to strike when the World Cup comes to town.

 "We have so many wonderful workers who've been here season after season," said Kay Blake, a bartender from Inglewood who works at SoFi Stadium. "I don't see why they would partner with someone else to bring an experience that we can bring ourselves."

Workers also want to be paid a higher rate that reflects the sky-high ticket prices for the eight World Cup matches at SoFi Stadium. They're asking for double pay for major events including the tournament — an arrangement that the food service workers at Dodger Stadium have for the World Series, according to Unite Here.

"We're trying to ensure that there is no disparity between the profits of the company as opposed to our labor," Blake said. "We don't want to be exploited."

How does the World Cup affect labor negotiations?

Unite Here Local 11 represents around 2,000 workers at SoFi, and they're currently negotiating a new contract with Legends Global, the company that runs the stadium's bars and food services. Their old contract expired last year.

The union is leveraging its role in the coming World Cup to push for higher wages, especially at mega-events. Its workers also want protections from Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, after the agency's head said that ICE will play a key role in security for the tournament. Unite Here filed an unfair labor practice charge with the National Labor Relations Board, saying ICE's planned presence at the World Cup threatened the union's ability to collectively bargain.

But the battle over subcontracting could also lead workers to the picket line. The union says the use of subcontractors will determine who will benefit from the riches that FIFA brings to Inglewood.

"Subcontracting is supposed to be rare," Unite Here Local 11 co-president Kurt Petersen told LAist. "So in this contract, we're saying no more. It needs to end and especially needs to end at the World Cup because we want those jobs to be good jobs."

How common is subcontracting?

Petersen said the World Cup isn't the only event where jobs have been threatened. He said that union members lost out on more than 100,000 hours of work in 2025 that was instead given to subcontracted workers.

Kay Blake, the bartender, offered LAist an example: an external company paying to operate a suite or two for an event at SoFi.

"If you bring in a subcontractor, they're going to want to bring in their people," she said. "Let's say that this subcontractor usually buys one to two suites… We have a group of people called suite attendants, and so now there's one to two suites less from their workload."

Blake said that she and her co-workers are scheduled by seniority, and fewer suites could mean people work fewer hours. She also said more short-term workers at the stadium for the World Cup could dilute tips for the workers who are at SoFi year-round.

A spokesperson for Legends Global declined to comment on ongoing negotiations with Unite Here Local 11. A representative for Hollywood Park, the site of SoFi Stadium owned by Stanley Kroenke, deferred to Legends Global. FIFA also did not respond to emails requesting comment on the ongoing negotiations.

Luxury packages are the new normal

The dispute between SoFi workers and their employer comes as high ticket prices for the World Cup and 2028 Olympic Games face scrutiny and mega-event organizers emphasize luxury experiences for the very wealthy.

On Location is also the hospitality partner for the 2028 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. The company supplied the same service in Paris in 2024 — the first time the Olympics had such an official luxury service, according to the New York Times.

"The higher end can run well into the tens of thousands of euros: bespoke multiday all-inclusive packages that might include stays in five-star hotels, meals cooked by Michelin-starred chefs, seamless car service between venues and the best seats at the most in-demand events," a Times reporter described in the summer of 2024.

LAist reached out to On Location via email, requesting an interview on the services they provide and their workforce. The company didn't respond.

Isaac Martinez, a cook at SoFi Stadium who lives in Inglewood, said he's still waiting to learn what his schedule will be for the World Cup and he's worried about his hours.

Martinez told LAist that since World Cup prices are so high, he and his co-workers should get a slice of the pie.

"The people that are able to afford those tickets and those suites, they're not people like us," Martinez said through an interpreter. "They're not the people that are gonna make the food or make the experience."

The World Cup kicks off in Los Angeles on June 12 with the first U.S. men's match against Paraguay. If there's no resolution to negotiations, attendees could arrive to a picket line.

State regulators voted Thursday to stop Southern California Gas Co. from charging customers to help pay for planning miles of pipelines that would bring hydrogen gas to the L.A. Basin.

The company says the project would reduce the region’s reliance on methane gas.

Southern California Gas estimates it would cost about $266 million to study and plan the project — called Angeles Link — and asked the state Public Utilities Commission to allow it to recover those costs through customer rates. The company had proposed a monthly increase of $0.35 on the average residential customer bill over the course of three years.

The commission unanimously rejected the request, saying the company had not proved any direct benefit to customers. The decision effectively halts the project for now, and comes amid a stall in federal funding for hydrogen projects under the Trump administration.

Local environmental groups involved in the community advisory process had also grown frustrated by negotiations that they said, in a letter to state regulators, “does not prioritize genuine community engagement.”

As global pollution levels continue to climb, the commission’s decision also highlights the growing challenge of transitioning to a cleaner energy supply amid rising utility bills and open questions about the safety and true environmental cost of largely untested technology.

Why hydrogen?

Hydrogen is a colorless gas that is considered "clean" because it doesn’t involve carbon, which — when burned to create energy — becomes carbon dioxide, a major planet-heating gas.

