The Brief

As she runs for re-election, L.A. City Attorney Hydee Feldstein Soto faces turmoil and claims of unethical behavior from career prosecutors in her office who have accused her of favoring political donors in criminal cases and questioned her administrative decisions and demeanor.

The allegations have been laid out in emails and a memo obtained by LAist, as well as a sworn declaration to a court.

In emails to colleagues earlier this year, two supervising prosecutors questioned the city attorney’s directive to drop a price gouging case against a major campaign donor. One claimed it’s part of a pattern by Feldstein Soto.

“This latest instruction now to dismiss an active case fully supported by the evidence showing not just probable cause, but a high likelihood of conviction by a jury at trial is improper and unethical,” wrote Dennis Kong, who leads the unit handling price gouging prosecutions, in a Feb. 3 email to colleagues. “Especially in light of the fact that we have confirmed that the parties involved are campaign donors."

Kong did not respond to requests for comment. Office policy prohibits him and almost all other City Attorney staff from speaking to the media.

In interviews with LAist, Feldstein Soto denied ever allowing money or personal relationships to affect her decisions.

“That’s not how I roll,” she said. Instead, Feldstein Soto said her decisions were based on a policy she put in place to follow the Constitution.

In the memo, sent to higher-ups in the office in December, a different group of supervising prosecutors pushed back on Feldstein Soto’s decision to delete criminal case data that’s more than 10 years old.

Feldstein Soto told LAist deleting the older data was a prudent step to make sure sensitive information from older criminal cases — which is confidential under state law — doesn’t fall into the wrong hands. Her office later said the older data will be kept on a physical backup, with prosecutors' access restricted. It’s unclear whether that’s been followed through on.

While Feldstein Soto has dealt with these criticisms from career staff, a whistleblower retaliation lawsuit from a different, former senior prosecutor — alleging misconduct by Feldstein Soto — has been working its way through the courts.

Among other things, that case — filed by the former chief of the prosecutions branch under Feldstein Soto — alleges the city attorney illegally ordered prosecutors to drop a case in order to help her friend and a major donor. The plaintiff, Michelle McGinnis, alleges she was fired in retaliation for opposing and disclosing unlawful actions by Feldstein Soto. The city attorney and the city’s lawyers in the suit have denied the claims, saying Feldstein Soto disciplined her for legitimate reasons.

A judge has allowed that lawsuit to proceed, finding the city’s evidence “falls far short” of proving Feldstein Soto had legitimate reasons to discipline McGinnis.

From the evidence, the ruling states, “a reasonable trier of fact could conclude plaintiff’s protected activity was a contributing factor in defendant’s adverse employment actions against her.”

L.A. Mayor Karen Bass and six of the 15 L.A. City Council members have endorsed Feldstein Soto in her bid for re-election in June. She lost the endorsement of the main LAPD officers’ union over the handling of a massive data breach that exposed confidential files about officers. The police union and county District Attorney Nathan Hochman are endorsing a challenger.

Feldstein Soto told LAist the pushback from the criminal branch of her office is in response to her efforts to reform the City Attorney’s Office.

“I came into this office under a cloud of corruption. Twenty percent of our City Council [members] were indicted or in jail. Six lawyers in this office were under investigation,” Feldstein Soto said. “I was elected to change the status quo. I’m still doing that. And people who benefited under the old status quo have a different agenda.”

Wildfire price gouging case

In the wake of last year’s devastating wildfires, the City Attorney’s Office has filed four criminal cases alleging price gouging, which makes it illegal to spike prices more than 10% during an emergency.

In February, Feldstein Soto directed prosecutors to drop two of those cases.

Scott Marcus, the city attorney’s criminal branch chief, informed prosecutors about that decision in a Feb. 3 email.

Feldstein Soto, he wrote, was concerned the defendants did not receive cease and desist letters before the charges, did not think there was enough evidence to charge people who manage the company and did not believe the cases were an appropriate use of the office’s “limited resources.”

Marcus wrote that Feldstein Soto agreed with his suggestion to dismiss the cases after they “verify that any victim of illegal price increases received restitution and was made whole.”

Kong, a supervising attorney in the criminal branch, responded via email that the order was “improper and unethical” because the case was strong and one of the defendants had donated to Feldstein Soto’s campaign.

“It is safe to say that a pattern has now emerged of the City Attorney's personal interest in protecting her donors,” Kong wrote. “We cannot have that.”

