The Brief

They appeared in plain clothes outside a San Diego hotel, wore camouflage as they raided a Los Angeles factory and arrived with military gear at a Ventura County farm.

The presence of thousands of hard-to-identify federal agents is a new fact of life in Southern California this summer as the Trump administration carries out the president’s promised deportations.

Many residents may assume these masked agents are officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). But that's not always the case.

Many of them belong to the Border Patrol, the agency that traditionally has policed the nation’s border with Mexico. But the Trump administration sent officers from other agencies to Los Angeles, too, including the FBI and special tactical teams from the Department of Homeland Security not widely seen until now.

Democrats in California’s Legislature have proposed measures to unmask the federal agents.

Senate Bill 627, the “No Secret Police Act," seeks to prohibit all local, state and federal officers from using masks with some exceptions. SB 805, the "No Vigilantes Act," would require that officers clearly display their name or badge number. It’s disputed whether the state can regulate federal officers and law enforcement agencies are lobbying against the proposals.

Federal regulations state that ICE and Border Patrol agents should identify themselves when arresting someone "as soon as it is practical and safe to do so.”

And the public is allowed to ask federal agents to identify themselves.

But David Levine, a professor at UC Law San Francisco said, "they can ask but it doesn't mean they'll get the information.”

The number of sweeps and detentions appeared to slow this week after a federal judge issued a temporary restraining order, finding that agents stopped people based on someone’s race, language, accent, presence at a specific location or job. For ensuing stops, agents must have "reasonable suspicion" that doesn't consider those factors “alone or in combination,” according to the judge’s order.

While ICE is a different agency than Border Patrol, both are part of the Department of Homeland Security and carry out immigration enforcement.

The difference may not always matter much, but misidentifying an agency can confuse the public, as it did with the sighting of federal agents outside Dodger Stadium in June. The agents reportedly had no visible names or badges and attempted to enter the stadium’s parking lots. The Dodgers put out a statement that “ICE agents” had been denied entry to the stadium. ICE denied it was ever there; the Department of Homeland Security then clarified that it had been Customs and Border Protection agents at the venue.

Images on social media show a constellation of federal agencies supporting immigration sweeps in Southern California. Here's how you can identify them.

Border Patrol far from the border

Federal agents descend on MacArthur Park in Los Angeles on July 7, 2025.

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J.W. Hendricks

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CalMatters

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Border Patrol agents often wear green uniforms and “Border Patrol” and “U.S. Customs and Border Protection” might be labeled on their badge, vest, shoulder, back, bucket hat or cap, and usually in yellow text over blue.

Their marked vehicles tend to be white with a green slash, reading “Border Patrol” on the side.

Some might confuse Border Patrol with Customs and Border Protection officers. Those officials wear blue and usually stay stationed at ports of entry.

People clash with U.S. Border Patrol after a traffic collision with one of their vehicles during an immigration raid in Bell on June 20, 2025.

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Carlin Stiehl

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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

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You may be wondering why Border Patrol agents are conducting immigration operations deep into Los Angeles neighborhoods, rather than staying closer to the border.

Border Patrol agents can search vehicles without a warrant throughout much of the country. They’re allowed to operate 100 miles from any edge of the country and coastline, reaching roughly two-thirds of the U.S. population, according to a CalMatters investigation and documentary produced in partnership with Evident and Bellingcat.

Since its creation by Congress in 1924, the Border Patrol's role has been to prevent unauthorized entry into the United States. The agency polices trade, narcotics, contraband and combats human trafficking.

Residents confront federal agents and Border Patrol agents as residents scream over their presence in their neighborhood on Atlantic Boulevard in the city of Bell on June 19, 2025.

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Genaro Molina

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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

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The agency has a SWAT-like unit known as BORTAC, or Border Patrol Tactical Unit, which has also been documented in immigrant hubs such as MacArthur Park, Los Angeles' Toy District, and Bell. Border Patrol sources describe the unit's use for "high-risk" purposes.

In fatigues, the unit wears a "BORTAC" patch on the left shoulder with, at times, black undershirts.

Customs and Border Protection also deployed its tactical Special Response Team in Los Angeles' North Hills late June, executing a federal search warrant at a "human smuggling hub" tied to national security threats, arresting two, according to the agency.

ICE in police vests

ICE agents might wear an “ICE” patch on the front or back of their vest, usually in black-and-white, though they also can carry a badge of the same design in gold. The ICE emblem features the U.S. Department of Homeland Security eagle seal.

