For five days out of the week, the folks of Tacos 5 y 10 get to work at the edge of Mid City. They sell Mexican food from Guerrero, Oaxaca and Tijuana. Their hustle begins at 6 a.m. in the morning.
Why it matters: Daniel Martinez’s microbusiness is part of an ecosystem that fuels this city. A 2015 report notes that street vending is a $504 million industry in L.A. — that number is probably more robust now almost a decade later and with inflation.
Vendors have been working on the streets of L.A. for decades, but a lot of it was in the shadows — and carried with it the risks of fines, or worse.
Why now: Earlier this year, the Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously in favor of an ordinance that eliminates many “no-vending” zones. The Hollywood Walk of Fame, for example, is a famous — and lucrative — spot where street vendors were prohibited, and this vote was a win for them.
Still, vendors and the city have some differences to work out. There’s a May 16 deadline for the two sides to either settle or go to court.
For five days out of the week, the folks of Tacos 5 y 10 get to work at the edge of Mid City.
By midafternoon, the corner of Hauser Boulevard and Apple Street is already bustling with street vendors — someone is selling Pokémon toys at one spot, another table is set up with secondhand goods and, a few feet away, a team of two is pushing elotes. Drivers cruise by at a glacial pace, stuck in traffic looking hungry, or stressed.
The taco team starts to set up at 3:30 p.m., unloading tents, a grill, their hot and cold food sections and a couple of tables and chairs for seating. They move pretty quickly; within 30 minutes they turned a bare street corner into an al fresco taco booth.
Daniel Martinez starts setting up the food stand that he and his family helped build, offering Oaxacan and Tijuananese cuisine in the West Adams community of Los Angeles.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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LAist
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Daniel Martinez, the co-owner behind Tacos 5 y 10, forgot water gallons, so he jumps in his pickup truck and heads back home, just a few streets north.
It’s not yet 5 p.m. (their starting time for selling), but the flames are firing up on the grill and out comes el trompo de al pastor with chunks of pineapple. It’s a sight to see, but really the attractions here are the handmade tortillas as their bellies bubble up on the grill. The scent of warm corn and grilled meat waft by, battling the 10 Freeway overpass’ junky air.
Daniel Martinez and Marlo Ortiz prepare the el pastor meat before the open for business.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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LAist
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By this time, the other street vendors are wrapping up. It’s spring, so the sun is still out, but the traffic is diluting.
A curious person gets out of her car and checks out the menu. After mulling it over a few minutes, she orders the first meal they sold that day.
Her dollars went to support a street vending business, one of about 50,000 in the Los Angeles area.
She probably didn’t know that Martinez’s hustle began at 6 a.m. that day.
The system behind it
Martinez’s microbusiness is part of an ecosystem that fuels this city. A 2015 report notes that street vending is a $504 million industry in L.A. — that number is probably more robust now almost a decade later and with inflation.
Vendors have been working on the streets of L.A. for decades, but a lot of it was in the shadows — and carried with it the risks of fines, or worse.
It was just a few years ago, in 2018, that the state decriminalized street vending. After that, each county or city had to apply its own health codes and permit rules.
We’re talking about working class communities that make less than $20,000 a year that you’re expecting them to [push] through this blueprint cart approval process to sell hot dogs on the street.
— Juan Espinoza (in previous chat)
He was a lawyer who represented street vendors in 2022 to pass the updated legislation.
A Tacos 5 y 10 worker sets up the dining area for the food stand that's on Hauser Boulevard, north of Adams Boulevard.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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LAist
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And earlier this year, the Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously in favor of an ordinance that eliminates many “no-vending” zones. The Hollywood Walk of Fame, for example, is a famous — and lucrative — spot where street vendors were prohibited, and this vote was a win for them.
Still, vendors and the city have some differences to work out. There’s a May 16 deadline for the two sides to either settle or go to court.