The case Kong was referring to involves the Paddock Riding Club in Atwater Village. In December, prosecutors at the City Attorney’s Office charged PCAM LLC, which does business as the riding club, and three members of the family that runs the business with “price gouging animal boarding services.”

Publicly available court records do not detail the allegations against the riding club, but the company was accused on social media of more than tripling its normal boarding prices to evacuees of the Eaton Fire. The Paddock Riding Club apologized after online backlash and said it was working to rectify the situation.

The City Attorney’s Office confirmed that one person paid the riding club about $1,900 at the higher rate and was later refunded.

The lead individual defendant’s first and last name, birthdate and address corresponds with Alex Chaves Sr., who stewards the property and lives there, according to the Paddock’s website. When reached for comment, his son — also named Alex Chaves — told LAist that the Paddock is “my dad’s place.” Karen Richardson, a spokesperson for the city attorney, said Feldstein Soto’s office does not know if the father or son is the defendant.

Chaves Sr. and defense attorneys in the case have not responded to requests for comment.

Campaign finance records show Chaves Sr., his wife, son Alex Chaves and daughter-in-law each gave maximum-allowed campaign contributions to Feldstein Soto on the same day in December 2024, totaling $7,200.

Around the time they filed the Paddock case in early December, prosecutors also filed price gouging charges against another horse boarding business — Gibson Ranch in Sunland — and its owner. Feldstein Soto told prosecutors to also drop that case when she ordered the Paddock case dropped.

The Gibson Ranch defendants do not show up as donating to Feldstein Soto in campaign contribution searches.

That case was dismissed this month. Their defense attorney, Greg Yacoubian, said the price gouging law did not apply in the Gibson Ranch case because it compared prices charged by a new owner with those from the previous owner at that location. (The price gouging law is specific to a particular person or business selling, or offering to sell, something for a price that’s over 10% higher than they charged just before a declared emergency.)

The arraignment hearing for the Paddock case has been postponed twice since Feldstein Soto’s early February directive to dismiss it, and is now scheduled for June 18.

“We have not moved to dismiss because the Office is confirming the evidence in the case in accordance with appropriate practice, policies, and procedures,” said a city attorney spokesperson.

Scott Marcus, chief of the city attorney’s criminal branch, at a Feb. 26 court hearing in the Paddock case, where he told the judge the arraignment was being postponed.

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Feldstein Soto called claims of favoritism “nonsense,” telling LAist she knew who the Paddock defendants were but not whether they donated to her campaign.

She said she wanted to dismiss the two price gouging cases because prosecutors failed to follow a policy she put in place in 2023 — to only prosecute company leaders for the actions of their business if they were actively involved in committing the act or failed to fix the problem after being put on notice they could face charges.

A spokesperson for Feldstein Soto’s administration said the City Attorney’s Office has sent warning letters to almost all of the roughly 1,100 potential price gouging defendants from the wildfires as a way to achieve “compliance and restitution without having to file criminal or even civil charges.”

The goal of regulatory prosecutions, she said, “is to achieve compliance and to get restitution for the victims.”

In follow-up emails forwarded to colleagues who advise on ethics compliance, Kong and another supervising prosecutor in his unit expressed alarm at Feldstein Soto’s directive. Kong called the Paddock case "righteous" and described an “ethical conundrum.”

“I do not want to place our supervisors, our line deputies, or myself in a position where they will be compromised in any shape or form or worse, an accessory to unethical conduct,” Kong wrote. He also noted the law does not require warning letters before filing price gouging charges.

[Click here to read the emails.]

The McGinnis declaration

In a sworn court declaration last year, McGinnis — the former criminal branch chief ousted by Feldstein Soto — alleged a range of ethics violations by the city attorney.

Among them, McGinnis wrote that Feldstein Soto told prosecutors to dismiss a building safety prosecution where the defense attorney was a friend whose wife was a maximum donor to her campaign. That case — against Zenith Insurance and its then-CEO Kari Lynn Van Gundy — alleged 14 criminal violations of building safety laws, including around fire safety and exit doors. Court records show Feldstein Soto’s office dropped the charges against Van Gundy in January 2024, followed by dropping the case against the company in September 2024.

Campaign finance records corroborate the donation described in the allegations. Defense attorney Ben Reznik’s wife gave a maximum campaign contribution to the city attorney in 2022, per campaign filings. Feldstein Soto said she knows Reznik’s wife through social circles.

