For five days out of the week, the folks of Tacos 5 y 10 get to work at the edge of Mid City. They sell Mexican food from Guerrero, Oaxaca and Tijuana. Their hustle begins at 6 a.m. in the morning.
Why it matters: Daniel Martinez’s microbusiness is part of an ecosystem that fuels this city. A 2015 report notes that street vending is a $504 million industry in L.A. — that number is probably more robust now almost a decade later and with inflation.
Vendors have been working on the streets of L.A. for decades, but a lot of it was in the shadows — and carried with it the risks of fines, or worse.
Why now: Earlier this year, the Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously in favor of an ordinance that eliminates many “no-vending” zones. The Hollywood Walk of Fame, for example, is a famous — and lucrative — spot where street vendors were prohibited, and this vote was a win for them.
Still, vendors and the city have some differences to work out. There’s a May 16 deadline for the two sides to either settle or go to court.
For five days out of the week, the folks of Tacos 5 y 10 get to work at the edge of Mid City.
By midafternoon, the corner of Hauser Boulevard and Apple Street is already bustling with street vendors — someone is selling Pokémon toys at one spot, another table is set up with secondhand goods and, a few feet away, a team of two is pushing elotes. Drivers cruise by at a glacial pace, stuck in traffic looking hungry, or stressed.
The taco team starts to set up at 3:30 p.m., unloading tents, a grill, their hot and cold food sections and a couple of tables and chairs for seating. They move pretty quickly; within 30 minutes they turned a bare street corner into an al fresco taco booth.
Daniel Martinez starts setting up the food stand that he and his family helped build, offering Oaxacan and Tijuananese cuisine in the West Adams community of Los Angeles.
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Daniel Martinez, the co-owner behind Tacos 5 y 10, forgot water gallons, so he jumps in his pickup truck and heads back home, just a few streets north.
It’s not yet 5 p.m. (their starting time for selling), but the flames are firing up on the grill and out comes el trompo de al pastor with chunks of pineapple. It’s a sight to see, but really the attractions here are the handmade tortillas as their bellies bubble up on the grill. The scent of warm corn and grilled meat waft by, battling the 10 Freeway overpass’ junky air.
Daniel Martinez and Marlo Ortiz prepare the el pastor meat before the open for business.
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By this time, the other street vendors are wrapping up. It’s spring, so the sun is still out, but the traffic is diluting.
A curious person gets out of her car and checks out the menu. After mulling it over a few minutes, she orders the first meal they sold that day.
Her dollars went to support a street vending business, one of about 50,000 in the Los Angeles area.
She probably didn’t know that Martinez’s hustle began at 6 a.m. that day.
#274: L.A. is often called the street vending capital of the country, and for good reason. Our street food has so much diversity, whether it's served out of a truck or a puesto. And it's not just food — people sell sunglasses, clothes, groceries... It can a great hustle for people who want to be their own boss,
#274: L.A. is often called the street vending capital of the country, and for good reason. Our street food has so much diversity, whether it's served out of a truck or a puesto. And it's not just food — people sell sunglasses, clothes, groceries... It can a great hustle for people who want to be their own boss,
Martinez’s microbusiness is part of an ecosystem that fuels this city. A 2015 report notes that street vending is a $504 million industry in L.A. — that number is probably more robust now almost a decade later and with inflation.
Vendors have been working on the streets of L.A. for decades, but a lot of it was in the shadows — and carried with it the risks of fines, or worse.
It was just a few years ago, in 2018, that the state decriminalized street vending. After that, each county or city had to apply its own health codes and permit rules.
We’re talking about working class communities that make less than $20,000 a year that you’re expecting them to [push] through this blueprint cart approval process to sell hot dogs on the street.
— Juan Espinoza (in previous chat)
He was a lawyer who represented street vendors in 2022 to pass the updated legislation.
A Tacos 5 y 10 worker sets up the dining area for the food stand that's on Hauser Boulevard, north of Adams Boulevard.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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And earlier this year, the Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously in favor of an ordinance that eliminates many “no-vending” zones. The Hollywood Walk of Fame, for example, is a famous — and lucrative — spot where street vendors were prohibited, and this vote was a win for them.