ICE agents might display "police" on their uniform. The ACLU wants ICE to stop using the word “police” on uniforms, contending the agency is impersonating local law enforcement officers

After 9/11, the Bush administration created the Department of Homeland Security, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement within it shortly thereafter. ICE is tasked with enforcing trade and immigration laws, including within the interior of the country.

The Cato Institute found that ICE booked over 200,000 people into detention between October 1 and June 14. More than 93% of book-ins had no violent conviction and 65% had no criminal conviction whatsoever.

A group of four U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers, wearing tactical vests and armed with weapons, detain a man in a white shirt with his hands cuffed behind his back next to a car.

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via U.S. Marshals Service Los Angeles

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ICE itself has a few enforcement divisions. That's why some ICE uniforms might read ERO—part of their “Enforcement and Removal Operations” team—or HSI for “Homeland Security Investigations.”

In 2024, ICE launched a rebrand and created the investigations unit to develop cases, and improve public outreach, including with local law enforcement, an HSI official told ABC News.

According to its website, HSI combats a broad array of transnational-related crime, ranging from narcotics smuggling to cybercrime, and from human trafficking to intellectual property theft.

ERO meanwhile manages all aspects of the typical immigration enforcement process: identifying, arresting, GPS monitoring, and deporting unauthorized immigrants. Their site description also says they seek to deport priority undocumented immigrants after they are released from U.S. jails and prisons. They can also assist multi-agency task forces in arresting unauthorized immigrants without any other criminal history who are "deemed a threat to public safety."

A group of Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) agents in tactical gear stand on a residential street during a daytime raid.

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courtesy of Pedro Rios

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ICE also deployed its Special Response Team (SRT), decked in military wear and weaponry, in San Diego late May. It sent a dozen or more of those officers to the Santa Fe Springs Swap Meet near southeast Los Angeles in June, detaining two people for deportation.

Agents from those teams will often feature their logo on the shoulder and will be seen in heavy military-like uniforms. The teams are meant to engage "high risk" situations, according to ICE.

Rare National Guard deployment

National Guard troops in Downtown Los Angeles on June 8, 2025.

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Saul Gonzalez

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KQED

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National Guard troops had been most visible outside a federal building during protests in downtown Los Angeles, but have also accompanied a few immigration enforcement operations. In mid-June, National Guard soldiers accompanied federal agents raiding marijuana farms around Thermal, a desert town near Coachella, where about 70 undocumented immigrants were arrested, according to the Drug Enforcement Administration.

On July 7, about 90 California National Guard soldiers swept through the Los Angeles immigrant hub of MacArthur Park, a defense official said, to protect immigration agents from potentially hostile crowds, according to the Associated Press. They also were on site in Carpinteria last week.

The National Guard troops in L.A. wear Army uniforms. Soldiers in the state units have patches on their left shoulder that show a raven, a sunburst, or a sunburst on top a diamond, each in black and green color schemes. Troops will also have a full color U.S. flag on the right shoulder. The patch under that, if any, can vary and may be based on a soldier's past deployments.

Part of the U.S. military, the National Guard is able to serve both domestically and globally for state and federal duties, assisting with natural disasters, border security, civil unrest, overseas combat, counter-drug efforts and more. Soldiers largely stay in their home state and can be called on by the state governor or president.

Gov. Gavin Newsom opposed President Trump's decision to send the troops to Los Angeles, and the assignment marked the first time that a president has deployed the National Guard over the objections of a governor since the Civil Rights era.

More federal law enforcement officers

In January, a Homeland Security memo called for Justice Department agents to carry out immigration enforcement, according to ABC News. Deputized bureaus include the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), the U.S. Marshals Service, the Federal Bureau of Prisons receiving the "same authority already granted to the FBI."

Officers’ affiliations can be seen on their vests, jackets, or at times, their shoulder patches.

Agents wearing FBI fatigues were most visible in the worksite sweep at Ambiance Apparel in LA’s Fashion District, arguably the first major operation of the current wave of raids.

On June 10, FBI Los Angeles' X account touted its collaboration with an ICE operation in Ventura County. They have also participated in other immigration raids across the country.

A spokesperson with the Justice Department declined to comment on how it deployed agents from various agencies. In early June, the FBI told KTLA that it is participating in immigration enforcement in Los Angeles and nationwide "as directed by the Attorney General," supporting with SWAT, intelligence and more.

The ATF was also seen at the Ambiance Apparel raid. The DEA was there, too, and has since collaborated with ICE in the region.

