The Brief

Anyone who's driven in Koreatown knows that the neighborhood's density can make finding parking a blood sport. So when tenants of an apartment building on Kingsley Drive were told that their parking garage was being replaced with more units, they quickly organized in opposition.

Tenants at 501 Kingsley say the apartment complex is preparing to tear down the badly-needed garage to make way for five accessory dwelling units, or ADUs — and they don't have much in the way of recourse.

A state law passed last year allows landlords to replace parking spaces or other amenities with housing units — without requiring them to offer replacement parking. Local governments, like the city of Los Angeles, have no say in the matter.

“What they want to do is take our parking away so then they can build ADUs so the landlord makes more money,” said Vanessa Lua, who has lived in this complex for nearly 10 years. “That's forcing us to find parking on the street or pay for parking.”

How did we get here?

Koreatown is L.A.’s most dense neighborhood and is notorious for its lack of parking. In April, Koreatown was crowned as being the worst L.A. neighborhood to park in.

Mel Raymond has lived in the neighborhood for nine years and said most of the spots are taken by the time she leaves for work in the evening.

“If I had to rely on finding a parking spot in Koreatown after I got home from work, it would just be literally impossible,” she said.

After tenants received a notice in April that their parking was going away, Raymond said they tried to appeal through the city’s housing department. That attempt was denied, and they received another notice in August.

According to a notice from North Oak Property Management, which manages the complex, renters will receive a $200 monthly rent credit.

North Oak Property Management declined to comment.

Residents have since set up tables and chairs in their parking spots, occupying the garage in protest. They say management has tried to intimidate the protesters with tow trucks and calling the police.

Property owner Mark Nassab did not respond to LAist’s request for comment.

Frustrated tenants

The apartment units at 501 Kingsley are rent controlled and some of tenants are older and have lived in the complex for decades, according to Raymond.

“They are not in a position to move. They have been in a rent-stabilized building for decades, and they can't just pick up and go,” she said. “I do not want this 81 year-old man and his wife having to look for parking and park far away at night.”

Volunteers with the L.A. Tenants Union are helping residents at 501 Kingsley organize the protest. Will Litton, an organizer for the group, said the fight is not just for parking.

“It's a fight against displacement," Litton said. "It's a fight against landlords and developers who are using any tactic they can, often under the guise of increasing the housing stock or addressing the housing crisis, in order to displace long-term tenants who have very affordable rents."

Raymond and Lua told LAist that if parking goes away, they'll be forced to find somewhere else to live.

Allowed by state law

Senate Bill 1211 allows property owners to convert parking units into ADUs and prohibits local agencies from requiring the replacement of off-street parking.

“My parking spot is a big deal because it's my parking spot, but it could be any amenity in my building,” Raymond said.

She explained that parking is included in her lease and that taking it away would break part of that agreement.

“We chose these apartments because they have things that we need in them or things that we want in them,” she said.

Raymond added that moving is an option, but there’s no stopping the next landlord from taking away an amenity for ADUs.

“It's not about the parking at 501 Kingsley. I could move tomorrow, and it can happen to the next place that I live, and it can happen to any renter anywhere in California,” she said. “There's no protection, so it seems like you're just crossing your fingers and hoping that your landlord is generous enough to let you keep what you signed up for.”

Construction was planned to start on Aug. 20. The project’s current timeline is unclear.

California prosecutors are expressing alarm at the Trump administration’s response to the fatal shooting of a Minneapolis woman by an immigration agent, pointing to statements that the agent has absolute immunity from prosecution and to the decision to exclude Minnesota investigators from the inquiry into the incident.

In interviews with KQED, state and local prosecutors vowed to investigate and, if necessary, prosecute federal agents who act illegally in California. But they acknowledged that those probes would be difficult to undertake without federal cooperation.

“Despite what Vice President [JD] Vance has irresponsibly and erroneously said ... there’s no such thing as absolute immunity,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta, a Democrat, said. “Of course, there can be criminal liability for an ICE agent who commits a crime. ICE agents do not have carte blanche and license to kill and commit crimes and assaults and batter and rape and murder Americans. That’s what JD Vance is saying.”

Amid aggressive immigration raids in Minneapolis, Renee Macklin Good was shot three times by an ICE agent as she appeared to turn her car away from the officer on Jan. 7.