'A legit way'
Back at Tacos 5 y 10, Martinez knows about the local requirements and permits to sell food. He admits he is working on them to formalize everything to run a smooth operation, but “the process is exhausting” and time consuming.
For him, the process to become permitted is worth it as an entrepreneur — he says he thinks about payroll, working with vendors and filing his taxes.
Marlo Ortiz begins heating up the stoves before service begins at 5 p.m.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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LAist
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“At the end of the day, you have the liberty of selling and making your own money and doing it in a legit way for you to prove that you [are] actually doing something to society,” he says.
It’s not always easy. Martinez says he didn’t pay himself a salary last year because he needed to raise wages for his three workers and pay the increase in produce prices as inflation has gone up.
Bringing his culture to L.A.
Martinez, 30, is an Angeleno by the way of Tijuana. He grew up there before he came to the United States 15 years ago with his family.
Like many others, the pandemic thrust him into changing course and beginning a small business. Martinez has a business management degree from Cal State Northridge and wanted to apply it in real life. He and his mom, who is a co-owner of Tacos 5 y 10, chose to create a fusion of Mexican traditions from Tijuana, Oaxaca and Guerrero — the latter two states are where his parents were raised.
He and his mother start prepping at 11 a.m., dicing, slicing and marinating the goods. Together they make enough to sell 140 orders on busy days.
A Tacos 5 y 10 worker serves a tluyuda.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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LAist
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The name Tacos 5 y 10 comes from an open air swap meet that sets up on the sidewalk in Tijuana, Martinez explains, describing his childhood with fond memories. It was a place to gather, be happy, eat and enjoy.
“For me there's no way to go back home,” he says. Cooking this food at the stand most nights, “is what reminds me of home.”
Their menu has a little bit of everything Mexican — tlayudas, platos de carne, spicy salsas, a mean guacamole, horchata and, of course, tacos. Martinez also tries to bring a vibe: sometimes having a speaker with music and setting up string lights to illuminate their food stand in the quiet neighborhood.
At 5 p.m. sharp hungry customers line up at the Tacos 5 y 10 food stand in the neighborhood of West Adams.
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Zaydee Sanchez
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LAist
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The concept behind Tacos 5 y 10, Martinez says, is to create a meeting place for folks to have a good time. Yes, the food is important, but the service and atmosphere is what sets businesses apart.
“You can go to La Chancla, El Gato Market or even to La Placita Olvera, and it's all about family and spending time with others, like having a good time,” he says.
And I think that's the motivation I have to keep hustling and to keep pushing this.
— Daniel Martinez, co-owner of Tacos 5 y 10
He has plans to use the taco stand as a catapult to create more business and opportunities. He wants to introduce people to the things he loves and knows — he’s already doing it with his family’s food, and he’s also thinking about music and comedy (one of his other passions).
The end of the team’s shift winds down at 10 p.m. The same time the nearby eateries, like Alta and Vicky’s All Day, on Adams Boulevard close.
The difference with Tacos 5 y 10 is that they leave the corner with no trace they were there. But Martinez and his team will be back at 3:30 p.m. to set up the next day, and probably the day after.
Sometimes we see a pop-up on the street we are like 'Argh, another pop-up,' but you don't take into account the hours, the hard work, the fear of being on the street... We take street food for granted.
— Daniel Martinez, co-owner of Tacos 5 y 10
After today, I know we have to respect this hustle.
A high-profile fight between California Attorney General Rob Bonta and Paramount Skydance resolved Monday with a settlement that clears a path for the company to continue with its planned acquisition of another century-old studio, Warner Bros. Discovery. The fight was the latest chapter in the battle for Hollywood, which has been a priority for California lawmakers and the last three governors.
CA production tax credits: California has taken several steps since the 2000s to retain studios like Paramount. In 2009, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger signed the state’s first California Film and Television Production Tax Credit. The program allocated $100 million per year to eligible film and TV production companies through 2017. In 2014, lawmakers passed a new version of the Film and Television Production Tax Credit program, more than tripling the credits to $330 million annually through 2020. In 2025, lawmakers increased the yearly credit to $750 million per year until 2030.