The city attorney “simply wanted her donor/friend’s case dismissed,” McGinnis wrote in her court declaration, which was filed as part of her whistleblower retaliation lawsuit.

The city attorney denied friendships or donations have ever had anything to do with her decisions.

“ I've prosecuted tons of cases,” Feldstein Soto said. “I've filed cross complaints against all kinds of people, including donors who have called me up spitting and yelling, OK?”

Reznik told LAist that Feldstein Soto’s recommendation was to dismiss only the charges against the then-CEO — Van Gundy — but not against the company itself. The CEO “had no clue” about the building matters that the case was about, he said.

“There was absolutely no basis to name the individual [CEO] of the company” as a defendant, Reznik said. The case, he said, was about “very minor infractions” regarding building codes like fire doors, some of which he said did not apply to the building in question.

After fixing the issues that were cited and getting clearance from the fire department, the charges against the company were dismissed, Reznik said.

In another case, McGinnis wrote, Feldstein Soto pressed hard — “without evidence” — to McGinnis and LAPD leaders for charges to be filed against an activist she thought had protested outside the home of another major donor. In that case, McGinnis wrote that LAPD commanders demanded a meeting with city attorney managers to object to Feldstein Soto’s pressure. The city attorney says she later declined to file charges.

Feldstein Soto’s office says that allegation has “no truth.” As for the alleged meeting with LAPD leadership, her spokesperson said: “We have no knowledge of how the meeting came about and what happened at the meeting.”

“In no uncertain terms, the City Attorney did not and would not pressure a client on any issue,” added the spokesperson. (In addition to overseeing the city’s prosecutors, the city attorney is the top lawyer representing and advising city officials about their official duties.)

Following the judge’s ruling that the city’s evidence “falls far short” of proving Feldstein Soto disciplined McGinnis for legitimate reasons, the lawsuit is scheduled to go to trial in early 2027.

Data deletion memo

In December, three senior prosecutors in the City Attorney’s Office wrote a memo objecting to what they described as a plan to “purge all data” older than 10 years from the office’s text-only database of criminal case details, known as the Criminal Case Management System, or CCMS, as it migrates to a new system.

City attorney policy has been to destroy physical paper records of criminal cases, while the database of case information has been kept for decades, except for specific types of cases where deletion is required by law.

The memo was from three supervising prosecutors: Stacey Anthony, who directly supervises about three dozen criminal prosecutors, and two of her deputies.

They warned that deleting the data would harm victims and defendants because it’s often the only remaining source of crucial information.

“In many instances it would result in a miscarriage of justice,” states the Dec. 12 memo, a copy of which was obtained by LAist.

They wrote that the older data is used daily for a variety of crucial tasks — including strengthening rape and murder cases, evaluating the history of criminal defendants, generating letters for employment and immigration purposes that no charges were filed against an arrested person, and vetting criminal histories for police officers and others seeking licenses, credentials and firearm permits.

The supervising prosecutors wrote that it’s crucial that the older information be made readily accessible to prosecutors on a daily basis. The info is used for up to 50 requests per day to their part of the criminal branch alone, according to the memo.

[Click here to read the memo.]

Feldstein Soto and her office spokesperson initially confirmed the plan to delete the data altogether.

“I wanted to purge everything older than three years…but 10 years seems to be the consensus for how long we need to keep anything,” Feldstein Soto told LAist in December.

Feldstein Soto said deleting the data was a prudent step to make sure information doesn’t fall into the wrong hands. Her office said it does not have any evidence the database has been misused.

She said she’s looked in the database just once, looking up herself and seeing information about an old DUI case against her, which she pleaded to reckless driving.

“This came up in my last campaign. It was all over the place,” said Feldstein Soto.

During her 2022 campaign, information about her 1997 DUI case was posted on social media by an advocacy group. The post shows a public printout from the court summarizing the charges, without the kinds of detailed info that would be in the office database.

In January, a spokesperson for Feldstein Soto’s office said the plan is to keep the older case data on an encrypted hard drive that will be more restrictive for prosecutors to access. She and her spokespeople have not answered questions in recent weeks about whether case data has already been deleted, nor whether they’ve developed the specific policies for prosecutors’ access.

Feldstein Soto told LAist she had to learn quickly about criminal law after being elected in late 2022 as the top elected boss above the city’s prosecutors.