Following the shooting, federal authorities — including President Donald Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem — blamed Good for the shooting, excluded state and local law enforcement from the investigation and moved to focus the probe on Good’s possible activism, not the ICE agent’s actions.

“The precedent here is very simple — you have a federal law enforcement official, engaging in a federal law enforcement action,” Vance said from the White House podium two days after the shooting. “That’s a federal issue; that guy is protected by absolute immunity, he is doing his job.”

That claim prompted outrage from Democrats around the nation, in part because Macklin Good’s shooting, while she drove her car, is not unique.

Immigration agents have been involved in at least two nonfatal shootings of drivers in Los Angeles in recent months, and a Wall Street Journal investigation identified 13 times since July when ICE agents fired into civilians’ vehicles, twice fatally.

Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem immediately defended the actions of the officer who killed a woman in Minnesota.

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Outrage in California and beyond

Vance’s comments in particular outraged law enforcement in California and beyond; the administration’s response led six federal prosecutors in Minnesota to resign this week.

“I’ve never in my career seen a government official, an elected official, or the head of a law enforcement agency come out and within minutes justify the conduct of the officer or agent [involved in a shooting],” San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Tuesday.

“It tells me that there’s already been a conclusion drawn, that we will not have a full and fair and independent investigation because they’ve already told us that they’ve determined that this shooting was justified. And so there will not be an opportunity for justice should that need to happen.”

Jenkins, a Democrat, made headlines in October amid threats of Bay Area immigration raids when she said she would not hesitate to prosecute federal agents who break the law in San Francisco. Her comments prompted Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche to write a letter that offered a preview of the government’s response to the Minnesota case: He declared any arrest of federal agents “illegal and futile.”

But Jenkins’ comments were correct, San Mateo County District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe said.

San Mateo County's Stephen Wagstaffe said recent events have him worried about the public's trust in law enforcement

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“That’s exactly what I feel. I don’t care who they are; I don’t care who or what their role is. If they come into our county, violate the law, they get held accountable just like anybody does,” he said. “Stature or occupation is not relevant as to whether you get prosecuted if you violate the law.”

In one of the Los Angeles cases, TikTok streamer Carlitos Ricardo Parias was accused by federal agents of using his car as a deadly weapon; agents claimed they fired at him in self-defense. But a federal judge dismissed the assault charges filed by federal prosecutors, and video of the incident has raised questions about the agents’ account.

It’s not clear if there are state or local investigations into that incident: Los Angeles District Attorney Nathan Hochman declined an interview request for this story, and Bonta declined to confirm or deny a state investigation, saying he cannot comment on pending cases.

But prosecutors said that federal authorities’ actions are eroding trust in law enforcement — and making their jobs harder.

“Rule of law doesn’t truly exist in our country at the highest level right now,” Jenkins said. “We already know that based on the history in this country, there’s so much distrust when it comes to the prosecution of law enforcement for unlawful shootings or even fair investigations into those shootings.”

Wagstaffe said he was dismayed to see the rush to judgment by both the Trump administration and local elected officials, like Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. Within hours of the Good shooting, Frey declared the federal government’s self-defense claims “bulls—.”

Still, Wagstaffe said none of that should affect the investigation.

“What we’re trying to do here is inspire public trust,” he said. “But I’m not going to be influenced in even the slightest by what any other person says.”

Questions about state officials' power

Bonta, Wagstaffe and Jenkins all said that after Good’s killing and the subsequent decision by the FBI to shut out Minnesota investigators, they have real concerns about their ability to probe potential use-of-force incidents involving federal authorities.

Wagstaffe noted that federal prosecutors generally are not empowered to investigate homicides — local district attorneys are. Jenkins said if federal authorities take control of a scene and refuse to share evidence, “it would nearly negate our ability to prosecute.”

Bonta said that what should happen after a federal agent uses deadly force is a joint investigation.

“We should have access to the scene. We should have access to the evidence. We should get cooperation from the federal government,” he said.

California's response to ICE

California has made moves to push back on what Democrats here see as ICE’s overreach: Last year, the governor signed a law barring local and federal law enforcement from wearing a mask while on duty, a law that’s now tied up in court. The author of that bill, state Sen. Scott Wiener, is currently pushing legislation to make it easier for Californians to sue over violations of constitutional rights, like illegal searches and seizures or retaliating against someone for exercising their First Amendment rights.

Bonta urged Californians to report federal misconduct to a new website his office created, including video of encounters with ICE, which the public is allowed to record. But he also encouraged protesters and others not to take the bait if federal agents appear to be provoking a violent response.