On X, U.S. Marshals touted themselves as "on the front lines of immigration enforcement" in Los Angeles while showing officers interviewing a man on a bike. Marshals were also on site at a Ventura County marijuana farm raid where more than 200 people were arrested.

Can California unmask federal agents?

A federal agent sits in a vehicle while surrounded by an angry crowd after an immigrant raid on Atlantic Boulevard In the city of Bell on June 19, 2025.

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Genaro Molina

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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

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The use of masked agents without clearly identifying uniforms has confused the public, including local police receiving reports of kidnappings.

California Attorney General Rob Bonta warned in March that reports of ICE impersonations were growing. Alleged federal agent impersonations have occurred in Huntington Park, Wisconsin, Philadelphia and elsewhere.

“We don't even know who these people are. It's so dangerous, it's so horrific, and it's time to put standards in place," said Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat who is backing two proposals that would compel law enforcement officers to go without masks and display identification.

The Trump administration maintains that the masks are necessary to protect officers’ identities as they carry out investigations.

"So, I’m sorry if people are offended by them wearing masks but I’m not going to let my officers and agents go out there and put their lives on the line and their family on the line because people don’t like what immigration enforcement is," said acting ICE Director Todd Lyons in a press conference early June.

And some law enforcement experts say the federal government has that authority.

"Certain legislators are giving a false sense of hope that California can legislate laws to control the practices of federal agents," said Ed Obayashi, a longtime sheriff’s deputy in California and policy adviser to the Modoc County Sheriff’s Office.

"They cannot do that—bottom line. Plain and simple. Federal law is supreme."

Acknowledging potential legal disputes, Wiener said he’s willing to test the "time-sensitive" bills in the courts.
"Federal employees can't just come in and ignore all California laws," he said. "There are laws that they have to follow."

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Airbnb spent millions to influence L.A.’s local elections this November, but lost in its most expensive races.

The short-term rental giant bet on Mayor Karen Bass with more than $4.1 million in spending toward groups supporting her. Airbnb also poured $2.1 million into the city attorney’s race to back candidate John McKinney.

On Thursday morning, Bass conceded the race to challenger Nithya Raman, as Raman continued to build a decisive lead. Marissa Roy was up in the city attorney race by an almost 2-to-1margin, and was all but guaranteed to defeat McKinney.

Both are progressives likely to push back against Airbnb as it angles to expand its presence in the city ahead of the 2028 Olympics and Paralympics.

“Their investments sure didn't pay off,” said Mike Bonin, a former L.A. City Council member and executive director of the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs.

The role of short-term rentals in L.A.’s future became a fault line in the mayoral campaign after Bass quietly put forward a proposal in her annual budget suggesting the city temporarily loosen regulations and allow Airbnb to prepay some of its taxes to help ease the city’s budget deficit.

Under current Los Angeles law, homeowners can use only their primary residence for short-term rentals. Airbnb wants the city to change its rules to allow homeowners to rent out second homes.

That proposal did not survive the budget process and is stuck in a City Council committee. But it didn’t stop Raman from jumping on Bass’ budget maneuver, calling it “a sweetheart deal that [Airbnb] spent hundreds of thousands of dollars lobbying City Hall to get” at a press conference.

Raman, now the mayor-elect, has said she’s against rolling back restrictions for short-term rentals ahead of the Olympics and will increase enforcement of the city’s current rules.

As city attorney, Marissa Roy is also likely to take a strong stance against short-term rental platforms. She has put forward a policy pledging to align with tenants’ unions and community organizations, and will take over an ongoing lawsuit against Airbnb over alleged price gouging during the L.A. fires.

She could also take action against companies including Airbnb over illegal listings. A 2022 report found that nearly half of Airbnb and Vrbo listings were out of compliance with the city’s home-sharing ordinance.

“A lot of people don’t realize the L.A. city attorney has the extraordinary power to sue any business for anything unlawful, unfair or deceptive,” Roy told AirTalk in September.

LAist reached out to Roy requesting an interview and comment on her approach to Airbnb, but did not hear back in time for publication.

Nathan Rotman, Airbnb’s director of policy strategy for North America, said in an emailed statement in the lead-up to the election that the company backed candidates working toward “local jobs, thriving small businesses, strong neighborhood services, and a tourism economy that benefits not just big corporate hotels but also everyday Angelenos who share their homes to make ends meet.”

Rotman also said Airbnb was supporting efforts to expand short-term rentals in Los Angeles to make sure tourists had places to stay in the summer of 2028.