Other attempts to keep production in CA: This year, when the film and television production tax credit clashed with an initiative to cap corporate tax breaks, lawmakers carved independent film producers out of the groups subject to a new cap. In July, the “Select Committee on Growing and Retaining the Creative Economy in California” was created. On Saturday, Newsom signed Assembly Bill 2319 to create a new tax credit for post-production work, including editing and visual effects.
A high-profile fight between California Attorney General Rob Bonta and Paramount Skydance resolved Monday with a settlement that clears a path for the company to continue with its planned acquisition of another century-old studio, Warner Bros. Discovery.
The deal comes after Paramount threatened to leave the state over an antitrust lawsuit led by Bonta and attorneys general from 11 other states that sought to block the $111 billion merger.
Paramount Chief Executive David Ellison reportedly told senior leaders of the company “clearly we’re not wanted here,” during a meeting in August. However, California has taken several steps since the 2000s to retain studios like Paramount.
The fight was the latest chapter in the battle for Hollywood, which has been a priority for California lawmakers and the last three governors.
Here are some ways the state has tried to keep its storied industry:
Program 1.0: In 2009, in response to other states beginning to offer financial incentives for motion picture production, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger signed the state’s first California Film and Television Production Tax Credit. The program allocated $100 million per year to eligible film and TV production companies through 2017.
Program 2.0: In 2014, lawmakers approved Assembly Bill 1839, which Gov. Jerry Brown signed into law, creating a new version of the Film and Television Production Tax Credit program and more than tripling the credits to $330 million annually through 2020.
2018 expansion: In 2018, Brown again authorized an extension of the program for another five years, through 2025. Following the COVID-19 pandemic that shut down productions, Gov. Gavin Newsom boosted the credit temporarily to $420 million annually.
2025 increase: Hollywood was struggling following the “quadruple-whammy” of the COVID-19 pandemic, a writers strike, deadly wildfires and growing production incentives from other states that lured movies out of California. In response, lawmakers increased the yearly credit in 2025 to $750 million per year until 2030. Newsom championed the boost, saying the industry was “on life support.”
This year, when the film and television production tax credit clashed with an initiative to cap corporate tax breaks, lawmakers carved independent film producers out of the groups subject to a new cap.
In July, Democratic Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas of Salinas created the “Select Committee on Growing and Retaining the Creative Economy in California” to, in part, keep film and television production in the state.
On Saturday, Newsom signed Assembly Bill 2319 by Burbank Democrat Nick Schultz to create a new tax credit for post-production work, including editing and visual effects.
Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur, a Democrat representing Hollywood, said he was delighted a deal was reached to keep Paramount in California, but that the state needs to do more to retain the industry. Zbur is chair of the state’s new Assembly committee focused on keeping film production in California.
“Now that other states are realizing what important, family-sustaining jobs these are, they're competing very aggressively for these jobs,” he said.
Zbur said the committee will explore new state incentives during its first meeting, which he expects will take place in October in Los Angeles.
Aaron Schrank
has been on the ground, reporting on homelessness and other issues in L.A. for more than a decade.
Published September 22, 2026 5:00 AM
L.A. County Supervisor Janice Hahn at the launch of the "Keep L.A. Covered" event in Lynwood in September 2026.
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Christian Galeno
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L.A. Care Health Plan
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Topline:
Beginning Jan. 1, 2027, many Medi-Cal enrollees will face new work requirements and eligibility checks — the result of sweeping federal changes that could affect more than 1 million L.A. County residents, according to organizers of a new countywide outreach campaign.
New requirements: If you are a Medi-Cal enrollee between ages 19 and 64, you may soon need to show you're working, volunteering, going to school or in a job training program for at least 80 hours a month or otherwise earning income to keep your public health insurance coverage. Some recipients will also need to prove that they're eligible every six months instead of once a year. Parents of children 13 and younger, pregnant women, older adults and people with disabilities are largely exempt from the requirements.