“You cannot, and you should not, assault or strike or commit a crime against an officer. You just can’t, no matter what they did in terms of approaching you. If they use force and you think it was unreasonable, you’re not going to figure it out at that moment,” he said. “I’ll have to get it figured out later in a court of law.”

“Follow orders, be peaceful, but you can observe, you can record, and that can be used later as evidence in a case that you might bring.”

Since September, 16 major drug companies have inked deals with the Trump administration to lower prices. But in January — the time of year when pharmaceutical companies typically roll out price hikes — all 16 companies released higher list prices for some of their drugs.

The agreements, nicknamed "most favored nation" deals, were aimed at getting lower prices for American consumers and pushing other wealthy countries to pay higher prices for new drugs.

But drug companies, including the 16 that made deals, raised the prices of 872 brand-name drugs in the first two weeks of 2026, according to a new analysis by 46brooklyn, a drug price research firm.

The drugs with price hikes included medicines to treat cancer, heart failure and Type 2 diabetes. The price of some COVID shots also went up.

"The real truth serum is what's happening in the marketplace after those deals occur," says Antonio Ciaccia, chief executive of 46brooklyn, a nonprofit that tracks the list prices of prescription medications. "January is prime time for list price changes on brand-name drugs. So in examining where we are today, we're pretty much in line with the last few years."

The price increases came in at a median of 4% — the same as last year — despite the deals announced with fanfare by the Trump administration.

Pharmaceutical list prices are the starting point for negotiations with insurers and the middlemen known as pharmacy benefit managers. List prices play a role in which drugs insurers choose to cover and what the patient ultimately pays out-of-pocket at the pharmacy counter.

Asked about the price hikes and whether they break the terms of the deals, White House spokesperson Kush Desai said the list prices aren't important, and that the specific discounts addressed in the deals are coming to state Medicaid programs and patients who want to pay cash for some prescriptions.

The White House announced Thursday that it was asking Congress to pass legislation to support his Great Healthcare Plan. During a press call, Dr. Mehmet Oz, who leads the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, claimed the plan would "codify" what was in the individually negotiated drug company deals.

What we know about the deals

Details are hard to come by since the administration's deal documents haven't been made public.

During the news conferences, health and White House officials mentioned the companies had made commitments for Medicaid discounts — but that's something the program already gets, says Dr. Ben Rome, a health policy researcher at Brigham and Women's Hospital.

The deals also included pledges for future drugs to be launched at the same price in other wealthy countries as in the U.S. And some drugs will be made available at a discount to cash-paying customers — that is, those who are uninsured or not using their health insurance — through a new website called TrumpRx.gov.

But those efforts don't affect prices for a lot of the companies' products and most healthcare consumers and insurance plans.

"Those deals probably are not very important in terms of manufacturer drug pricing and the prices paid by most Americans for prescription drugs," Rome said.

Pfizer, which reached the first deal with the Trump administration in September, raised the prices of 72 products in January, according to 46brooklyn. They include a 15% increase on the price of its COVID shot.

New York-based Pfizer says its new price increases were modest and necessary to invest in new medicines and address added expenses. In an email to NPR, the company also pointed out that while list prices have gone up, the prices that insurance companies actually wind up paying Pfizer, after various discounts and rebates paid to middlemen and other programs, have gone down.

Merck also raised prices on 18 products, including Isentress for HIV and Belsomra for insomnia, according to 46brooklyn's data.

The New Jersey-based company said in an email that it made these decisions "responsibly to reflect a product's clinical value to patients and the healthcare system." Asked about how the price increases fit into its agreement with the administration, Merck spokesperson Julie Cunningham said the "exact terms" are "confidential" but the company is working on "fairer global pricing."

Some drug prices went down

There were 18 big price cuts in the first few days of the year, according to 46brooklyn. That includes four drugs that were part of the first round of Medicare drug price negotiation — an initiative launched by the Biden administration as part of the Inflation Reduction Act.

The negotiations lowered some drug prices paid by Medicare, but many wondered whether that might also lead to lower prices for privately insured patients.

The new data holds some clues. Fiasp, an insulin product, got a 75% price cut in the commercial market, according to the 46brooklyn data. The drug's maker, Novo Nordisk, said it also cut the prices of other drugs, and its goal was to make them more affordable.