While the citywide races seem all but decided, the outcome of the two open City Council seats remains too close to call. Airbnb weighed in on those elections, too, spending more than $1 million to back groups supporting Tim Gaspar in Council District 3 and more than $300,000 to support campaigners for Jose Ugarte in Council District 9.

As of Thursday, Gaspar was in a dead heat with Barri Worth Girvan, both moderate Democrats battling to replace Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, who represents part of the San Fernando Valley.

In CD-9, where the winner will replace Councilmember Curren Price to represent South L.A., Ugarte maintained the lead with 53% of the vote. His opponent, Estuardo Mazariegos, who is backed by the Democratic Socialists of America, had called for a moratorium on short-term rentals and campaigned by blasting Airbnb’s spending in the race.

On election night, Ugarte told LAist that he hadn’t made up his mind on the proposal still in City Council committee to allow more short-term rentals for the Olympics and planned to hold community meetings on the topic.

“The first thing I want to do is have those conversations with our community, sit down at the table, have Airbnb show up, and also have people that oppose Airbnb show up,” Ugarte said.

With Raman heading to the mayor’s office, Mike Bonin said Airbnb will now be looking to “count to 10” — the number needed in city council to override a mayoral veto.

Maloy Moore and Aaron Schrank contributed to this report.

Nithya Raman, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America who offered a message of hope to a city beset by crises, has beaten Karen Bass in the race for Los Angeles mayor, the first time an incumbent has been ousted from that office in nearly a quarter century.

Raman, who is of Indian descent, becomes the first South Asian mayor of L.A. She was elected to the City Council six years ago.

Bass conceded the race Thursday morning. At the time, she had 48% of the vote compared with Raman's 52%, according to the latest vote count.

In a video statement, Raman said she was "deeply honored" to be L.A.'s next mayor, and she thanked the people who knocked on doors, sent texts and made phone calls in support of her campaign.

Despite the sometimes contentious race she and Bass waged against one another, Raman commended Bass for her decades of service to the city and pledged to earn the trust of all Angelenos.

"And that work starts now, so that we can build housing that people can afford, parks for our children to play in, a transit system that can get people where they need to go, a city that is safe for its working people and its families, and a city government that is actually capable of delivering on its promises," she said in the statement.

"I love this city, and I love its people, and I cannot wait to get started on building a better future together with all of you," she continued. "Thank you so much, Los Angeles."

In her concession statement, Bass said it had been an honor to serve "the city that raised me." She said she had carried that responsibility with her every day since she was elected.

“While this is not the outcome we hoped for, the people of Los Angeles have spoken," she said. "I have called Councilmember Nithya Raman to congratulate her on her victory, and I have committed to ensuring a smooth and seamless transition. Moving this city forward is what Los Angeles needs from all of us.

“I love Los Angeles," she continued. "I believe in Los Angeles. And I will continue to ensure the promise of a better life belongs to all of us. Thank you.”

A champion of tenants' rights, Raman has promised she would tackle housing affordability, homelessness and police reform — the latter by removing Police Chief Jim McDonnell. She also has vowed to improve basic city services like pothole and streetlight repair.

A year ago, Raman wasn’t on anybody’s radar for mayor. A year earlier, she narrowly won reelection to a second term representing District 4, which stretches from Hollywood to Sherman Oaks.

Seeing polls that showed Bass was highly unpopular, she filed to run against her one-time ally on the last day possible, Feb. 7, stunning the political establishment.

She had endorsed Bass only weeks earlier.

Raman’s road to victory

No other political figure stepped up to challenge Bass. Not Rick Caruso, the billionaire developer who lost to Bass four years ago. Not County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath. So Raman did.

In the primary, Raman overcame a strong campaign by TV personality Spencer Pratt to finish second behind Bass. Pratt, who lost his home in the Palisades Fire, came in third.

In the general election, Raman beat Bass despite the political establishment’s backing of the mayor. Bass had the support of the Los Angeles County Democratic Party, the Chamber of Commerce and the L.A. County Federation of Labor. Airbnb also spent big on behalf of Bass, who supported lifting restrictions on the homestay industry in the run-up to the 2028 Olympics.

Raman’s election represented a repudiation of the status quo, a reflection of Angelenos’ deep dissatisfaction with the way the city was being governed. Polls showed support closely correlated with age, with younger voters supporting Raman.

Her victory coincided with a blue wave that swept across the country and came despite a barrage of negative ads against her by the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union that represents rank-and-file officers. The ads focused on Raman’s opposition to an ordinance that allows the police to remove homeless encampments from around schools, daycare centers and other sensitive sites.

