The Brief

On a warm October morning in 2021, three men and one woman met in a squat, unassuming building in a working-class neighborhood in the middle of Los Angeles.

They were four of the most powerful people in the city: Ron Herrera, the head of a prominent union group, and three L.A. city council members: Gil Cedillo, Kevin de León and then-council president Nury Martinez. They didn’t know it at the time, but everything they were saying was being secretly recorded.

For the next 90 minutes, the four Latino leaders would speak candidly using demeaning and racist terms about colleagues on the council, Black political power, indigenous people and even a child — all within the context of a meeting held to strategize how to advance Latino power in the city.

A year later, on Oct. 9, 2022, that recording was leaked to the public.

When the media began publishing excerpts from the tape, they shook Los Angeles to its core. It led to protests outside — and inside — City Hall and at the homes of the people on the tape. There were calls for resignation from fellow council members, national politicians, and even the president of the United States.

Now, in her first interview since the scandal broke, we pressed former L.A. City Council President Nury Martinez about the racist and offensive things she said.

We also asked Martinez to engage and think through how her comments were connected to the larger systemic issues of anti-Black racism and colorism in the Latino community. Over the course of our six-hour interview, Martinez largely declined to do so.

“I don't even know if I'm the right person to even have these conversations anymore,” she said in Episode 2, “because I've been tainted in such a way where I don't even know if I would even be welcome. Even in this conversation, I feel really scared and nervous to even dive into that.”

She also discussed her experience of the scandal and how it has affected her mental health.

Antonia Cereijido and Martinez spoke over the course of two days at LAist’s Pasadena studio. The conversation below has been condensed and edited for clarity.

Listen to more in LAist Studios’ Imperfect Paradise podcast. The series includes interviews with those who were most impacted by the hurtful comments on the tape including former L.A. city councilmember Mike Bonin, current councilmembers Marqueece Harris-Dawson, Eunisses Hernandez and Nithya Raman, indigenous human rights organizer Odilia Romero, and Professor Tanya Hernández, who has written about anti-Blackness in the Latinx community.

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Host Antonia Cereijido presses former L.A. City Council President Nury Martinez to account for the racist, hurtful comments she made on the secret recording that rocked Los Angeles and led to her resignation. CONTENT WARNING: Sensitive subject matter.

Nury & The Secret Tapes: Part 3

Host Antonia Cereijido presses former L.A. City Council President Nury Martinez to account for the racist, hurtful comments she made on the secret recording that rocked Los Angeles and led to her resignation. CONTENT WARNING: Sensitive subject matter.

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Learning about the tapes, and the decision to resign

Antonia Cereijido: Let's talk about the day when the tapes were published. When did you hear about the tapes and their existence?

Nury Martinez: I was having coffee with my husband at our kitchen table, and it's about 9 or 9:30 a.m. when I get a phone call. My then-chief of staff, Alexis Wesson, calls me and says, “there is a tape.”

And her exact words were, “Do you remember wearing Doc Martens to a meeting?”

[Note: One of the first things Martinez says on the tape is that she’s wearing Doc Martens].

I go, “Doc Martens? Like the shoes? I have Doc Martens, but I don't know what you're talking about.”

She goes, “Someone found tapes of you where apparently you're at some meeting and you're wearing Doc Martens because you mentioned Doc Martens in the meeting.” And I was like, ‘I have no idea what you're talking about.’”

By 8:30 or 9:30 a.m. the next day, which was now Oct. 9, there's a story in the L.A. Times, and now by this time I'm getting phone calls from folks asking me what this is about. By that time it's now clear to me that the meeting they're talking about is the Oct. 18, 2021 meeting that the four of us held at the County Federation of Labor. And now it's like, who taped this? Who could have done this?

By that Sunday, the protesting had begun. I had people at my front door on my driveway shouting just absolute obscenities into my child's bedroom, calling me the C word. “You, you racist C word, you effing B word. We're gonna kill you, you should die.” It was all happening really, really fast.

Protestors demonstrate outside City Hall calling for the resignations of L.A. City Council members Kevin de Leon and Gil Cedillo in the wake of a leaked audio recording on Oct. 12, 2022.

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I had already internally, even though I did not say this to anyone, I had already accepted that this was so big that there is nothing that I could say or do to undo this and that I needed to step down. A hundred percent. I knew that there was gonna be consequences, that I needed to pay for this.

On Joe Biden, Karen Bass and Alex Padilla

Over the next 48 hours, dozens of elected officials called for the resignations of Martinez, Cedillo and de León, including U.S. Senator Alex Padilla and former Congressmember Karen Bass, who was, at the time, running for mayor of L.A. Martinez had recently endorsed Bass for mayor, and she was close with Padilla and his family; they went to the same high school in San Fernando, and Padilla’s brother, Ackley Padilla, was her former chief of staff.

On Oct. 11, 2022, President Biden’s press secretary, Karine Jean-Pierre, said during a press conference, “the president is glad to see that one of the participants in that conversation has resigned. But they all should. He believes that they all should resign. The language that was used and tolerated during that conversation was unacceptable and it was appalling. They should all step down.”

NM: During the first 24 hours of the tapes being leaked, Karen Bass did reach out to me and we talked several times. She was very supportive. And at one point I said, “if you have to renounce my endorsement, I will completely understand.” She didn't think we needed to do that the first 24 hours.

And she actually thought that somehow this would settle down or blow over in about one or two days. And we were actually expecting President Biden in Los Angeles that Thursday, and I was supposed to have a fundraiser, a Latino fundraiser for her that Saturday as well. When I talked to her on the phone, I'm like, “What do we do about President Biden's visit? Do I not show up? Like, what do you want me to do?” She's like, “No, we're moving forward. You show up.” And, you know, thinking this was gonna blow over.

I wanted to believe her, but I think deep down in my heart, I'm like, there is no way that this is gonna blow over. She also reached out to Ron Herrera for a possible press conference with the two of us. And then that didn't go anywhere. She was discouraged by a group of ministers, I think. But the intent of her standing with us was there. And I appreciate it.

Bass called me afterwards and she said, did you see Senator Alex Padilla's statement? I said, “No.” She goes, “It's bad.”

Alex never shared his statement with me. We did have a conversation. In fact, I was curled up in the bathroom when I took Alex's phone call, like at seven in the morning [on Monday], and he was really hard on me. And I was trying to explain what had happened and I wasn't getting through. And all I kept saying is, “But you know me.” And I might've said, “I don't know if I can withstand this, I'm scared.” And I didn't hear anything back.

U.S. Senator Alex Padilla. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

And soon after that, the cries for resignation were so loud. I then got on the phone with [L.A. city councilmember] Paul Krekorian and told him that I was gonna step down as council president.

AC: What strikes me about how you're describing those couple of days is that it sounds like you were sort of in “logistics brain.” But in terms of sitting down and thinking about why people were upset about the tapes, or processing, was that going through your mind?