How to prepare: Organizers of a new campaign called "Keep L.A. Covered" say people are more likely to lose coverage because a notice went to an old address or went unanswered than because they stopped qualifying for Medi-Cal. They encourage enrollees to update their address and phone number with a county Medi-Cal office, watch their mail, and respond promptly to Medi-Cal notices in yellow or white envelopes
How we got here: President Donald Trump signed the “One Big Beautiful Bill” — formally H.R. 1 — in July 2025, and it reduced federal Medicaid funding while adding a requirement that people who receive benefits work or show they are going to school, volunteering or seeking job training. The new requirements and six-month renewal rules apply to adults 19-64 covered through Medi-Cal’s Affordable Care Act expansion, according to county officials.
Support offered: The countywide campaign aims to train community leaders to warn Medi-Cal recipients about renewal notices. The first training is Oct. 27, hosted by Maternal Child Health Access. County officials say people and organizations can sign up at www.keeplacovered.org.
Listen
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Why Medi-Cal enrollees need to keep an eye on their mailboxes
Beginning Jan. 1, 2027, many Medi-Cal enrollees will face new work requirements and eligibility checks — the result of sweeping federal changes that could affect more than 1 million L.A. County residents, according to organizers of a new countywide outreach campaign.
If you are a Medi-Cal enrollee between ages 19 and 64, you may soon need to show you're working, volunteering, going to school or in a job training program for at least 80 hours a month or otherwise earning income to keep your public health insurance coverage.
Some enrollees will also have to prove they’re eligible every six months instead of once a year.
Parents of children 13 and younger, pregnant women, older adults and people with disabilities are largely exempt from the requirements.
What to do to prepare
Keep your address and phone number current with your county Medi-Cal office.
Watch your mail, and respond promptly to Medi-Cal notices in yellow or white envelopes.
If you're unsure what a notice means, community health centers and trained volunteers can help in person and in multiple languages, county officials said.
How we got here
Nearly 4 million L.A. County residents, or 41% of the population, rely on Medi-Cal — California’s version of Medicaid, a joint federal and state insurance program providing free or low-cost coverage to low-income people.
President Donald Trump, joined by Republican lawmakers, signs the "One, Big Beautiful Bill Act," a massive spending and tax bill, at the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, D.C. on July 4, 2025.
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Samuel Corum
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Getty Images North America
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President Donald Trump signed the “One Big Beautiful Bill” — formally H.R. 1 — in July 2025, and it reduced federal Medicaid funding while adding a requirement that people who receive benefits work or show they are going to school, volunteering or seeking job training.
The new requirements and six-month renewal rules apply to adults 19-64 covered through Medi-Cal’s Affordable Care Act expansion, according to county officials.
In June, the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services issued the rule that implements the work requirement. CMS said in a news release that the framework is meant to promote economic stability and self-sufficiency.
“This rule helps Americans build skills and independence through work, education, job training, or community service, creating new opportunities for themselves and their families,” CMS Administrator Mehmet Oz said in a statement.
Later that month, states including California sued to challenge the changes. In July, a federal judge denied their request to pause the rules while the lawsuit continues.
Last week, L.A. Care Health Plan, which administers Medi-Cal benefits for many county residents and other partners, launched “Keep L.A. Covered,” a public campaign to train community leaders, including pastors, teachers and health workers, to warn Medi-Cal recipients about renewal notices. The first training is Oct. 27, hosted by Maternal Child Health Access.
County officials say people and organizations that want to get involved can sign up at www.keeplacovered.org.
Paperwork hurdles
Campaign leaders say people are more likely to lose coverage because a notice went to an old address or went unanswered than because they stopped qualifying for Medi-Cal.