Raman said the program merely shuffled unhoused people down the street.

Raman had her share of powerful support. Three big unions broke with the Federation of Labor and backed her over Bass: the Western States Council of Carpenters, UNITE HERE Local 11 and the United Auto Workers.

Hedge fund manager Aaron Sosnick poured more than $8.5 million into ads supporting Raman and bashing Bass. Sosnick is an avid cyclist who wants to see more bike lanes in L.A. He funneled some of his money through Streets for All, a community group that ran ads against Bass.

Outside independent expenditures topped $16 million for Bass and against Raman, compared with $13 million for Raman and against Bass.

Raman also touted a massive door-knocking campaign that involved more than 11,000 volunteers knocking on more than 110,000 doors.

The election marked a generational shift in leaders. Bass is 73 years old and drew much of her support from older voters. Raman is 45 and enjoyed the overwhelming support from voters ages 30 to 39, according to a UC Berkeley/L.A. Times poll taken days before the election.

Mayor Karen Bass (left) and challenger Nithya Raman speak at a forum focused on environmental issues during the 2026 L.A. mayoral race.

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Ashlyn Ablao

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LAist

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A relative newcomer to LA politics

Raman was born in India and moved to Louisiana with her family when she was 6. She earned a degree in social studies from Harvard and a master's in urban planning from MIT. Raman became a naturalized citizen at the age of 22.

Raman moved to L.A. in 2013 and founded a nonprofit neighborhood homeless services coalition. She also served as executive director of Time’s Up Entertainment, a now-defunct group formed in response to the #MeToo movement.

The mother of twin boys and wife of a Hollywood screenwriter burst onto the political scene when she ousted an incumbent City Council member in 2020 with the backing of the DSA.

In defeating Bass, the first Black woman to serve as L.A. mayor, Raman ousted an icon in progressive politics in L.A. Bass was a community organizer who for years fought against police abuse and the crack epidemic in South L.A. Later, she went on to become speaker of the California State Assembly and represent L.A. in Congress.

Congresswoman and Los Angeles Mayoral Candidate Karen Bass speaks on stage at the Los Angeles County Democratic Party Election Night party held at the Palladium in Hollywood on Tuesday, Nov. 8, 2022.

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Brian Feinzimer

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LAist

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In 2022, Bass was elected as a progressive Democrat with the backing of a coalition that looked a lot like the one she had this year, with the exception of the police union, which backed Caruso four years ago. She was able to portray herself as an outsider coming in to fix City Hall.

This year, however, Bass was the incumbent saddled with the city's problems. Her popularity plummeted in the wake of the Palisades Fire. She was out of town when it broke out and was sharply criticized for the Fire Department’s response.

Adding to her woes was the homelessness crisis. The latest count showed the number of unhoused people was growing after a two-year drop. Numerous audits found deep mismanagement of hundreds of millions of dollars by the regional Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority. Until recently, Bass sat on the board of the authority.

Her ouster is an ignominious end to an otherwise honorable career in public service.

In her concession statement, Bass thanked her supporters and her family, whom she said had stood beside her through every challenge.

“Over the past four years, we have taken on some of the most difficult challenges facing any major American city," Bass said. "Coming out of the pandemic, when encampments lined our streets and businesses were trying to reopen — we got Angelenos off the streets, made our neighborhoods safer, built more affordable housing, and created new opportunities for working families.

"We stood together through devastating wildfires and protected our immigrant communities when Donald Trump sent federal troops into our streets to spread fear and intimidation," she continued. "That progress belongs to all of us."

Despite her six years on the City Council, Raman enters the mayoral stage as an outsider promising to shake up an intransigent City Hall.

She may face an uphill battle. All but one of her colleagues on the council backed Bass, including three DSA members. City Controller Kenneth Mejia was the only elected official at City Hall to endorse Raman.

She may have an ally in the city attorney. DSA-backed Marissa Roy is leading Deputy District Attorney John McKinney in the race for that office.

The world of artisanal chocolate has exploded. Going into a specialist store, or even a mainstream supermarket, can be overwhelming, with rows of gorgeously designed chocolate bars facing you. How on earth do you find out what you like — let alone what to buy?

That’s the question Brian Cisneros, director of this weekend’s inaugural L.A. Chocolate Festival, would like to help you with. He sees the festival — in addition to being a great way to bask in chocolate for a day or two — as a way to learn how to read labels, properly taste chocolate and meet the people behind those craft bars.