NM: Oh yeah. That went through my mind, at night 'cause I wasn't sleeping. And so the first thing I attempted to do is take full responsibility and apologize, which I know was not accepted at the time, and then fix what I had done. Of course, I thought about what this has done. Of course I thought about Mike's baby. Of course. But once phone calls kept coming in, I didn't necessarily feel comfortable with these people on the phone. I didn't know if I was being recorded. I didn't know if they were talking to the press. So I didn't talk about these things with anybody on the phone. The only thing I knew how to do is hand over my responsibilities as a council president and make sure that I didn't mess up anything else.

AC: How did it feel to hear that President Biden had weighed in?

NM: I was in shock. I wanna believe that he had to do it because he was coming into Los Angeles on that Thursday. Maybe he just wanted to get it out of the way. That's what I thought.

Senator Padilla told us he does not dispute Nury’s account of this call. LAist reached out repeatedly to Mayor Bass, described this story to her spokesperson and asked for her comment, but we never heard back. In a later interview with LAist’s Larry Mantle, Bass denied she thought it would blow over, and added, “even if it was, I wanna take a crisis and seize it as an opportunity.”

Redistricting and Black political power

In another part of the tape, the four Latino leaders discuss redistricting, the once in a decade process of drawing new city council district lines. 

They focus on Council District 9, a majority Latino district in South L.A. that’s currently represented by a Black man, Curren Price. They care about this district because it’s become the district with the highest percentage of Latino residents in the city, and they think it will be represented by a Latino in the future. They want District 9 to have some good economic “assets,” like universities, stadiums, airports, etc, that are tied to good union jobs and bring resources into the district.  And they’re concerned the redistricting commission might take some of those “assets” away.

In particular, the four people in the room wanted the University of Southern California – USC – to remain in Council District 9. But that would mean leaving Council District 8, which is also right next door to USC in South LA, with very few economic assets. 

District 8 has the highest percentage of Black residents in the city. On the tape, Martinez proposed that Marqueece Harris-Dawson, who represents Council District 8 take LAX from his “brother,” Mike Bonin, whose district included the airport. Some people interpreted this as the four Latino leaders scheming to keep resources out of the hands of the Black community. 

AC: For me, listening to the tapes, just the fact that you do hear redistricting talked about in these racialized terms and it does sound like there's a zero sum. Like, “us Latinos get this, Black people get this.” I think it was shocking for the average person to hear that. I wanna give you the opportunity to respond to that.

NM: That wasn't the intent, and I think … of course, it's shocking. It makes people angry.

I think the Latino community, particularly that the Latino leaders in Los Angeles, have been incredibly cognizant about not starting a war over these seats, that eventually these seats will flip and they will turn Latino because that's what they're trending. But we as leaders in Los Angeles have never engaged in trying to, for example, run a Latino candidate against an African American candidate. I don't remember the time that I've been on the city council that I have not supported an African American colleague or an African American friend who happens to be running for that seat. And so that is, I think the misperception about why we were in that room is that there is this false narrative that we were meeting to dilute or take away political power from the African American community. And that's simply not true.

AC: Do you think Black people have disproportionate political power in Los Angeles and do you think it's come at the expense of Latinos?

NM: Not necessarily. I think the Latinos need to work on unifying our community. I don't think we have to blame anybody else. I think it's up to us to get people to turn out to vote.

AC: One thing that comes through in the tapes is that there's sort of a positioning of like, it's like white liberals in L.A. are allied with Black progressives and like Latinos seem left out. Do you think that's an accurate–

NM: You know what, I don't, I don't know if that was an accurate description of it.

I will tell you that the conversation and other conversations we've had as Latinos is, Latinos are becoming more and more invisible.

And that is something that I saw not only in the media, but I see in politics. I see in everyday life. When you turn on the television, our stories are not being told. And when we do tell them and when we are frustrated, even in a private conversation, it's turned against us. Like we don't have a right as a community to advocate for ourselves because somehow that goes against another ethnic group. I don't know why we do that.

AC: The way the Latino and Black community were talked about was like a zero sum game. Like there's a Latino seat and there's a Black seat, and that would negate Afro-Latinos as a community. I don't know if when you say Latinos, if you think of the Afro-Latino community.

NM: No, I can't say I do, but it's not on purpose. ‘Cause Afro-Latinos, particularly in Los Angeles ... I think you see more Afro-Latinos in Florida and New York and DC.

On L.A. District Attorney George Gascón

On the tape, Martinez disparages L.A. district attorney George Gascón, saying, “F*** that guy. I'm telling you now, he's with the Blacks.” Gascón was elected in 2020 on a platform of criminal justice reform and ending mass incarceration in the city. 

L.A. district attorney George Gascón,

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AC: You said, “Gascón, he's with the Blacks.” What does that mean?

NM: You know, I walked in there really angry and frustrated and it was, it was a mean and insensitive thing to say, and I didn't mean anything by it.

The conversation that we were having didn't have to do with Gascón himself, just had to do with so much of the frustration and anger that I was carrying with me inside me when I walked into that room. And that is no fault of the African American community.

It's just everything that was going on during COVID, with me as council president, the lack of support for what we were trying to do on the council, the amount of personal attacks against me, my leadership and my family were taking a toll on me. And that was it. There is absolutely no excuse for us. I think I let my anger and my frustration get the best of me, and that was it.

AC: There was no policy issue that you –

NM: No. I have absolutely no relationship with him whatsoever.

Racist comments about former Councilmember Mike Bonin's son

On the tape, Martinez told a story about being on a float during L.A.’s Martin Luther King Jr. Day Parade in 2017 with a number of elected officials and their family members, including Karen Bass, Karrie Harris-Dawson, who is married to councilmember Marqueece Harris-Dawson, former city councilmember Mike Bonin and his son, Jacob, who was then a toddler. According to Martinez, the women were discussing Jacob’s behavior on the float. In recounting the story during the meeting that was secretly recorded, Martinez described Jacob, who is Black, by saying, “parece changuito,” which means, “he seems like a little monkey.” 

Martinez and the other leaders on the tape also described how Bonin would bring Jacob to city council and other events during Black History Month, which Kevin de León compared to Martinez bringing her designer handbags to council meetings. Herrera suggested the child was a prop and a statue on a plantation, and Martinez compared him to an accessory. Martinez later said, “Ahí trae su negrito, like on the side,” which means, “there he brings his little Black one.” 

AC: What did you mean when you said, about Mike Bonin’s son, “parece changuito”?

NM: The way I grew up with that word, “parece changuito." It has nothing to do with skin color. It has more to do with behavior. You're sort of just playing around. You're horsing around. Another word that we use in Spanish, “es travieso” [mischievous], you can’t stay put.

It's a conversation I should not have repeated. And I think that's an example of a bunch of moms sitting around you know, being critical of little boys' behavior. That was my mistake.

It was insensitive. It was mean. I never meant to hurt Jacob, and I'm going to have to live with that for the rest of my life, you know? I've never romanticized motherhood. Anybody who knows me and has been around me knows my child is also pretty wild. And now she's a teenager and it's even crazier at a different level. I've never romanticized parenthood. It's really, really hard. And I've been around those moms who sometimes we're critical of other children and we kind of talk smack about with one another. We're moms, right? I never meant to hurt Jacob. I thought about this a hundred times of what I would say to him if I would see him.