Still, vendors and the city have some differences to work out. There’s a May 16 deadline for the two sides to either settle or go to court.
'A legit way'
Back at Tacos 5 y 10, Martinez knows about the local requirements and permits to sell food. He admits he is working on them to formalize everything to run a smooth operation, but “the process is exhausting” and time consuming.
For him, the process to become permitted is worth it as an entrepreneur — he says he thinks about payroll, working with vendors and filing his taxes.
Marlo Ortiz begins heating up the stoves before service begins at 5 p.m.
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“At the end of the day, you have the liberty of selling and making your own money and doing it in a legit way for you to prove that you [are] actually doing something to society,” he says.
It’s not always easy. Martinez says he didn’t pay himself a salary last year because he needed to raise wages for his three workers and pay the increase in produce prices as inflation has gone up.
Bringing his culture to L.A.
Martinez, 30, is an Angeleno by the way of Tijuana. He grew up there before he came to the United States 15 years ago with his family.
Like many others, the pandemic thrust him into changing course and beginning a small business. Martinez has a business management degree from Cal State Northridge and wanted to apply it in real life. He and his mom, who is a co-owner of Tacos 5 y 10, chose to create a fusion of Mexican traditions from Tijuana, Oaxaca and Guerrero — the latter two states are where his parents were raised.
He and his mother start prepping at 11 a.m., dicing, slicing and marinating the goods. Together they make enough to sell 140 orders on busy days.
A Tacos 5 y 10 worker serves a tluyuda.
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The name Tacos 5 y 10 comes from an open air swap meet that sets up on the sidewalk in Tijuana, Martinez explains, describing his childhood with fond memories. It was a place to gather, be happy, eat and enjoy.
“For me there's no way to go back home,” he says. Cooking this food at the stand most nights, “is what reminds me of home.”
Their menu has a little bit of everything Mexican — tlayudas, platos de carne, spicy salsas, a mean guacamole, horchata and, of course, tacos. Martinez also tries to bring a vibe: sometimes having a speaker with music and setting up string lights to illuminate their food stand in the quiet neighborhood.
At 5 p.m. sharp hungry customers line up at the Tacos 5 y 10 food stand in the neighborhood of West Adams.
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The concept behind Tacos 5 y 10, Martinez says, is to create a meeting place for folks to have a good time. Yes, the food is important, but the service and atmosphere is what sets businesses apart.
“You can go to La Chancla, El Gato Market or even to La Placita Olvera, and it's all about family and spending time with others, like having a good time,” he says.
And I think that's the motivation I have to keep hustling and to keep pushing this.
— Daniel Martinez, co-owner of Tacos 5 y 10
He has plans to use the taco stand as a catapult to create more business and opportunities. He wants to introduce people to the things he loves and knows — he’s already doing it with his family’s food, and he’s also thinking about music and comedy (one of his other passions).
The end of the team’s shift winds down at 10 p.m. The same time the nearby eateries, like Alta and Vicky’s All Day, on Adams Boulevard close.
The difference with Tacos 5 y 10 is that they leave the corner with no trace they were there. But Martinez and his team will be back at 3:30 p.m. to set up the next day, and probably the day after.
Sometimes we see a pop-up on the street we are like 'Argh, another pop-up,' but you don't take into account the hours, the hard work, the fear of being on the street... We take street food for granted.
— Daniel Martinez, co-owner of Tacos 5 y 10
After today, I know we have to respect this hustle.
Cato Hernández
covers important issues that affect the everyday lives of Southern Californians.
Published July 31, 2026 4:55 PM
Construction workers build a home to replace one destroyed by the Eaton Fire on March 19, 2026, in Altadena.
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Topline:
Duplex projects will be allowed to move forward once again in two Southern California cities affected by last year’s fires. It comes after advocates for denser housing challenged the legality of the local restrictions on state law.