AstraZeneca's Farxiga and Boehringer Ingelheim's Jardiance, both used for diabetes and heart failure, and the blood thinner Eliquis, made by Bristol Myers Squibb, also got price drops between 37% and 44%.

When a company decides to lower prices, it's due to a variety of factors and policies, but 46brooklyn's Ciaccia says, "Medicare drug price negotiations, I would argue, are the straw that broke the camel's back."

Dr. Ben Rome isn't sure he agrees with that analysis: "It's hard to sort of pin any one drug or any one situation on any one policy," he says. "But it's probably a confluence of factors that have led to some of these drug [companies] making that decision."

After the first round of negotiations in 2024, Medicare prices for 10 chosen drugs were reduced by 38% to 79%, with those discounts going into effect in January of 2026.

The new report presents a mixed picture of what happened to those drugs outside of Medicare: Four posted big drops in list price this month, four didn't have price changes and two had price increases.

Copyright 2026 NPR

A new law legally mandating how corn tortillas can be made, despite a 12,000 year tradition of making them with just corn, water, and lime, just went into effect in California on January 1, 2026.

AB 1830, sponsored by physician-turned-Fresno Assembly Member Joaquin Arambula, makes it mandatory to add 0.7 milligrams of folic acid per pound of masa, which must be declared on nutrition labels.

The bill states that this addition of the synthetic version of vitamin B9 onto the lifeblood of Mexican cuisine is to prevent birth defects among Latina women.

The bill's "Findings and Declarations" section includes statements asserting a "disproportionately higher risk" and "higher rate of NTDs [neural tube defects] in Latino communities, saying it's "a symptom in the broader disease of health inequity.” Common types of neural tube defects include spina bifida.

La Princesita Tortillerías assembly line.

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La Princesita Tortillerías assembly line.

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Folic acid, in its synthetic form, is part of the top 80% of synthetic vitamins produced by China, according to a 2025 S&P Global report on the vitamins industry.

Advocates celebrate the bill as a win in fortified food equality since the initial push to put more folic acid in foods began in 1998, when the U.S. Food and Drug Administration issued a mandate to include the supplement in enriched grain products such as bread, cereal, and pasta. It resulted in neural tube defects plummeting by 30% to 40% nationwide based on CDC records. But that order did not include corn masa — until now.

However, there are loopholes and exceptions to the new law, especially for craft molino owners and tortilla companies who work with only 100% nixtamal, in addition to other exemptions. In short, it only applies to cheaper corn tortillas made with corn tortilla flour, colloquially named “masa harina” in Spanish and made famous by brands like Maseca. This law also exempts flour tortillas.

Maiz criollo doesn’t need any added vitamins

The new law took Fátima Juárez — owner of L.A.'s newest craft molino, Komal L.A., and a new mother — by surprise. The stand inside Mercado La Paloma was named one of the best new restaurants last year by Bon Appétit and home to the best taco in L.A., according to L.A. TACO’s own 69 best tacos of 2025 list.

“As someone who was recently pregnant and taking vitamins, I remember the flavor of artificial folic acid being very bitter,” Juárez tells L.A. TACO. “I also remember having a negative reaction — stomach aches and increased nausea — until I switched to an organic brand.”

“It definitely affects flavor,” she adds.

This acrid flavor is what Gustavo Arellano, creator of KCRW’s Tortilla Tournament, also picked up in a blind taste test.

“The second one [with folic acid] had a subtle taste of . . . something. It lingered longer on the palate than an old school tortilla, and turned too rubbery in my mouth. The difference was obvious — it contained folic acid,” he wrote in his weekly column in L.A. Times in May last year.

Fátima Júarez holds her molotes de platano.

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Komal's taco de costilla on Júarez's 100% nixtamal tortilla.

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Juárez was initially confused and had to do her own research to find out that she was exempt from this new law as someone who works exclusively (and passionately) with 100% heirloom corn nixtamal.

Still, she understands the need for adding artificially-made vitamins and minerals to masa harina-based tortillas as a preventative measure. Tortillas made with Maseca and other highly processed instant corn flours use genetically modified corn that are known to be stripped of their natural nutrients for higher yield and pest resistance.

“This law is primarily for maíz transgenicos (GMO corn), which have higher sugar, pesticides, and are subject to more processing. The majority of masa and maíz that we see in L.A. and the U.S. are that,” Juarez says.