Former councilmember Mike Bonin photographed in his home.

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AC: What would you say?

NM: I would hug him. [I would say,] “I never meant to hurt you baby. That was never my intent. It was a conversation I had with four women that I should not have repeated.”

AC: Had you used that particular word [changuito] to describe children before?

NM: Yes, in my family, yes. In fact, my mother said that to me. It was common when I was growing up, and my mom actually pointed that out to me when the tapes broke. She said we used that word at home. [I told her] my mistake was that I was referencing an African American baby and I shouldn't have done that.

AC:  Why do you think it's different to say it about a Black kid versus a kid of another race?

NM: I did not mean it in a derogatory way, and it wasn't meant to describe him as a Black child. That was not the intent of the word.

AC: But do you understand why is it that that word specifically is offensive when talked about a Black kid versus another kid?

NM: Oh, a hundred percent.

AC: No, just the why –

NM: The word was not meant to be derogatory, and I was not describing him in that way because he is a Black child. I was simply referring to his behavior and that was it.

AC: Mike Bonin and [councilmember] Marqueece Harris-Dawson told me that the way you were talking about Jacob on the float is what a lot of people do to Black boys, treating him like he's older, like he has more agency or responsibility than he really does. What do you think about that characterization?

Councilmember Marqueece Harris-Dawson photographed near USC.

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NM: No, I think it was just moms just being critical of you know, a rowdy kid. Just like they would’ve been of my own kid. That was just us being moms.

AC: Would you have used that word in English?

NM: Never. Never have I ever used those words in English. I think in Spanish, then I speak in English. And so my vocabulary comes from me being an English learner. And I think for me, those words are not meant to hurt anybody, or to sound racist at all. I think it's just words that I grew up with.

Racist comments about Oaxacans

The four leaders discussed Koreatown, a neighborhood in Los Angeles that has a large Indigenous Mexican population. On the tape, Herrera says, “my mom used to call them indios.” 

Martinez says, “I see a lot of little short dark people,” and, “I don’t know where these people are from, like I don’t know what village they came out of, how they got here, but, tán [short for están] feos!,” which means, “they’re ugly.”

Protesters dance outside City Hall while calling for the resignations of L.A. City Council members Kevin de Leon and Gil Cedillo in the wake of a leaked audio recording on Oct. 12, 2022 in Los Angeles.

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AC: So the next part of the tapes I want to talk about is actually the part that, knowing your personal and political history, I was most surprised to hear, and that was your comments about Oaxacans. What did you mean when you called them ‘tan feos’?

NM: Oh my goodness. That's another thing that I will never forgive myself for. That was just a horrible, insensitive thing to say. I certainly don't have anything against the Oaxacan community. I feel horrible for having insulted the community.

AC: Do you think there's a colorism problem in Latino communities?

NM: Yes. Yes. I think there is. I think we're getting better and certainly my comments didn't help.

AC: So you, you don't think though, that you harbor a bias against people with darker skin?

NM: No way.

Anti-Black bias in the Latino/x community

AC:, I'm curious, looking back, why do you think you said that? Where was it coming from? Have you thought about why you said what you said?

NM: I've thought about that particular day, God, a thousand times, if not more. I was so frustrated. It's so angry and so alone and so abandoned by, by just, by everyone, particularly other members. And I think that over the two and a half years that I was council president, I just grew more frustrated and angry and pissed off at everything. And that's what you saw. That's it.

AC:  I understand the frustration, but I think there's like a difference between being frustrated and saying things that are insensitive, like you said. And so what I'm trying to do with this interview is unpack where the things were coming from. Because I think that there are a lot of internal biases that we as Latinos hold in the community that people picked up on, and they wanted to use it as an example to talk about this larger conversation about race. Do you think there's an anti-Blackness problem in the Latino community?

NM: I don't know. I mean, that's a really good question. I never felt we had one, um, on the council. Just speaking personally. My personal experience, that's all I can speak to.

AC: Do you think that there is a conversation to be had about anti-Blackness in the Latino community?

NM: Not in my household. Those conversations, um, have never, we've never had to have those conversations 'cause we've never felt that way. And that's just me personally. I don't know about other households or what else is happening in other communities, but I certainly have never felt that.

AC: One of the things that did happen was this larger conversation about how we talk about race in our communities and in many ways I think that part of it is good, like that we have to try more to have–

NM: You know, I wish I could dive more into that, because what this has caused for me is I don't even know if I'm the right person to even have these conversations anymore. 'Cause I've been tainted in such a way where I don't even know if I would even be welcome on a panel or in a group conversation to really dive into these issues, to figure out how we really feel about this. Because of what, how I've been perceived and characterized, that I could even in this conversation — I'm very worried, um, and feel really scared and nervous to even dive into that, if that makes any sense.

I'm not avoiding your question, but I'm just really scared to answer it. What if I say the wrong thing and now we're back to square one? I do not know if today I'm the right person to have those conversations. Do I believe they need to be had? Yes. I'm just being honest. I just don't know how to answer that.

The tape leak

In California, secretly recording a private conversation is a crime. The LAPD is investigating who recorded the meeting. Over the summer, Los Angeles Magazine and the L.A. Times reported that the police were investigating a former employee of the LA County Federation of Labor and his wife, who also worked there. The LAPD declined to comment or provide LAist with an update into the investigation.

In October 2022, a Reddit user named Honest-Finding-1581 posted nine pieces of audio – portions of various conversations that were secretly recorded in the L.A. County Federation of Labor a year or so earlier, which is how journalists discovered the tapes.

NM: I have always felt that as a Latina, I have never really been given a fair shake by the media. The coverage of these tapes in and of itself, says it all. I think there was a deliberate concerted effort to take snippets of the conversation and put them out to the general public. I have not found anyone who said to me, “I actually listened to the entire thing to get some context about what was taking place.”

AC: So you think if it had been presented whole, it wouldn't have blown up in the same way?

NM: Yeah, I do. [NOTE: The LA Times posted the full audio on YouTube within a week of publishing their first article about the tapes, and later published an annotated transcript of the full conversation.]

AC:  So what I hear you saying is that you feel like this is something that happened to you, not something you did.

NM: No, that's not what I'm saying. I'm saying, this is a conversation that took place in a private setting out of frustration and anger for whatever, everything that was going on. And I take full responsibility for it. And there's nothing that I'm ever gonna be able to do to express how horrible I feel about it. That's what I'm saying.

On Kevin de León

Kevin de León speaks to council member Paul Krekorian on Oct. 12, 2022, during the first L.A. city council meeting after the media began reporting on the secret tapes.

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AC: What do you think about Kevin de León's decision not to resign?

NM: I think it was the right decision for him. Kevin didn't commit a crime. I think we can count how many members on the city council have been indicted to date for really troubling corruption charges. But Kevin did not commit a crime, and Kevin is not a racist.

The effect of the tape scandal on her life

NM: If it wasn't for my mom, I wouldn't even be alive. There were so many times during the first three months of what had happened where I didn't get out of bed. And I remember my mom was so scared that I would hurt myself, that she would call me every hour on the hour.