What is SB 9? The state housing law SB 9 allows single-family homeowners to subdivide their lots and build duplexes. They can create up to four units in some cases.
How this started: After the Palisades and Eaton fires, local jurisdictions were allowed to suspend SB 9 projects in certain areas. Advocates for increased housing development sued them and the state, alleging the bans were not legal.
About the result: Pasadena and Malibu are now backing out of the lawsuit, agreeing to settle with the plaintiffs. The two cities have until the end of September to repeal their SB 9 bans. L.A. County, the city of L.A. and the state are still fighting the lawsuit. However, a proposed state housing bill could impact what happens next in Altadena.
Read on…. to learn more about what the settlement means.
Duplex projects will be allowed to move forward once again in two Southern California cities affected by last year’s fires. The change of course is the result of a court showdown between advocates for denser housing and local elected officials who wanted to ban more units from cropping up in burn zones.
The cities of Malibu and Pasadena have agreed to settle with the plaintiffs who brought forward a lawsuit that challenges local jurisdictions’ suspension of Senate Bill 9 in high fire risk zones, according to documents obtained by LAist.
Sonja Trauss, executive director of YIMBY Law, a plaintiff in the lawsuit, said the result will help residents get more out of their properties.
“I want them to know that they can build,” Trauss said.
How we got here
SB 9 allows single-family homeowners across the state to build duplexes and split their lots. It became state law in 2021. SB 9 applicants can use the law to create up to four units where a single-family home once stood, in some cases. The law takes away the ability of local governments to block these projects.
However, after the 2025 fires, some homeowners affected by the fires erupted with anger over the prospect of their burned-down neighborhoods being rebuilt with denser housing. They argued more homes — and the additional residents that come with them — would clog evacuations and hurt neighborhood character.
In July 2025, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an order giving local leaders the power to block the law in very high fire hazard areas within the Palisades and Eaton fire burn zones.
Elected officials in L.A. city, the county of L.A., Pasadena and Malibu followed suit and adopted policies to stop processing SB 9 applications in those areas.
Advocates for increased housing development, including YIMBY Law, sued the governments, alleging they didn’t have the authority to suspend laws passed by the legislature.
Trauss told LAist housing advocates believe the order is being misused for political purposes.
“ It chips away at the policy,” she said. “Especially in the Palisades, everybody could watch the political back-and-forth that caused that to happen.”
The backlash on social media to SB 9 projects in the Palisades was led by former reality TV star Spencer Pratt, who lost his home in the fire and later mounted an unsuccessful campaign for L.A. mayor.
What the settlement means
According to the settlement documents, Malibu and Pasadena have agreed to repeal the local ordinances that blocked SB 9 projects by the end of September. The settlements still require City Council action to undo those bans.
The cities are also supposed to process any pending SB 9 applications that were submitted, paused or rejected.
Another plaintiff in the lawsuit — Andrew Slocum, CEO of Green Development Company — said he thinks Newsom never should have signed the executive order in the first place.
Slocum said he hopes to see recovering homeowners have more options when rebuilding their properties. Last year, he told LAist he was working with homeowners on SB 9 projects.
The settlement “allows for the people to hopefully be able to come back and resubmit that application,” Slocum said, “because most people who are doing SB 9 are the homeowners themselves.”
The Pasadena City Council took the first step toward repeal on July 20, according to city spokesperson Lisa Derderian. She said they’ll start processing SB 9 applications once the vote is finalized.
“The City reached a conditional settlement with YIMBY in recognition of the uncertainty inherent in litigation and the significant passage of time since the Eaton Fire in January 2025,” she said in a statement.
LAist contacted officials in the city of Malibu for comment but has not heard back.
What’s next
The county and city of L.A. are still fighting the lawsuit. They control land use in Altadena and the Pacific Palisades, home to the lion’s share of properties affected by the Eaton and Palisades fires.
State officials also continue to defend the restrictions. Newsom’s office stands behind the executive order and plans to defend it in court, according to a state official.
Trauss said the parties met for a trial setting conference a few days ago.