"One missed notice, one missed deadline, one moment of confusion can mean them losing their coverage, and it's not because they're no longer eligible," Martha Santana-Chin, CEO of L.A. Care, said at a campaign launch last week. "It's simply because they haven't been able to navigate the paperwork that's ahead of them.”
The state of California is already mailing letters about the changes, Santana-Chin said.
If the state can't verify compliance, it must send a noncompliance notice and give the enrollee 30 days to prove compliance or an exemption. Otherwise, the application may be denied, or the person disenrolled.
Advocates say the risk is greatest for people without a stable mailing address. Statewide, most people experiencing homelessness are eligible for or already enrolled in Medi-Cal, according to the California Health Care Foundation.
The 2026 Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority homeless count estimated more than 73,000 people were experiencing homelessness in L.A. County. Many would qualify for medical exemptions that would allow them to receive Medi-Cal benefits without proof of work or other requirements, but claiming an exemption requires clinical documentation and regular contact with the healthcare system, the foundation said. Federal guidance doesn't let states exempt people from the requirements solely for being unhoused.
Some details of the 80-hour monthly work requirement remain unsettled. The federal government is still writing the details on what counts as qualifying work, volunteering or education, Santana-Chin said.
The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services projects the requirement will reduce Medicaid enrollment nationwide by more than 3 million people. The federal agency assumes about 15% of enrollees will lose coverage, about 9% because they don't meet the requirement and about 6% because of paperwork or other administrative barriers. The actual effect depends on how states carry out the rules, according to a recent report from the federal agency.
The Congressional Budget Office, which analyzed the law using different methods, estimated the requirement would leave 5.3 million more people uninsured in 2034.
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A block of Equinix data centers sit across the street from a Prime data center on Great Oaks Blvd. in South San Jose on Aug. 31, 2026.
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Anna Hoch-Kenney
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CalMatters
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Topline:
Gov. Gavin Newsom signed seven data center bills into law on Monday, signaling a tide change toward regulation of the industry.
Why it matters: Three of the new laws shift electric infrastructure costs away from residential customers and toward data center operators, three more mandate disclosures of water usage and other resources, and the last one makes data centers ineligible for environmental review exemptions.
The backstory: Newsom’s signature on the new laws represents a significant departure from his actions on data centers last year, when he vetoed a water disclosure bill over concerns that regulation could stifle AI growth and signed into law only a single stripped-down environmental study bill.
Facing growing public backlash and a pivot from his own past vetoes, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a sweeping package of seven bills on Monday that aim to force the data center industry to pay its own way in California.
Three of the new laws shift electric infrastructure costs away from residential customers and toward data center operators, three more mandate disclosures of water usage and other resources, and the last one makes data centers ineligible for environmental review exemptions.
Newsom, in a written statement, contrasted the new regulations with President Donald Trump’s hands-off approach to data centers and artificial intelligence.
“We know that we don’t have to sell out Californians or sacrifice our well-being to innovate and succeed,” the statement read. “California has proven that time and time again. With these laws, we are ensuring that Californians remain in the driver’s seat — and that those profiting from data centers aren’t doing so at our expense.”
Trump has aggressively pushed to accelerate data center development nationwide, arguing that they represent a significant economic opportunity for states that embrace them. He said last week at the All-In Summit, an invite-only conference for business leaders, that the industry is the “oil of the next 20, 25 years.”
Newsom’s signature on the new laws represents a significant departure from his actions on data centers last year, when he vetoed a water disclosure bill over concerns that regulation could stifle AI growth and signed into law only a single stripped-down environmental study bill.
Environmental advocates and the lawmakers behind this year’s bills previously told CalMatters that intensifying public backlash to data center construction propelled the legislation this year, despite a flood of lobbying funds from Big Tech and other business interests that aimed to soften the proposals.
“When you’re looking down the barrel of public outcry that says we don’t want [data centers] at all, and you’ve got localities that are saying they’re going to ban them, then you know the atmosphere has changed,” Assemblymember Diane Papan, a San Mateo Democrat who authored two of the bills which were signed into law on Monday, previously told CalMatters.