She couldn't come over 'cause there were so many cameras. And I was so ashamed that I have — I still can't talk about those horrible, dark, dark days. I would go to sleep and, I remember this, I don't wanna wake up tomorrow.

And then I would have visions of my mom burying me. And I just couldn't, I just couldn't do it. I couldn't see my mom burying me. I am not at all suggesting that all should be forgotten. Absolutely not. I think these conversations need to be had. Um, but the sense of not being worthy enough to be forgiven or to be listened to was so hard.

People make mistakes. I would hope that after this people would find a different way to hold people accountable. Um, I hope you do it differently. I don't want this to happen to anybody.

AC: What is a typical day like for you now?

NM: I see my daughter off to school and make breakfast, have a cup of coffee with my husband, talk about the day. He's also not working. So we're constantly trying to figure out what our finances are gonna look like the next month, which has been really, really hard.

On the really, really difficult days, I'll just go to church. My mom, to get me out of the house, told me, “You need to go to church and you need to go ask God to forgive you. Man isn't gonna forgive you. God is. You own up to everything you said and what you meant, and that's all you can do.”

When I would have these dark thoughts, I would get so scared that I just would jump in my car and go to church, and oftentimes I would sit there by myself and just cry. For hours. I would come home around dinner time, and I would start making dinner or lunch for my daughter after she got home from school. And that would be my day.

I journal just to get some of these things off my chest, to remind myself that I'm still a good person even though I didn't hear it at the time. That I'm worthy. That I did a lot of good work, that I helped a lot of people, that I loved my career, my job. It was my passion. And that this too shall pass. I don't know what's next, but I do believe this too shall pass. But, I just gotta just be honest. What this has done to me and my family has completely destroyed us. I don't know what's next. I know that this took my passion and my light. I don't know how to describe it in any other way besides, I'm lost.

Rebecca Katz contributed to this story.

TOKYO (AP) — Japanese artist Yayoi Kusama, who splashed her signature polka dots on paintings, sculptures and museum installations around the world, has died, her studio said Thursday. She was 97.

Kusama died Aug. 14 at a hospital in Tokyo, Yayoi Kusama Studio said.

“She continued to paint until her final days, never setting aside her brush, and continued exploration of forever love and eternal soul,” the studio’s statement said. “We will carry forward Kusama’s wishes and, through art, continue to bring hope and strength for the future to people around the world.”

Kusama, one of Japan’s most respected contemporary artists, was widely exhibited around the world, including the Museum of Modern Art and the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York.

Repetitive motifs were her trademark, in various shapes, resembling netting, swirls or worms, but most often dots, dancing proudly on her canvases, or as sparkling balls or dots of light in her installations, in all their vibrant psychedelic glory.

“Polka dots are fabulous,” Kusama said in a 2012 interview with The Associated Press, appearing in her signature orange bobcut wig and polka dot-covered attire.

“I want to create a thousand paintings, maybe two thousand paintings, as many as I can draw,” she said in her childlike but matter-of-fact tone. “I will keep painting until I die.”

Kusama insisted she drew the way she saw the world -- covered with spots, part of the hallucinations she said she had from childhood. She was in and out of psychiatric institution for decades, although her sickness did not hold her back as she was one of the first Japanese women to go to New York to pursue her art, in 1957.

Although soft-spoken and shy in her mannerisms, she was always unabashedly bold in the assertion of her dotty vision, not only in sticking to the style for decades but also in making it accessible to the masses.

In her later years, as the times caught up with her art, she enjoyed fame. She signed on with fashion brands like Louis Vuitton as well as other licensed products like teacups, T-shirts and key chains with her illustrations, including replicas of her likeness that were used in show windows and other marketing.

In 2008, Christie’s auctioned her work for $5.8 million. In 2016, she won the most prestigious award Japan gives its artists, the Order of Culture.

Upon receiving the award, she told reporters she was more determined than ever to pursue her art, stressing that the sincerity and devotion she had demonstrated in her personal life were crucial parts of her artistic legacy.

“I feel there is little left in my life, but I am now still fighting to the death for my art,” she said. “I am giving all I have so that many people will continue to be interested in my art, even after I am dead.”

Kusama was called pop, avant-garde, feminist, just to name some of the categories thrown at her, most of which Kusama brushed off as not quite representative of her art.

She was born in a middle-class family but felt misunderstood, as her parents wanted her to simply get married. They wanted to buy her kimono, not paints and brushes. She knew she had to get away. She chose America.

When she arrived in New York, the fad was “action painting,” characterized by dribbles, swooshes and smears, not dots. She suffered years of poverty and obscurity. But she kept painting dots.

She put circles of paper on people’s bodies, and once a horse, in “happening” anti-war performances in the late 1960s, which got some people arrested for obscenity but helped get media attention for her art. While in New York, she befriended artists like Andy Warhol, Georgia O’Keefe and Joseph Cornell, who praised her innovative style.

Over the years, Kusama has made quirky but stunningly celebratory works like “Macaroni Girl,” a female figure plastered with macaroni, which expresses the fear of food; “The Visionary Flowers,” giant sculptures of twisting tulips, and “Mirrored Corridor,” a room with mirrors that delivers an illusion of a field of phallic protrusions speckled with dots.

Kusama, who has also made films and published several novels, said she wasn’t sure where she got her ideas. She just picked up her brush and started drawing. The process was so mysterious sometimes she surprised herself, she told AP.

“I think, ‘Oh, I drew that? I was thinking that,’” she said.

But she appeared happy to have her art be the focus of media attention and praise, reading one of her poems to a reporter or tackling her artworks with gusto for photos.

But she was also a charmingly disarming mix of vulnerability and defiance — at one moment, declaring herself “an artistic revolutionary,” and then the next, mumbling: “I am so afraid, all the time, of everything.”

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Associated Press writer Mari Yamaguchi contributed to this report.

The Los Angeles City Council on Wednesday called for a review of this year’s point-in-time homeless count, citing potential errors, including a possible overcount of unhoused people in some parts of the city and an undercount of people staying in shelters elsewhere.

Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson said during the meeting he believed there were “glaring problems” with homeless count numbers for some parts of his district because they didn’t align with what he and others had observed.

He pointed to one part of South L.A. where the numbers of unhoused residents skyrocketed, according to the agency responsible for the count — the regional L.A. Homeless Services Authority, or LAHSA.

LAHSA’s count of unsheltered people in that census tract was more than 10 times higher in 2026 than previous years, and Harris-Dawson says that is not accurate.

Councilmember Bob Blumenfield said this year’s count did not initially include some people staying at shelters in his district, because of what he described as a “glitch” in how some data was counted.

The council voted unanimously to call for the review.

After the meeting Wednesday, LAHSA told LAist that it would launch an investigation.

Ahmad Chapman, a spokesperson for the agency, said in a statement that the annual count “produces reliable regional-level estimates” of the unhoused people living in the region, but that it would follow the City Council’s directives.