“ I want the folks in the county and in the city of L.A. who could build … to have hope,” she said.
The Cinerama Dome – one of the most famous movie theaters in the world – has been closed since the COVID pandemic. But it's now got a new lease on life, thanks to SONY Pictures and Alamo Drafthouse Cinema.
The backstory: The Cinerama Dome was built in 1963 by William Forman – the founder of Pacific Theaters, who had popularized drive-in cinemas. Forman commissioned a French architect who had studied under R. Buckminster Fuller, a designer of other geodesic structures. The theater was originally made to showcase Cinerama, a format developed in the 1950s that was part of the widescreen craze designed to lure viewers away from television and back to cinemas. Parent company Pacific Theatres and Aclight Cinemas filed for bankruptcy in 2021.
New life for the Dome: The studio announced it will lease, restore and reopen the famous theater in 2028; Alamo Drafthouse plans to program and operate it and 14 other screens at the adjoining multiplex. Sony has promised to preserve the Cinerama Dome's history while ensuring its future.
One Hollywood icon is prepping for a comeback. The Cinerama Dome – one of the most famous movie theaters in the world – has been closed since the COVID pandemic. But it's now got a new lease on life, thanks to SONY Pictures and Alamo Drafthouse Cinema.
The studio announced it will lease, restore and reopen the famous theater in 2028; Alamo Drafthouse plans to program and operate it and 14 other screens at the adjoining multiplex.
"Hot damn! We're bringing the Dome back, baby," SONY Pictures Entertainment Motion Picture Group CEO Tom Rothman said in a statement. "We believe in moviegoing down to our soul, and no venue on Earth stands more for that than the one-of-a-kind Dome."
"There's a lot of passion behind this theater," says Michael O'Leary, who heads Cinema United, the global association of movie theater owners. He says while the Cinerama Dome's closing was a symbol of the pandemic, its recovery is proof the pandemic is behind us and movie theater-going is back.
"It's really exciting," agrees Escott Norton, former executive director and current board member of the Los Angeles Historic Theatre Foundation. "There's been a lot of people waiting with baited breath to see when the dome is going to reopen. People think of this as the ultimate Hollywood experience."
As an LA native and former film production designer, Norton has great memories of going to the Cinerama Dome. He says it was always an immersive experience to watch movies inside the geodesic-shaped auditorium designed to show wide screen movies.
"When I saw Close Encounters on this giant screen curved around me, it knocked my socks off," he says, adding he was also blown away watching Apocalypse Now at the Dome. "The movie opens up with this wide screen of just a quiet jungle, birds tweeting and then it explodes. Being surrounded by that on the curved screen, it still gives me tingles thinking about it."
The Cinerama Dome in October 2021.
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The Cinerama Dome was built in 1963 by William Forman – the founder of Pacific Theaters, who had popularized drive-in cinemas. Forman commissioned a French architect who had studied under R. Buckminster Fuller, a designer of other geodesic structures. The theater was originally made to showcase Cinerama, a format developed in the 1950s that was part of the widescreen craze designed to lure viewers away from television and back to cinemas.
Forman was able to get the theater constructed in 16 weeks … just in time for the world premiere of a madcap comedy called, It's a Mad, Mad, Mad, Mad World. The movie ran four hours long, with an intermission. Filmmakers had originally planned to use the Cinerama format, but abandoned it, shooting in Ultra Panavision 70 millimeter instead.
Still, it featured a who's who of comedy at the time – including Sid Caesar, Edie Adams, Milton Berle, and Buddy Hackett. Buster Keaton even makes a ten second cameo. "It's a Mad, Mad, Mad, Mad World played at the Cinerama Dome, the brand new theater, for two years without stopping," recalled Karen Sharpe, the widow of the movie's director, Stanley Kramer. The former TV actress and producer spoke at a rally to preserve the Cinerama Dome last year, and talked about the star-studded premiere.