She says that she’s recently tried to eat less tacos made on the streets of L.A. in order to avoid eating GMO corn.

“As artisans using 100% maíz criollo, we are exempt from this law. We intentionally source pure limestone, sourced transparently from Puebla, as well. And let’s not forget that the pericarp in heirloom corn is full of calcium and more vitamins and minerals, naturally,” she says.

The tortilería CEO and senator that saved traditional corn tortillas from government overreach

Enrique Rodriguez, CEO of La Princesita Tortillería, first found out about Arambula’s bill when it was drafted during the 2023-2024 Regular Session last March.

He supported the goal of helping Latina women against health disparities, but he found the first draft to be “ambiguous and overbroad.”

He remembers the bill, as amended in May 2024, included all tortillas, even those made by small producers using 100% nixtamal. He immediately drafted an opposition letter to the senate health committee, which resulted in the committee’s hearing being postponed.

Maria Elena Durazo.

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Monica Ramirez, President of La Princesita Tortillería, and Edward Ramirez.

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Nixtamal tortillas are stone-ground with volcanic rock, such as this one.

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La Princesita, founded in 1972 by Francisco Ramirez, an immigrant from Cuernavaca, Mexico, on the border of East Los Angeles and Boyle Heights, is one of L.A.’s largest manufacturers of tortillas and supplies “several hundred restaurants” he tells L.A. TACO, including some of the biggest players in L.A.'s taco universe such as Holbox, Guelaguetza, Chulita, Ramona’s Mexican Food, and Anajak Thai.

“Sometimes we don’t even know where our tortillas end up because they are sold through distribution companies,” he says.

Thanks to the power of Rodriguez’s letter, which tabled the bill, he had time to have a discussion about his concerns with 26th District Senator Maria Elena Durazo, who heard him out. They both worked together to create multiple exemptions to the law to accommodate small tortillerías that work with nixtamal as well as restaurants that nixtamalize their own masa.

“In the early versions of the bill, there was no distinction between tortillas made with nixtamal and corn flour,” Rodriguez says. “The major impact wouldn’t have been in terms of flavor, it would have had a severe impact on our cultural identity by altering the ancestral practices used that define our product."

He credits Durazo for “singlehandedly saving traditional tortilla making in California.”

Rodriguez now has become an unofficial hotline for his tortilla producer peers across California, getting texts and messages from his competitors seeking guidance. As Rodriguez sees it, the greater good is keeping traditional tortilla making alive in California, so he responds clearing up the new law to those who are confused.

La Princesita Tortillería as a manufacturer is largely exempt from the bill for several reasons.

First, they primarily manufacture wet masa products where folic acid fortification isn’t mandatory. Additionally, they are predominantly a supplier to food facilities, which are categorically exempt from the folic acid fortification requirements of the bill.

The maiz criollo resistance continues

The news of California’s tortilla politicization is making its way down south to the birthplace of corn: Mexico.

Oscar Segundo, chef and co-owner of Xokol in Guadalajara (considered to be the first craft molino in the world upon opening eight years ago), comes from a corn-growing family in Pueblo Mazahua in the state of Mexico. He says California’s local government trying to force tortilla producers to add vitamins is “colonizing all over again.”

Chef Oscar Segundo of Xokol carrying 70 kilograms of corn grown by his family.

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Xrys Ruelas, co-owner and chef at Xokol, in the corn fields in Mazahua, Mexico State.

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“So you strip away nutrients from corn via using GMO corn and then you are told you need to add back on synthetic versions of nutrients? This all reveals a colonial mindset,” he tells L.A. TACO. “It’s like when the Spanish came and took away Indigenous Mexico Gods and told us to worship saints instead.”

Mexico is no stranger to the politicization of corn tortillas. The country established a law in January 2025 stating that Mexican farmers weren’t allowed to grow GMO corn on Mexican soil. But it was also filled with loopholes, allowing the import of cheap and mass-produced, U.S.-grown GMO to make corn flour tortillas and to feed cattle in Mexico.

That flooding of cheap, U.S.-grown GMO corn resulted in Mexican farmers protesting and shutting down highways across Mexico, demanding fair prices for their non-GMO corn.

“At the end of the day, tortillas are technical and precise, yet they’re ritualistic and an everyday food as well,” says Segundo. “Nixtamalizing activates nutrients if you’re using heirloom corn, so there’s no need to have to add synthetic nutrients.”