“You've had some practice, you've met some chocolate makers,” he said. “And now you're able to evaluate, ‘Oh, that was worth the $8,’ or, ‘That was so good, I'm going to get that as a gift.’”

Everything chocolate is on offer, from pastries and drinking chocolate to ceremonial cacao.

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Char Beck

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Courtesy LA Chocolate Festival

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Cisneros has been passionate about spreading the bean-to-bar chocolate gospel for 18 years, since he began the then-tiny but now large-scale annual Northwest Chocolate Festival in Seattle.

“When I founded the festival, there were only six craft chocolate or bean-to-bar chocolate makers in the United States,” he recalled.

Chocolate back then was dominated by large conglomerate producers, whose trade and manufacturing practices were increasingly being called out by activists.

“I had learned about all the trade implications in chocolate, and I really wanted to help connect people with chocolate that was ethical,” he said. “That was part of the original reason for the show.”

As the craft movement has expanded, so has the Northwest festival, with more than 100 exhibitors from all over the world. Well established enough, he felt, to expand to Los Angeles this year. He also has a personal connection — he grew up in Bellflower, with a grandmother who lived in East Los Angeles, before moving to Seattle for high school.

“So there is a little bit of a homecoming energy for me personally,” he said, “though I try to keep that internal.”

Exhibitors include Dick Taylor, a small batch maker from Northern California.

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Char Beck

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Courtesy LA Chocolate Festival

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The festival is being held on Saturday, Nov. 7, and Sunday, Nov. 8, at The Magic Box @ The Reef in DTLA. It’s the new kid in town — smaller than its Seattle sibling at around 30 exhibitors — but Cisneros sees advantages in a more intimate, less overwhelming event, aiming for a “more boutique experience,” he said. Exhibitors include California maker Dick Taylor and Melissa Coppel, a Las Vegas-based vegan chocolate maker, with educational workshops all day included in the ticket price.

Gov. Gavin Newsom is commuting the death sentences of 548 people, clearing the California death row for the first time since the state conducted hangings in the late 19th century.

It is a monumental move in the history of capital punishment in America: The prisoners represent more than a quarter of the nation’s condemned inmates.

And it is a decision Newsom has spoken about in starkly personal terms. In 2019, shortly after taking office, he issued a moratorium on executions just three years after voters rejected a ballot measure to abolish the death penalty and instead approved one to speed them up. But at the time, the governor said he couldn’t be responsible for killing another person.

“After nearly 30 years in office I have come to understand the limits of what government can justly accomplish,” Newsom wrote in a letter addressed “to all Californians.” “I take this action because I firmly believe that state-sanctioned killing is incompatible with California’s values, undermines the foundations of our legal system, and diminishes each of us.”

Since 2024, death row has been a metaphorical place. The male prisoners were cleared out of their individual cells in San Quentin State Prison and distributed among other 24 facilities. Twenty female prisoners condemned to death were moved to general population at the Central California Women’s Facility that year. Even before Newsom’s 2019 moratorium, it had been more than a decade since the state performed an execution.

Some of the decisions Newsom made Thursday will need court approval. For those convicted of multiple felonies, four of seven judges on the Supreme Court will have to sign off on the commutations.

Newsom said those with the commuted sentences will not be eligible for new Board of Parole Hearings commutation and resentencing regulations. That addresses some concerns prosecutors, victims’ groups and supporters of the death penalty had expressed as they anticipated Newsom’s decision: that those newly sentenced to life might get a chance later to be released.

His anticipated decision garnered sharp condemnation in recent weeks from those groups, who argued it flew in the face of juries and judges that had upheld the death sentences, and voters who have upheld the practice.

“I don’t think he or any person should undo the sentence rendered by a jury and signed off by a judge because of his personal beliefs or feelings,” said Topo Padilla, president of Crime Victims United, last week.

Natasha Minsker, former director of the American Civil Liberties Union of California's Center for Advocacy and Policy, said the death penalty is now a forgotten part of California politics. “I’m shocked, when I talk to legislators and tell them to oppose it, they say we don’t have the death penalty in California,” she said.

Mary McComb, the former State Public Defender, said from her first case defending a man with intellectual disabilities who was charged with a capital offense, she has found a moral reason to oppose the death penalty.

“One can always hope, but without the commutations, it’s not always guaranteed that governors would continue to have the courage to (maintain a moratorium),” McComb said

This is a developing story that will be updated.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.