“We recognize the specific concerns raised by the Council, and we will ensure a disciplined evaluation by leveraging the expertise of our Risk Management Department throughout this internal review,” Chapman said. “Our priority is to identify precise operational or technical issues, report our findings back to the City, and make appropriate changes to our process.”

It is not yet clear when the review will be completed or when updated numbers will be released.

Questions about the count

LAHSA conducts the point-in-time count as required by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. It is used by the federal government to determine how millions of dollars in federal grants are distributed and gives local officials an annual snapshot of how many people are unhoused in their districts.

Errors have been found in the count in the past, and observers have questioned its accuracy.

An LAist investigation found that the 2024 count was complicated from policy changes at LAHSA, shifting guidelines and technical problems.

The next year, a report by the RAND Corporation found the count had gotten less accurate and captured just 68% of the unsheltered population in Skid Row, Venice and Hollywood.

Blumenfield said during the Wednesday meeting that he has had issues with the count’s data in his district nearly every year. He noted there had been problems in previous years with the app LAHSA used for the count not working properly. He also claimed LAHSA overcounted RVs.

LAist asked LAHSA about Blumenfield’s comments but the agency’s response did not refer specifically to that particular claim about the RVs.

As for this year, Blumenfield said some people in his district who stayed in shelters that were part of the state’s Project Homekey program were initially excluded from the count because of the aforementioned “glitch.” He did not explain during the meeting how LAHSA had missed the Homekey shelters.

Councilmember Imelda Padilla said she, too, had observed that some numbers from shelters in her district were not reflected in LAHSA’s data.

Blumenfield said LAHSA had been slow to respond previously when confronted with these complaints.

“We approach LAHSA,” he said, “and oftentimes it takes months and months to finally get a resolution.”

An area of concern

The latest count showed homelessness in District 8, covering much of South L.A., increased by 128% from 2025 to 2026.

Harris-Dawson said the rise didn’t align with what he and others in his office had seen on the streets.

In one census tract covering the residential West Park Terrace neighborhood, LAHSA reported that the number of unhoused people observed during the count — not including dwellings like vehicles or encampments — went from fewer than 20 in recent years to 277 in 2026.

“The census tract is in the neighborhood I live in, so I know for a fact that this cannot be the correct number,” Harris-Dawson said during the Wednesday council meeting. “We'd notice 25 new homeless people, much less two hundred and fifty.”

He told LAist he expects a review of the count to provide “a number reflective of the reality on site.”

But some people who live in the area told LAist this week that they do believe homelessness has been on the rise since last year.

 Derrick Johnson told LAist he grew up near the St. Andrews Recreation Center, where for the past six months he has been staying in an RV.

Like others he pointed to who live around him on the same street, he was in permanent supportive housing through a Section 8 voucher until it expired.

He said he felt the services meant to help had failed him and rent was too high, so he decided to spend $4,200 on an RV.

 Derrick Johnson points to his RV he lives in on Aug. 26, 2026. Johnson says his Section 8 permanent supportive housing voucher expired without him knowing, pushing him back to living on the streets.

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Jordan Rynning

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LAist

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“ I did the program . . . I did all that, and you telling me I ain't got no spot?” he said. "F— y'all, I got me an RV now.”

Vincent Benton doesn’t have an RV. He told LAist he doesn’t have a tent or sleeping bag to stay in.

He said he has family nearby who try to help him, but drug use and a criminal record have kept him unhoused for now.

“I blow in the wind, and wherever the wind takes me, you know, I go for broke,” he said.

Vincent Benton sits on a bench at the St. Andrews Recreation Center with his dog, May-Two, on Aug. 26, 2026.

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Jordan Rynning

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LAist

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He said he’s been seeing more unhoused people coming to the area looking for a place to stay.

“ In a minute, all of South Central gonna look like downtown LA,” he said.

Visits to the emergency room spike when it gets really hot, according to public health data. But for many years one of the populations most affected by extreme heat — the unhoused — have been left out of that data.

Now, we know this: Californians experiencing homelessness are 38% more likely to visit the emergency room because of extreme heat, despite accounting for less than half a percentage point of the total population.

That’s according to a new analysis by Tracking California, a program that collects and analyzes data on health hazards across the state.

“We always knew that unhoused individuals were at much higher risk on extreme heat days, and now there is that empirical evidence,” said Shubhayu Saha, executive director of Tracking California.

Their report found that unhoused people were also 11% more likely to visit the hospital for heart and respiratory illness on high heat days, which may reflect how heat can exacerbate preexisting conditions like heart disease, or coincide with air pollution like smog that gets worse during hot days, Saha said.

The solutions, however, are not simple and require addressing entrenched societal problems — a lack of affordable housing, high electricity bills that can force people to keep their A/C off even if they have it, and unequal access to shade and green space outdoors.

Addressing the acute need

Meanwhile, local shelters and doctors have been responding to acute needs.

In the San Bernardino Valley, Dr. Rodney Borger has recently treated unhoused patients for burns, from laying on hot pavement, and severe dehydration.

On Skid Row in L.A., UCLA physician Mary Marfisee has treated more and more patients with severe dehydration, heat rashes and heat exhaustion. Among the chronically unhoused, she said, addiction and mental health issues can also interact with heat in dangerous ways.

Dr. Mary Marfisee conducts a brief breathing check on a woman on Los Angeles' Skid Row last year.

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Zaydee Sanchez

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“The medications for mental illness can affect the hypothalamus, and that's your set point for temperature regulation,” Marfisee said. “Mental illness itself can lead to those temperature regulation difficulties, so they think they're cold, when they're really not.”

Yolanda Breland,  the senior director of community engagement at the Los Angeles Mission, has noticed the increase in homelessness, and more challenges related to the heat.

“ It's too hot for them to be in their tents or under any type of shelter because that just retains the heat,” she said.

Breland also said this week they’ve seen a big increase in people coming to the mission’s lobby and courtyard, where they can access air conditioning, cold water, showers, misters and shade.

ER visits for heat in general on the rise

It’s not just the unhoused — people with housing account for the vast majority of heat-related visits to the ER.

According to publicly available data, emergency room visits have been steadily rising with the heat in July and August across much of Southern California.

In L.A. County, most of the cases involve adults over 65 and people in the hottest areas, said Dr. Nichole Quick,  chief science officer at the county’s Public Health Department.

In Riverside County, meanwhile, the most affected group showing up in the data are men between 18 and 44.

“In the Coachella Valley especially, we have large farm worker populations,” said Dr. Shunling Tsang, the county’s deputy public health officer.

Emergency room visits have been steadily rising during the hotter months, according to L.A. County's public health data dashboard.

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Courtesy L.A. County Department of Public Health

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Having more detailed data can help improve public health responses, since every community is different, said Dr. David Eisenman, who developed ZIP code level data of excess ER visits due to heat from 2008 to 2018.

And as human-caused climate change drives up average temperatures and worsens heat waves, that work will only become more urgent.

In Riverside County, middle-aged men in the Coachella Valley are most impacted by heat illness, likely reflecting the experience of farmworkers.