Other state legislatures as well as Congress are also advancing new measures to regulate the industry. In May, a Gallup poll found seven in 10 Americans oppose data center construction in their communities, while a July Public Policy Institute of California poll found similar opposition statewide. Hundreds of cities nationwide — including Monterey Park and Bay Area cities like Pittsburg — have either passed data center bans or walked back approvals following public outcry.
Arnab Pal, the executive director of Deploy Action, a nonprofit that promotes clean energy, told CalMatters the new laws are a good step toward preventing data centers from harming consumers through utility rate increases or environmental damage. Still, Pal said, more can be done to ensure such projects actually benefit everyday people through advancements to the electrical grid and the acceleration of clean energy infrastructure.
“I don't think these bills are the end of this fight; I think we're gonna have to do a lot of implementation on the back end and, as other states roll out their policies next year, I think California is going to look back and be like, ‘maybe we should have done more,’” Pal said. “I'm interested to see what we do next year on this.”
Business interests that oppose the measures, like the Data Center Coalition — which counts companies like Google, Microsoft and OpenAI among its members — warn that further regulation could push the data center industry out of California. According to the latest figures from the Data Center Coalition, the industry contributed 665,500 jobs, more than $159 billion in economic activity, and $14.1 billion in federal, state, and local taxes in California in 2024.
Khara Boender, the director of government affairs west for the Data Center Coalition, told CalMatters that “the data center industry shares the goal of ensuring growth of this critical infrastructure is responsible and well managed,” but more work needs to be done “to promote responsible data center growth while maintaining California as a key, competitive market in the global economy.”
Newsom signed the following bills:
Senate Bill 1168, SB 886 and Assembly Bill 2383, which shift electric infrastructure costs away from residential customers and toward data center operators
AB 2469, AB 1577 and AB 2619, which mandate disclosures or estimates of water usage and other resources
SB 887, which makes data centers ineligible for blanket environmental review exemptions, and offers fast-tracked approval for facilities that meet state standards for water and energy conservation
Why it matters: The bills take effect Jan. 1, 2028, and will create a five-tiered system determining how many bachelor’s degrees each district can offer. Districts will be placed into tiers based on the percentage of students who complete a degree or certificate or transfer to a four-year university. Districts with higher graduation and transfer rates will be allowed to create more bachelor’s degrees — up to the maximum of 12.
What's next: The legislation does make at least one significant change supported by the community colleges: It only prohibits degrees that duplicate CSU programs offered in the same local service area as the community college proposing the degree.
Senate Bill 960 and Assembly Bill 2694, which were sent to Newsom as a two-bill package, will let community college districts create between two and 12 new bachelor’s degrees to fill local workforce needs.
The bills take effect Jan. 1, 2028, and will create a five-tiered system determining how many bachelor’s degrees each district can offer. Districts will be placed into tiers based on the percentage of students who complete a degree or certificate or transfer to a four-year university. Districts with higher graduation and transfer rates will be allowed to create more bachelor’s degrees — up to the maximum of 12.
The tiered system, which was among several last-minute amendments to the legislation, has drawn backlash from community college presidents and chancellors, who say the system will pit colleges against one another.
However, the legislation does make at least one significant change supported by the community colleges: It only prohibits degrees that duplicate CSU programs offered in the same local service area as the community college proposing the degree. In the past, duplication wasn’t tied to location, and community colleges sometimes faced duplication objections from CSU campuses located in different regions of the state.
The legislation also allows for certain circumstances when community colleges can create bachelor’s degrees even if a nearby CSU campus has a similar program. That will be permitted if the CSU program has had a transfer acceptance rate of less than 75% for three consecutive years.
EdSource is an independent nonprofit organization that provides analysis on key education issues facing California and the nation. LAist republishes articles from EdSource with permission.