"It was a real happening," she remembered. "Bobby Kennedy came, Adlai Stevenson came and President and Mrs. Kennedy accepted the invitation to attend the opening. A few days before, they called to say 'So sorry, we have to [decline] the invitation because President and Mrs. Kennedy have to go to Dallas.' And we know what happened in Dallas."
And fans were treated to countless premieres and special events, like when filmmaker Quentin Tarantino personally welcomed audiences to his 2019 feature Once Upon a Time in Hollywood. For the film, he included exterior shots of the Dome.
Two years later, after the Cinerama Dome's operators went bankrupt during the pandemic, Tarantino talked about how it was one of his favorite LA landmarks.
"I don't know if I could 100% afford it, but I would love to own the Cinerama Dome," he said on The Jess Cagle Show on SiriusXM. "That would be fantastic."
Tarantino already owns two other historic LA cinemas. But other preservationists and activists have been working to revive the dormant theater. Many of them credit the efforts of Benjamin Steinberg, a 27-year-old filmmaker and actor who appeared on Brooklyn Nine-Nine.
"The Cinerama Dome is the most famous movie theater in the world," Steinberg said, standing outside the boarded-up theater. "It seemed like it was going to be a demolition by neglect. So I was, like, something has to be done."
Steinberg created a campaign to save the Cinerama Dome. He organized a few street rallies, and wrote an online petition that amassed more than 30,000 signatures.
Ben Steinberg projected images onto the dome as part of a campaign to save the theater.
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Ben Steinberg
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Then in March, Steinberg went even further to get the attention of the Forman family, which still owns the property: he projected images of the owners' faces onto the outside of the Dome, asking them to reopen the theater.
"We actually projected it for two hours and then they called the police on us," Steinberg explains. "We didn't get arrested; The police just said that the ownership considered it an escalation and harassment. I never wanted to anger the owner, so we stopped immediately."
Steinberg's stunt created a lot of buzz, and may have moved the needle, says theater preservationist Norton. His group had been consulting with architects on restoration plans in hopes that someone would save the day.
"We were all working behind the scenes. But Ben Steinberg really got on board on social media to save the dome," says Norton. "I'm very happy he did. You know, you sort of have to rattle the chains sometimes."
Meanwhile, Sony has promised to preserve the Cinerama Dome's history while ensuring its future.
Copyright 2026 NPR
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Aaron Schrank
has been on the ground, reporting on homelessness and other issues in L.A. for more than a decade.
Published July 31, 2026 3:09 PM
An unhoused man sleeps on a bus bench in the heart of Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles.
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Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times
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via Getty Images
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Topline:
A pair of federal court battles unfolding in the coming weeks could reshape the future of homelessness funding across the Los Angeles region.
What’s at stake: Two separate lawsuits challenging recent actions by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) will help determine whether L.A.’s embattled lead homelessness agency can compete for up to $241 million in federal grants this year and how that money can be spent.
What’s on the docket: One lawsuit challenges HUD’s suspension of the L.A. Homeless Services Authority from federal grant activity pending a federal investigation into alleged financial mismanagement. The other seeks to overturn HUD’s new grant regulations capping permanent housing at no more than 60% of local spending plans.
Read on… to learn how L.A. homelessness officials and service providers are preparing to deal with the outcomes of these cases.
A pair of federal court battles unfolding in the coming weeks could reshape the future of homelessness funding across the Los Angeles region.
Two separate lawsuits challenging recent actions by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) will help determine whether L.A.’s embattled lead homelessness agency can compete for up to $241 million in federal grants this year and how that money can be spent.
Both legal challenges reflect a broader fight over the Trump administration's efforts to remake federal homelessness policy and crack down on perceived misspending by local governments overseeing federal assistance programs.
Will lead L.A. agency stay suspended?
The lawsuits center on HUD’s national Continuum of Care grant competition, the largest source of federal homelessness dollars flowing to L.A. each year.
Since the 1990s, HUD has required metropolitan areas like L.A. County to submit one single application for the region’s entire chunk of annual funding. The L.A. Homeless Services Authority, known as LAHSA, has been responsible for submitting that application on behalf of the region.