Arturo Enciso grinding fresh nixtamal at Gusto Bread in Long Beach.

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One of Gusto's most sold pastries are their "nixtamal queens" made with laminated sourdough and nixtamal.

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Back in L.A, Gusto Bread owner Arturo Enciso was initially confused and worried about the new law, as he and his partner, Ana Salatino, are getting ready to open a new craft molino in Downtown Long Beach this year.

“Requiring folic acid as a mandatory additive for tortilla manufacturers is unfortunate and represents a step backward,” he tells L.A. TACO. “It is my hope that California recognizes this as a significant mistake.”

“As a state, we should serve as custodians of this ancestral staple food, rather than influencing it with synthetic, man-made folate,” he adds.

Rick Ortega, co-owner of Kernel of Truth Organics, overseeing nixtamal tanks at his facility in Boyle Heights.

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Rick Ortega, co-owner of Kernel of Truth Organics, overseeing nixtamal tanks at his facility in Boyle Heights.

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By 9:30 a.m. on a weekday, there's already a line outside Miopane's Raymond Avenue storefront. Open for just a few weeks, this new Pasadena bakery is the first U.S. location of a cult Taiwanese bagel chain that takes a wildly creative approach to the bagel format.

These aren't the dense, chewy New York-style rings Angelenos have been debating for decades. Taiwanese bagels occupy their own category — part breakfast pastry, part dessert. Miopane's bagels are thick, stuffed creations with inventive fillings: matcha with buttery cream centers, strawberry, chocolate hazelnut, mango cream cheese and even salted egg yolk.

Inside, the space is sleek and modern with natural wood accents and a long bakery case where you queue up to choose your bagels. There's a five-item limit per person, which feels restrictive when you're staring at more than 20 flavors.

A different kind of bagel

LAist's Gab Chabrán describes Miopane's bagels as having fluffy texture and adventurous exteriors. Here, he tries the chocolate hazelnut.

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The bagel itself is soft and airy, with a light, almost pillowy quality. It's similar to what you'd find in other Taiwanese pastries at 85°C or JJ Bakery, using the slightly stuffed format found at Calic Bagel in Koreatown.

With its fluffy texture and an adventurous exterior — the chocolate hazelnut arrives with a swirl of chocolate on top — it's a bagel in shape only; in spirit, this is something else entirely.

The blueberry cream cheese bagel strikes the right balance — tangy cream cheese hits first, then blueberry washes over at the finish without overpowering. The apple cinnamon, however, feels muted, with cream cheese dominating the fruit. The sour cream and onion bagel, coated with a caramelized onion topping, could use a more pronounced onion flavor in its filling. The exterior does most of the heavy lifting.

What customers are saying

Ron Rodriguez of Arcadia was enthusiastic about what he tried.

"I don't want to use 'unreal' so much. I want to use quality," Rodriguez said. "The food is quality."

His wife, Chris, loved the cranberry cream cheese bagel, particularly how the cream cheese was infused throughout.

Christina Chu and Sean Simpson praised the "soft and fluffy" texture and the drinks.

Building something new

Miopane's Old Town Pasadena storefront has been drawing lines since opening in early January.

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Beyond bagels, Miopane offers pastries and sandwiches worth the trip.

The sticky bun — a beast loaded with cinnamon glaze and pecans — might be the most indulgent option. Then there's the elusive maple glazed green onion croissant, which has been sold out every time I've visited.

"We really focused on making sure we're doing the best we can for our customers," says Austin Lynn, part of the management team.

That commitment is what drove Mia Cucina, the well-established Italian restaurant group in Taiwan, to start making their own bread in-house — they wanted complete control over quality rather than relying on outside suppliers. What began as an effort to serve better bread at their restaurants eventually grew into its own operation, and opening a standalone bakery made sense. The Pasadena location was chosen because the team has local ties.

Lynn's personal favorites include the burnt onion with garlic butter and cream cheese bagel — which takes so long to make they can only produce limited quantities daily — and the roasted tomato focaccia sandwich, which, Austin says, tastes "like a bite of pizza."

Two Basque burnt cheesecakes are coming soon, made with "really high quality matcha straight from the farmers in Japan."

The main menu item at Miopaneisn't trying to be a New York bagel, and that's the point. For Angelenos used to debates about schmear and lox, this requires a mental reset. The question isn't whether it's a "good bagel" by traditional standards, but whether you're willing to meet it on its own terms.