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Courtesy Riverside University Health System

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“That way city officials, public health departments, emergency planners, also parks and recreation people can make informed decisions about where they want to prioritize putting their resources,” he said.

Still, such data remains limited — community health centers and other clinics that primarily serve low-income households are not part of that public health data, Saha said.

“Just being able to track what is happening in a range of different health facilities,” he said, “would really give us a much better picture of who is at risk and what we can do for them.”

Top L.A. homeless service executives approved at least $3.5 million in taxpayer contracts to a nonprofit even after their agency’s compliance team flagged the group as high-risk for failing to do its job, according to an LAist review of public records.

The contract approvals by the L.A. Homeless Services Authority, known as LAHSA, took place over several months in 2024, records show. The group’s leader, Alex Soofer, was charged with fraud earlier this year. Prosecutors allege he illegally pocketed at least $10 million in homelessness funds that flowed through LAHSA to his now-defunct nonprofit, Abundant Blessings, and his for-profit company, Abundant Blessings From Above.

Prosecutors allege he used a fake board and a shell construction company to siphon taxpayer money from LAHSA into buying a $7 million Westwood house, a $125,000 Range Rover, private school tuition, private jet travel and luxury resort stays. Soofer has pleaded not guilty. When LAist reached him by phone, he declined to comment for this story, citing the ongoing case. He agreed to pay LAHSA $1.25 million, without admitting wrongdoing.

LAHSA is a joint city-county agency, overseen by a 10-person governing commission that is half appointed by L.A. Mayor Karen Bass and half appointed by each of the five county supervisors. Bass appointed herself to the commission in fall 2023 after winning an election where she promised voters that solving homelessness would be her top priority. She is the only elected official on the commission.

A headshot of Alex Soofer posted by federal prosecutors on the social media site X.

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First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli via X

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The records show that in 2024, LAHSA's leadership at the time kept steering taxpayer dollars to Soofer's group well after major red flags emerged. The agency continued awarding new six- and seven-figure contracts even after it formally designated the nonprofit as delinquent and "High-Risk." They also show auditors found LAHSA broke federal law by taking eight months to alert federal funders after obtaining credible evidence of possible crimes.

LAist obtained the documents through public records requests this year that produced more than 7,000 pages of records.

Among what LAist found in the records:

• Nonprofits paid by LAHSA are required to update a central database after sheltering or housing people. Records show LAHSA continued to pay out contracts to Abundant Blessings for more than a year despite the group having “no enrolled participants to provide rental assistance to.”

• In fall 2023, LAHSA approved and paid about $117,000 to Abundant Blessings for alleged renovation expenses that were not allowed in its contracts, according to later findings by LAHSA. Invoices for those bills paid by LAHSA show the money was going through the group to Franklin Lincoln Construction. Franklin Lincoln Construction’s only associated person — per its business registration available online at the time — was the nonprofit’s leader, Soofer. Prosecutors allege Franklin Lincoln Construction’s bank account was a key vehicle Soofer used to siphon millions in homelessness dollars from LAHSA into his own pockets.

By spring 2024, a warning was flagged high-up at LAHSA, according to records and a senior official at the time.

Even after that, millions of dollars in new contracts continued to be awarded to the group.

The ‘High-Risk’ warning — and then approval of millions more dollars

The warning was direct. On May 6, 2024, LAHSA’s top two compliance officials issued a “delinquency notice” to Soofer declaring Abundant Blessings to be “High-Risk” and citing "significant concerns.”

The nonprofit, they wrote, had failed to follow key requirements on four contracts that were examined, including billing and getting paid the previous year despite not reporting that they had served anyone.

The delinquency concerns were flagged up the chain at the time to Janine Trejo, LAHSA’s chief financial officer who oversaw compliance and contracting, according to Amy Williams, who co-authored the delinquency notice as LAHSA’s director of compliance at the time.

Janine Trejo, LAHSA's former chief financial officer, speaks at a LAHSA Commission meeting on April 25, 2025.

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Samanta Helou Hernandez

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LAist

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A few weeks later, Trejo was CC’ed on a staff recommendation from the administration of LAHSA’s then-CEO Va Lecia Adams Kellum for LAHSA’s governing commission to authorize more than $2 million in contract renewals to Abundant Blessings, using county funds, for the next fiscal year as part of a larger set of approvals. The recommendation did not note the known concerns.

The contract renewals came up for a vote at the LAHSA Commission meeting on May 24, 2024 — a couple of weeks after the “High-Risk” letter was sent to Soofer. Trejo was among the executives who spoke to commissioners when it was up for approval.

A commissioner asked how LAHSA is providing oversight to ensure people received the services that the agency was paying for.

“ What we've heard, in at least one case, is that people aren't getting the services that on paper they are told — and we are told — they are supposed to be getting,” said county supervisor and then-LAHSA Commissioner Lindsey Horvath. She was referring to complaints about a different nonprofit where the husband of the agency’s CEO at the time, Adams Kellum, worked as an executive.

A LAHSA staffer, sitting next to Trejo, responded by reassuring commissioners that LAHSA monitors how providers are performing.

The concerns about Abundant Blessings were not noted by Trejo or anyone else during the discussion, according to the meeting video.

In response to the staff’s recommendation, the commissioners voted to authorize Adams Kellum to finalize the $2.6 million in contract renewals to Abundant Blessings.

Va Lecia Adams Kellum, former CEO of LAHSA, speaks during a press conference on Monday, July 14, 2025, in Los Angeles.

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Luke Johnson/Los Angeles Times via Getty Imag

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Los Angeles Times

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Asked about how LAHSA handled red flags surrounding Soofer, Williams said the delinquency concerns were not treated by her superiors “with the gravitas that it needed.”

Williams added that Trejo “was not very well-seasoned” when Adams Kellum placed her in LAHSA’s top finance job. Trejo “got thrust into this position as the CFO” with much more responsibility than her previous position, Williams added.

Trejo and Adams Kellum have not responded to requests for comment. Spokespeople for LAHSA have not answered whether Adams Kellum or LAHSA’s governing commissioners were told at the time of the delinquency concerns with Abundant Blessings, before they acted to award the group millions in additional contracts. Bass’ office told LAist she and her staff were not aware at the time.

Williams also said it was unclear why Abundant Blessings got new work out of the roughly 100 service providers LAHSA was working with at the time. Abundant Blessings was “never seen as a stellar agency, like the top agencies that really get the work done,” she said.

“[Soofer] got by us with a few things, and I think he got really emboldened and started trying to do even more,” she added.

An LAist review of LAHSA records shows Trejo, LAHSA’s chief financial officer at the time, did not describe herself as having the education or experience listed in LAHSA’s qualifications for the job. The job description called for a “bachelor's degree in accounting, finance, management, with an MBA and/or CPA” and minimum class units in accounting. Trejo’s resume and cover letter list no such education, saying she has a bachelor’s in cultural anthropology.

Trejo remained LAHSA’s chief financial officer until she left the agency late last month after being on leave for much of this year. LAHSA spokespeople declined to comment on why she was on leave. LAHSA human resources records, obtained by LAist, through a public records request, show multiple employees, including at least one subordinate, complained about how Trejo was treating them. It’s not clear whether the complaints or investigation are related to Trejo’s leave.