That changed in June, when HUD suspended LAHSA from federal grant activity pending a federal investigation into alleged financial mismanagement. The federal agency said LAHSA’s suspension meant it was not allowed to apply for this year’s grants, even though the agency has been working on an application.
LAHSA sued to overturn the suspension and is moving forward with its application while awaiting guidance from the court. U.S. District Judge David O. Carter has scheduled a hearing for Aug. 6 on LAHSA’s motion for a preliminary injunction.
HUD has since formally invited homeless service providers to apply directly for the federal homelessness money, bypassing LAHSA entirely.
Meanwhile, the L.A. County Development Authority has offered to apply for the region instead of LAHSA, if necessary.
HUD’s application deadline is Aug. 26. That’s when LAHSA, or an alternative applicant, would submit its final application to the federal government.
Shift away from permanent housing
The second lawsuit between HUD and local officials focuses on how federal homelessness dollars can be spent.
The L.A. Continuum of Care historically spends about 90% of its more than $200 million federal funding allocation on permanent housing interventions — including subsidies to help cover people’s rent, according to LAHSA.
That approach is part of a philosophy and strategy known as “housing first,” which prioritizes providing unhoused people with a stable place to live as the first step towards recovery from life on the streets. Additional issues, like unemployment, addiction, mental illness or other health problems, are typically addressed only after first moving someone indoors.
But that approach is now under fire from the Trump Administration, which has made multiple attempts to remake the federal Continuum of Care program to fund fewer permanent housing beds and focus more on drug treatment, recovery and enforcement.
As the Trump administration geared up to pivot away from the “housing first” model, HUD initially proposed rules limiting permanent housing to 30% of local spending. Last year, the city of L.A. and other municipalities joined litigation challenging the HUD guidance.
This June, Judge Mary McElroy struck down the proposed HUD rules, but denied cities’ request for a permanent injunction.
HUD had already issued new grant regulations, this time capping permanent housing at no more than 60% of local spending plans, forcing the states to start over with a new legal complaint assigned to the same federal judge.
U.S. President Donald Trump greets United States Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Scott Turner during the congressional picnic on the South Lawn of the White House on May 19, 2026 in Washington, DC.
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States push back
Last month, nearly two dozen states, including California, sued HUD over those regulations, asking McElroy to again throw out HUD’s new funding rules.
The proposed rules put more than 5,000 Angelenos at risk for homelessness, according to projections by the National Alliance to End Homelessness, a nonprofit research and advocacy group.
The states hope for a ruling by Aug. 10, so that regions like L.A. have time to align their applications. The lawsuit argues the restrictions conflict with federal law and undermine the federal government's long-standing “housing first” strategy.
The Trump administration says the new rules are intended to move federal policy toward approaches emphasizing mental health treatment, addiction recovery and personal accountability.
If HUD prevails, local officials warn the consequences could ripple across L.A. County, affecting one of the region’s largest sources of funding for permanent supportive housing and other homelessness programs.
The federal funding at stake has been roughly a quarter of LAHSA’s annual budget in recent years and is among the largest single sources of money for the region’s homelessness programs, which are also funded by the state, county and city.
The story behind the Trump admin’s LAHSA fight
HUD imposed the suspension earlier this year amid mounting scrutiny of LAHSA's financial oversight and operations. Auditors and local officials have raised longstanding concerns about the agency’s internal controls, contract monitoring and oversight of homelessness funds.
LAHSA argues HUD's suspension is unlawful and could jeopardize the region's ability to secure funding.
On July 2, Carter directed HUD and LAHSA to propose an order to temporarily keep the current funding process in place while the case moves forward. The two sides couldn't agree on the terms.
LAHSA sent an email to service providers last week urging them to continue with the current process.
“Please do not let this notice disrupt your current application preparation,” the letter said. “We strongly urge all service providers to stay the course.”
Other regional homelessness officials clarified they’re moving forward with the consolidated application and working to protect existing program funding.