But it takes energy to produce hydrogen, and most hydrogen these days is created by burning fossil fuels. “Green” hydrogen is created by using clean energy sources like solar and wind to split water into oxygen and hydrogen.

SoCal Gas said the Angeles Link project would prioritize green hydrogen.

Most experts see green hydrogen as an important clean-burning fuel for hard-to-electrify industries, such as long-haul trucking and gas-fired power generation. The city of Los Angeles, for example, wants to retrofit its Scattergood Power Plant near El Segundo to burn hydrogen instead of methane gas to generate electricity.

There are many open questions about how safe the highly-combustible gas is for proposed uses and how much water it will require to make. At the same time, extracting and burning fossil fuels for electricity and fuel also takes water — a growing problem as climate change drives longer and hotter droughts.

Experts say, if done right, hydrogen can reduce that water intake and not have a major impact on water supplies.

Also, burning hydrogen could actually worsen local, lung-damaging nitrogen-oxide air pollution, at least with the technology as it currently stands, according to energy researchers.

Reactions to the decision

SoCal Gas will now have to turn to shareholders or other sources of funding if the company wants to proceed. The company did not directly answer LAist’s questions about whether it would.

“We continue to believe that hydrogen—including clean renewable hydrogen—can help advance California’s energy and climate goals while supporting the long‑term affordability, security and reliability of energy service for customers,” SoCal Gas spokesperson Brian Haas wrote in an email to LAist.

Environmental groups celebrated the vote, while emphasizing they see green hydrogen playing a role in the state’s future.

“Residential customers should not subsidize speculative infrastructure for large industrial users,” said Michael Colvin, director of the California Energy Program at Environmental Defense Fund, in a statement.

“We look forward to working with regulators, utilities and large customers to build a credible, cost-effective strategy to cut climate pollution from sectors that are hardest to electrify,” the statement read.

Global events like the World Cup and the 2028 Olympics are sure to draw thousands of new visitors wanting to get to know Los Angeles.

L.A. has a lot to offer, including its vast and varied portfolio of public art. It’s even been referred to as the mural capital of the world. So if you want to explore some of the city’s art, here are a few murals you won’t want to miss.

Sports 

“LA Rising” at the Miyako Hotel in Little Tokyo celebrates the Dodgers’ Shohei Ohtani, depicting him in his two roles — hitter and pitcher.
- Where to find it: 328 First St., Los Angeles

“Blue Heaven on Earth” is a love letter to the Dodgers, depicting both Shohei Ohtani and the late Fernando Venezuela.
- Where to find it: 1647 Blake Ave., Los Angeles

A mural honoring Winter Olympics Gold Medalist Alysa Liu in Gardena.

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California native and Olympian Alysa Liu captured the world’s attention with her figure skating in the Winter Olympics. This mural in Gardena celebrates her win.
- Where to find it: 15532 Crenshaw Blvd., Gardena

A mural of L.A. Lakers legend Kobe Bryant and his daughter Gianna can be found outside Hardcore Fitness L.A.

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“City of Angels!” pays tribute to Lakers legend Kobe Bryant and his daughter, Gigi.
- Where to find it: 400 W. Pico Blvd., Los Angeles

Music

Whitney Houston, Rihanna, Aaliyah, Amy Winehouse and Selena are memorialized on this Hollywood mural.
- Where to find it: 7677 Sunset Blvd., Los Angeles 

“Jazz on the field” is an ode to Wrigley Field and the Dunbar Hotel in South L.A. and depicts jazz icons Louis Armstrong and Etta James, as well as Martin Luther King Jr.
- Where to find it: 43rd St. and Grand Ave., Los Angeles

When Kendrick Lamar featured Tam’s Burgers in his “Not Like Us” music video, the burger spot in Compton commissioned a mural highlighting the rapper’s unforgettable single.
- Where to find it: 1201 Rosecrans Ave, Compton

Historic to LA

A section of the Great Wall of Los Angeles mural, designed by muralist Judy Baca, that showcases pivotal moments in Los Angeles History.

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“The Great Wall of Los Angeles” is one of the largest murals in the world, and it’s supposed to get bigger. The half-mile art piece depicts California’s rich history.
- Where to find it: Along the L.A. River in the San Fernando Valley, on Coldwater Canyon Avenue between Burbank Boulevard and Oxnard Street. 

“The Blessing of the Animals” at La Placita Olvera depicts the Catholic tradition of blessing one’s animals.
- Where to find it: 115 Paseo De La Plaza, Los Angeles

“El Grito” depicts a scene that sparked Mexican independence from Spanish rule.
- Where to find it: Placita de Dolores at 831 N. Alameda St., Los Angeles

When you take a bite of the lomo saltado burrito from Merka Saltao, a fast-casual Peruvian restaurant in Culver City, one of the first things you'll notice is the sauce.

The wok-fried chunks of steak, dressed in a soy-and-oyster sauce reduction spiked with vinegar, saturate the rice inside the tortilla, highlighting the sweet heat of ají amarillo mixed with the velvety texture of pinto beans.