An outside review commissioned by LAHSA, conducted this spring and dated this month, found its finance and payment processes continued to be “fragmented” and rife with “breakdowns” that have made it time-consuming for LAHSA itself to even know how much it’s paid individual vendors.

Trejo was selected as CFO, where she oversaw LAHSA’s compliance team, by Adams Kellum. She was promoted after Adams Kellum fired LAHSA’s prior CFO, whom LAHSA later agreed to pay $450,000 to settle claims that included allegations Adams Kellum was hiring under-qualified friends into high level roles.

Bass’ office also directed new funds after ‘High-Risk’ letter

The May 2024 LAHSA Commission vote wasn’t the only granting of new dollars to the group after the letter raised red flags.

On June 7, 2024 — a month after the “High-Risk” letter — the mayor’s office instructed the city to fund a new LAHSA contract with Abundant Blessings for Bass’ main homelessness program, Inside Safe — a program Adams Kellum had designed at the mayor’s request.

Adams Kellum’s signature finalized that contract later in June for about $250,000, for about a month and a half of security, food and other services at two motels in the city.

A spokesperson for Bass said the mayor and her office were “absolutely not” aware of any potential misconduct by Abundant Blessings at the time they directed the funding. The letter directing the funding was signed by Bass’ chief homelessness official at the time, Lourdes Castro Ramirez. Castro Ramirez told LAist she was “not aware of any concerns” regarding Abundant Blessings at the time.

Asked if LAHSA leadership should have told the mayor’s staff, Bass’ office replied: “Yes. And to reiterate, the Mayor does not tolerate fraud or corruption in any form.”

It’s unclear what expectations, if any, the mayor had previously set for Adams Kellum or LAHSA to notify her office about known concerns with vendors being considered for additional funding. Bass’ office has not responded to a follow-up question about this.

Bass’ office chose Abundant Blessings from a list of previously-approved, competitively-chosen service providers “that LAHSA had indicated had the capacity,” said Ahmad Chapman, a spokesperson for the current LAHSA administration headed by Interim CEO Gita O’Neill.

As for why LAHSA told the mayor’s office that Abundant Blessings had capacity to take on more Inside Safe sites — despite the red flags — Chapman said in a statement: “At the time, LAHSA's structure hindered internal communications regarding Abundant Blessings, leading to an errant contract recommendation.”

“LAHSA has since undergone several structural changes,” said the written response, issued last month. Those changes, according to the statement, include “consolidating key departments and implementing protocols to ensure any high-risk provider is flagged agency-wide and to key funders to reduce the threat to public funds.”

The taxpayer money Bass’ office directed in June 2024 was supposed to help people living at two motels in El Sereno and Boyle Heights, records show. The contract required Abundant Blessings to provide 24/7 security, twice-daily welfare checks and three daily meals, among other services.

That month, the nonprofit fed instant ramen to people staying at the two Inside Safe motels, a violation of the contract, according to the federal criminal complaint against Soofer. During that same month, prosecutors say he “and his family spent more than $100,000 on what appears to be personal expenses, including more than $47,000 in luxury home purchases,” $15,000 each at luxury retailers Hermes and Chanel and $4,500 “for a four-night stay at the Wynn Las Vegas.”

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A screenshot of the federal criminal complaint showing retail website photos of the $1,400 sandals they allege Alex Soofer and his wife bought with tax dollars.

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Criminal complaint from the U.S. Attorney's office

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Food quality at Inside Safe sites was previously flagged as a concern by advocates. A little over a year earlier, a group called Inside Starving held a news conference urging the mayor to address what they alleged was inadequate food.

In July 2025, just over a year after directing further funds to Abundant Blessings, Adams Kellum stepped down as LAHSA CEO to public praise from Bass, who celebrated Adams Kellum’s leadership. Adams Kellum announced her plans to resign several months earlier, in the wake of county leaders deciding to pull out all county service dollars from LAHSA because of oversight concerns.

“Thank you so much Mayor Bass! It has been the honor of my life to serve under your leadership,” Adams Kellum wrote to Bass in April 2025, days after announcing her plans to step down.

Yet more red flags, and then more contracts

More red flags emerged the month after Bass’ office directed the Inside Safe contract.

In mid-July 2024, L.A. City Controller Kenneth Mejia’s office notified LAHSA it was launching a fraud investigation into Abundant Blessings, after a site visit found the group was serving almost entirely instant ramen noodles at the two Inside Safe motels.

LAHSA also received a demand that month from an apartment complex owner who said Abundant Blessings had failed to pay them about half a year of rent for 10 people, according to later written findings by LAHSA, which say the allegations were verified.

And on July 30, 2024, LAHSA emailed Abundant Blessings a report laying out further "significant" concerns from their compliance review looking back well over a year. Those concerns included a “misallocation” of about $700,000. And for the entire 2023 calendar year on a contract, the report says, "there were no enrolled participants to provide financial assistance to, but throughout that period, [Abundant Blessings] continued to bill for costs."

Adams Kellum was CC’ed on the email flagging those concerns.

New commitments of public money kept getting approved.

In the first half of August 2024, LAHSA finalized five contracts and renewals with Abundant Blessings, totaling more than $3 million, according to a list LAist obtained from LAHSA through a public records request. Adams Kellum’s signature executed the four agreements that have been disclosed so far by LAHSA. LAist has an outstanding request for the fifth.

Among the contract finalizations was one on Aug. 15, 2024, that increased the Inside Safe contract with Abundant Blessings by about $770,000, to extend it for three months. The contract records show Adams Kellum’s signature finalizing it and Trejo’s signature under the words “Approved Generally by.”

Failure to promptly report credible evidence of possible crimes, per auditors

By Aug. 23, 2024, LAHSA had obtained credible evidence of possible federal crimes, auditors later found. Federal law requires LAHSA to “promptly” report that to its funders at the federal housing agency HUD and its watchdog arm, the HUD Office of Inspector General (OIG), auditors wrote. But LAHSA failed to do so, the audit found.

The disclosure was “not made until approximately eight months after LAHSA first obtained credible evidence of the suspected violations,” the audit states. The disclosure was made on April 25, 2025, per the audit.

"LAHSA did not have formal policies and procedures in place to guide the timing and process for making [the] mandatory disclosures” required by law, the auditors wrote.

LAHSA’s management wrote that they did not disagree with the findings.

In October 2024, LAHSA canceled its contracts with Abundant Blessings. It was well over a year after the group started billing on a contract despite having no one enrolled to be served, according to LAHSA’s findings. LAHSA made $1.5 million in direct payments to the group after sending the “High-Risk” delinquency letter to Soofer. About $771,000 of that was paid after the date auditors say LAHSA obtained credible evidence of possible crimes, records show.

LAHSA also approved an additional $447,000 in payments to Soofer’s for-profit company — Abundant Blessings From Above — as a subcontractor from late August 2024 to January 2025, all after the date auditors say LAHSA obtained credible evidence of possible crimes, according to LAHSA records.