Sarah Mahin, director of L.A. County’s new Department of Homelessness and Housing, said the county expects to receive more direction from the court before or at the August 6 hearing. Until then, Mahin said, “The existing competition process and LAHSA’s role as collaborative applicant should remain undisturbed while the court considers the preliminary injunction motion.”
U.S. District Judge David O. Carter walks on a tour of the VA's West LA facilities on Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024 in West Los Angeles, CA.
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How the feds are planning for court decisions
In a July 21 court filing, HUD said it intends to delay any final action against the L.A. Continuum of Care until Aug. 10, or whenever the court rules on LAHSA’s request for a preliminary injunction.
HUD also said that if the suspension holds and LAHSA and the court determine local applicants must apply directly, the federal agency will give providers an additional 30 days to submit their applications.
Carter is also overseeing a major L.A. legal settlement stemming from a lawsuit by the L.A. Alliance for Human Rights over the city and county’s response to the homelessness crisis. Carter ordered all of the parties in the Alliance settlement to also appear at the Aug. 6 hearing in the case between LAHSA and HUD.
How service providers are preparing
Homeless service providers, caught in the middle of HUD’s legal battles with LAHSA and with states, say they want to make sure services aren’t disrupted.
LAHSA’s own deadline for local homeless service providers to submit their individual applications as part of the collaborative application process was last week. More than 100 local nonprofit service providers have already submitted theirs.
Several organizations told LAist they’re prepared to submit applications directly to HUD, including Hope the Mission, a large homeless services provider operating primarily in the San Fernando Valley.
“While larger organizations have the administrative capacity to pivot quickly, we are concerned about smaller, specialized community providers who may struggle to navigate a direct HUD submission without localized technical assistance,” said Ivet Samvelyan, a vice president at Hope the Mission.
Service providers told LAist they’re watching the two court cases closely, and awaiting clearer guidance from local officials about what to do next.
“Our concern is less about the application process itself and more about the policy direction it represents, which is an attempt to take funding away from evidence-based practices such as permanent supportive housing and instead fund programs that require sobriety and compliance,” said Tian Martinez, a spokesperson at Union Station Homeless Services.
Anjanette Gile
is a 2026 summer news intern and senior at Cal State L.A.
Published July 31, 2026 3:04 PM
Hundreds packed into Monterey Park City Hall to call for a moratorium on data centers.
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Josie Huang
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LAist
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Topline:
The Alhambra City Council voted unanimously Monday to put a measure on the November ballot that will ask local voters to ban data centers citywide.
Why it matters: Alhambra could become the second city in California to pass a ban on data centers through a public vote. Monterey Park became the first city to pass such a ban in June.
The details: The new ballot measure proposes expanding an existing prohibition on data centers in Alhambra's office and industrial zones. It would effectively ban data centers in all of the city.
Read on... for more on Alhambra's new ballot measure.
The Alhambra City Council voted unanimously Monday to put a measure on the November ballot that will ask local voters to ban data centers citywide.
Why it matters
If the measure passes, Alhambra could become the second city in California to pass a ban on data centers through a public vote.
In June, Monterey Park became the first city to pass such a ban.
The details
Council members previously voted to establish an official definition of what qualifies as a data center. At an earlier meeting last month, they also added data centers to a list of prohibited facilities in office and industrial zones.
The new ballot measure proposes expanding the prohibition. It would effectively ban data centers in all of the city.
Residents weigh in
Andrew Yip, an Alhambra resident and an organizer with the group SGV Progressive Action, spoke about the importance of ballot language during Monday’s council meeting.
Yip said the name of Monterey Park's June ballot measure — Measure NDC, which stood for "No Data Center" — left some data center opponents unsure about whether to vote yes or no.
“It was very confusing,” Yip said. “I encourage the city to consider a different acronym if possible, maybe BAN, so people know to vote yes on a ban.”
Plans for a proposed data center in Monterey Park were pulled in March, and the Covina Planning Commission voted down a proposed storage system in June following public input.
What’s next
Alhambra voters will decide the fate of data centers in the city in the general election on Nov. 3. The ban needs a simple majority of support from local voters in order to pass.