It's a beautiful confluence of flavors. It is also, depending on who you ask, either a creative act of evolution or a betrayal of Peruvian culinary heritage.

Standing on business

The lomo saltado burrito at Merka Saltao wasn't exactly a calculated move. Lifelong friends Alonso Franco and Ignacio Barrios — who met in high school in Lima — came to Los Angeles to bring Peruvian food to the masses, first through a ghost kitchen concept they ran from 2021 to 2023. The burrito happened almost by accident: a member of their kitchen team brought in a tortilla one day, someone suggested wrapping the lomo saltado in it, they ate it, and within three days, it was on the menu.

Merka Saltao co-founders Ignacio Barrios, left, and Alonso Franco, right, inside their Culver City restaurant. The two lifelong friends from Lima opened the fast-casual brick-and-mortar location for their Peruvian concept in August 2025.

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Courtesy Merka Saltao

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The data from the ghost kitchen made the case for keeping it there. Franco and Barrios had launched with around 140 dishes — lomo saltado, ceviche, chicken dishes, the works. But the numbers kept pointing to the same thing: wherever lomo saltado appeared on the menu, in whatever form, burrito, bowl, salad, it was the winner.

(Ceviche, for all its cultural cachet, is raw fish with raw onion — a harder sell for a weekday lunch. Lomo saltado, Franco noted, is steak and fries — basically a hamburger.)

The backlash

The two friends made the leap to brick-and-mortar in August 2025, opening Merka Saltao in downtown Culver City. It's one of the more competitive dining corridors in L.A., the kind of block that can support a $16 wellness bowl and a craft beer bar in the same stretch, populated by Amazon employees on lunch breaks, families on weekend outings, and food-literate regulars who will absolutely have opinions about what goes in a burrito.

Those opinions arrived faster than Franco expected. Within the first week of opening, an influencer came in and posted about the restaurant — but instead of showing the full menu, the bowls, the chicha morada, the flexibility of the concept, they showed the burrito. Just the burrito.

Franco working the wok at Merka Saltao. The high-heat wok technique at the heart of lomo saltado traces its roots to Chinese immigrants in Peru

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Christopher Mortenson

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Courtesy Merka Saltao

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The comments turned quickly. "No! Peruvians don't eat burritos. ¿Qué car—o es eso?" — roughly, "what the hell is this?" — wrote one commenter. Another said "Burritos? We don't eat burritos in 🇵🇪”. Franco describes sitting at his computer reading the pile-on, feeling something between anger and devastation. "There was a moment where I probably even cried," he said, "thinking, I've made a mistake." But then he looked at the numbers. 30,000 had seen the post…. And half the comments were in his defense.

He took the conversation to Reddit, posting to r/FoodLosAngeles asking the community directly: am I wrong for this? The response was overwhelming — hundreds of comments, almost entirely in his favor, and a surge of new customers walking through the door shortly after.

Fusion by default

This is Los Angeles, where many of the dishes that define the Southern California diet were born precisely from cultures colliding. Roy Choi built an empire on Korean tacos. Al pastor traces its technique to Lebanese immigrants who brought the vertical spit. The California roll, invented by Japanese chefs in Los Angeles in the 1960s, introduced an entire country to sushi. None of these dishes destroyed the traditions they borrowed from. If anything, they expanded their audience. And the lomo saltado burrito isn't exactly a novel concept in Southern California to begin with — everyone from Pablitos Tacos in North Hollywood to Le Hut in Santa Ana, run by 2025 James Beard Award-nominated chef Daniel Castillo, has featured their own version. Even Disney's California Adventure got in on it, serving a lomo saltado burrito out of the Studio Catering Co. food truck as recently as last year.

The lomo saltado bowl and burrito at Merka Saltao in Culver City — two versions of the same dish that sparked an unlikely online debate about Peruvian culinary identity.

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Courtesy Merka Saltao

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Franco would also point out that lomo saltado itself — the dish the purists are so eager to protect — is a product of Chinese immigrants bringing the wok and soy sauce to Peru roughly 300 years ago. "Peruvian is by default fusion," he told me. "So we have all the right to wrap it up in a burrito." What the online critics were really doing, whether they knew it or not, was defending a dish that was itself once considered inauthentic — and doing so in the name of authenticity.

Where things stand

Since the backlash, Franco says business has been mostly steady — breaking even, which for a concept that requires high volume at a low price point, he considers a good sign. The controversy changed things in ways he didn't expect: people started coming in specifically because of the story, not just the food. He began putting himself front and center in the brand, regularly making videos on social media about what it's like to run the business, occasionally poking fun at himself and the whole debate. When we visited during the weekday lunch rush, there was a steady line of people waiting to order, many stopping to talk with Franco directly.

In a way, he's answered the authenticity question not with an argument but with a presence — showing up, telling the story, letting the food speak. "Honoring my food, if that requires pairing lomo saltado with a salad or wrapping it in a tortilla, I have no problem," he said. "I'm not being less authentic. We are evolving in Peru anytime. I have to be authentic on the individual flavor and then be flexible to reach more people to discover our flavors."

The burrito, it turns out, was never the point. It was just the door.