Altogether, LAHSA paid $5 million to Soofer’s nonprofit through direct contracts starting in 2023, according to LAHSA data and prosecutors. His for-profit company received more than $17 million in additional LAHSA funds as a subcontractor of another nonprofit, Special Service for Groups, starting years earlier in 2018, according to prosecutors.

LAHSA took much longer to review compliance than other agencies

Other agencies say they review homeless service providers’ performance much more frequently.

Denver officials check homeless service providers’ performance data daily — including occupancy of shelter beds, according to information shared at an L.A. summit last month.

L.A. County’s homeless services director, Sarah Mahin, said that on a daily basis, the county sends to their providers a data snapshot that flags where performance metrics are not being met. Starting last month, her county department has taken over the hundreds of millions of dollars the county had been sending to LAHSA each year. City dollars have remained at LAHSA under city budgets proposed by Bass and approved by the City Council.

This June, federal officials announced they were suspending all federal dollars to LAHSA, citing Abundant Blessings as one of a number of failings by the agency. A judge recently paused the federal suspension, saying LAHSA “may be dysfunctional," but that federal officials had “abruptly” pulled the rug from under providers who serve thousands of people.

In response to the federal suspension, Bass’ office said she had previously directed the city to evaluate how to move away from LAHSA.

“Mayor Bass, too, has grave concerns about LAHSA and zero tolerance for mismanagement and negligence, which is why she previously directed the City to evaluate how to move away from the agency,” the mayor’s office said in its June 11 statement reacting to the federal suspension.

A spokesperson for Bass told LAist the mayor’s directive was to the city’s housing department and other city departments, “to develop options to transition away from LAHSA.”

LAist followed up with the housing department’s press office for more information. A spokesperson for the housing department declined to confirm whether the mayor gave such a directive at all. And in response to a public records request, the department told LAist it has no record of such a directive.

Bass’ office hasn’t responded to follow-up requests for comment on whether the mayor did in fact make the directive her office had claimed.

A settlement deal

In response to a demand from LAHSA, records show Soofer and LAHSA agreed last November that he and his nonprofit would pay the agency $1.25 million,in exchange for LAHSA giving up the ability to seek more money from him or Abundant Blessings. The agreement says both Soofer and LAHSA “deny any fault.”

The agreement includes a non-disparagement clause that says LAHSA shall not “make any statements—oral, written, or electronic—that disparage” Soofer or Abundant Blessings, and vice versa.

The signature line for O’Neill — LAHSA’s interim CEO — does not show a signature, while the electronic signature history says she signed it.

“LAHSA’s agreement with Abundant Blessings assured that $1.2 million in documented disallowed costs were repaid,” said Chapman, the LAHSA spokesperson. “LAHSA remains committed to assisting in any ongoing law enforcement investigations.”

Reactions from other elected officials

Several elected officials said LAist’s findings about LAHSA’s handling of Abundant Blessings show the need for a major overhaul of oversight.

“LAHSA needs deep reform of its compliance and finance functions. Its leadership must make that reform a priority — and deliver it,” said county Supervisor Kathryn Barger.

“I have no idea why LAHSA continued sending funds to this organization months after staff raised these serious red flags,” said Supervisor Janice Hahn.

“It sounds like the right hand didn’t know what the left hand was doing,” she added. “It is decisions like this that have undermined the public’s trust in LAHSA and why my colleagues and I made the decision to pull the County’s funding.”

Citing concerns about oversight failings at LAHSA, county supervisors decided in spring 2025 to pull the county’s homeless service dollars out of LAHSA and instead have the county oversee it directly.

Supervisor Holly Mitchell told LAist that the Abundant Blessings case “serves as an example of the need for LAHSA and all entities involved to continue strengthening oversight in its contracting.”

L.A. City Councilmember Nithya Raman chaired the council’s homelessness committee for the last several years, where she supported continued city funding of LAHSA. She shifted this spring to calling for the city to transition out of LAHSA after she started running for mayor against Bass, her former ally.

Los Angeles City Councilmember Nithya Raman, left, talks with L.A. Mayor Karen Bass at Hazeltine Park in Sherman Oaks in 2024.

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Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times via Getty Imag

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Los Angeles Times

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Raman said LAist’s findings underscore why it’s important for the city to also transition away from LAHSA.

“Public trust depends on rigorous oversight, timely disclosure of problems, and clear accountability when taxpayer dollars are at risk, and these allegations underscore why the status quo at LAHSA was unsustainable,” Raman said.

“We need systems that surface problems immediately, protect public funds, and ensure that organizations failing to meet their obligations are no longer entrusted with scarce homelessness resources.”

A pattern of broader problems at LAHSA

In addition to the review finalized this month that found ongoing problems with LAHSA’s finance and payment processes, an outside audit found that LAHSA had a “significant” problem with inaccurate financial statements for the fiscal year ending June 2025.

Last month, LAist reported that LAHSA had gone years without completing any internal audits, which are widely considered essential for protecting taxpayer dollars, since they flag risky practices.

It’s a problem that was flagged years ago by a 2024 county audit, which faulted LAHSA for failing to complete internal audits. That raises the risk of fraud, the county auditors wrote.

Additional reviews in 2023 and 2025 found that LAHSA had a broader problem of not ensuring service providers logged their services into the same central database where Abundant Blessings wasn’t entering anyone as being served under certain contracts. The 2025 review, overseen by a federal judge, found that the broader reporting problem “may have stemmed from insufficient communication and lack of clarity surrounding reporting requirements and deadlines.”

What’s next?

Another ongoing audit, expected to wrap in the coming weeks, is reviewing whether top LAHSA officials followed proper procedures when signing and delegating contracts. It began after LAist reported that Adams Kellum’s signature finalized a $2.1 million contract with her husband’s employer.

That reporting prompted the state’s Fair Political Practices Commission to investigate whether Adams Kellum violated conflict-of-interest laws. Her signature as LAHSA’s CEO at the time also finalized a contract with a nonprofit she had led until two months before the signature. State law bars officials from involvement in contracting with entities that recently paid them $500 or more, or their spouses $1,000 or more.

This week, Stephanie Graves — a Bass appointee who now chairs the LAHSA Commission — proposed removing the commission’s audit committee chair, Justin Szlasa, who has pushed for LAHSA to improve its practices and complete its internal audits. Szlasa — an appointee of county Supervisor Barger — would be replaced by a Bass appointee. No explanation for replacing Szlasa is provided in the written recommendation, which is up for approval by the commission on Friday.

Graves has not answered a voicemail and text message from LAist asking why she wants to remove Szlasa. She responded with a text saying, “It’s the chair prerogative.”

As for Soofer, early this year, federal and county prosecutors announced the criminal charges against him. The amount he’s accused of diverting is enough to house about 200 families for two years under a city-funded rental subsidy program through LAHSA, which cost about $24,000 per year per household.

Soofer is currently out on bail. His travel has been restricted by the court, and he has obtained the court’s permission to sell a building that LAHSA found he wrongfully charged taxpayers to renovate.

His trial is scheduled to start Nov. 10.