“You realize, I had no criminal [law] background. So this was all learning on the job,” she said. Her experience before being elected was in bankruptcy and corporate law.

“It was baptism by fire,” she said, “to start in this office without a criminal background.”

The 2026 World Cup has ended — after almost six weeks, 104 matches and games spread across three countries: the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Spain is the World Cup champion again, defeating the defending champion Argentina to claim its second title. With the win, Spain holds World Cup titles for both the men's and women's national teams — a first.

Here are the moments that stood out to NPR's team of journalists who covered the tournament:

All the drama before the tournament, and just pure enjoyment once underway

For the most part, the 2026 World Cup was a smooth, fun and safe one.

Sure, the mandatory hydration breaks added for all games (including those in domed stadiums with air conditioning) and a first-ever halftime show in the final were maddening for the soccer purists. But, still, the U.S., Mexico and Canada put on a great show for the world — with record viewership and attendance.

And, wow, were people treated to some remarkable soccer games. Let's not forget the hand-wringing when the announcement was made about expanding the number of countries from 32 to 48. "The quality of play will be poor! There will be blowouts! It just won't be as fun!" And then we all saw what actually happened.
Those World Cup debutants — or those that hadn't been in decades — were just delightful. Scotland (and their wonderful fans), anyone? People from other countries enjoying and exploring the U.S. and posting the absolute best social media videos about it. And what about African countries powering into the knockout rounds? Soccer at its best.
— Russell Lewis

During the World Cup round of 32 match between the United States and Bosnia-Herzegovina, fans of the U.S. roared and cheered throughout in Santa Clara, Calif. The Americans won 2-0 on July 1 to advance to the round of 16 against Belgium.

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The enthusiasm for the U.S. team is hopefully the start of something

I've been to a lot of sporting events, but I'm not sure I've heard a crowd pop like in Seattle when forward Folarin Balogun forced an own goal when the U.S. faced Australia, or like in Santa Clara, Calif., when midfielder Malik Tillman hit the free kick to put the U.S. up 2-0 despite being shorthanded after the Balogun red card.

It's been a joy to see children all over the country, from L.A. to Kansas City to Atlanta to New York, wearing the team's red-and-white striped jerseys. I had friends and family who never normally watch the sport text me during the U.S. games.

Look, I'm not naive. The U.S. still has a long way to go to match the passion of, say, Argentina when it comes to our national soccer teams. But compared to the tiny crowds at other friendlies I've attended, or getting outnumbered by Mexico fans in the Gold Cup final in Houston, this was a great start.

And I'm hopeful that come the next CONCACAF Nations League, which begins this fall, or even the possible Copa América that might be on deck here in the States in 2028, the passion will linger long enough that this story might change.
— Becky Sullivan

The Cape Verde-Argentina game

Cape Verde was an exciting team to watch in this tournament. The narrative was that they came out of nowhere, which is not quite true: yes, this was their first time qualifying for a World Cup, but in African tournaments, Cape Verde has been playing amazing soccer for years.
As someone who follows soccer closely, I think African soccer is having a moment, and we may see it come to full bloom in the 2030 World Cup (hosted in part by Morocco). Vozinha, Cape Verde's extraordinary goalie, was one of the breakout stars of this cup at age 40.

On the other hand, Argentina is a relentless team; they were the defending champions. They have Lionel Messi, a living legend. The game, played in Miami, was a nail-biter: until the last moment, no one knew how it would end.

The fans were wild (there was a moment in the press box when the stadium was shaking so hard, a local journalist turned to me and said, "It never shakes like this." I will never forget that game.
— Jasmine Garsd

Argentina's forward Lionel Messi reacts during the 2026 World Cup final loss against Spain. This is likely Messi's final World Cup game.

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The Argentina team working to decrease cardiac health globally

As someone who has followed the Argentina team for decades, this is nothing new: It is a team notorious for being slow starters, as if they needed to be up against the wall to find their motivation.

They started off the last World Cup, in 2022, with a shocking loss to Saudi Arabia, and then, just as everyone had discounted them, they went on to win the entire tournament.

The matches in this year's World Cup followed a similar pattern: Like against Cape Verde, Argentina seeming to be on standby during the first half, then coming to life in the second.

Another example was Argentina-England, and yet another heart attack special. Argentina seemed to be getting its bearings in the first half of the game. It wasn't until after the 55th minute, when England scored a goal, that Argentina began to awaken and put up a fight. They equalized in the 85th minute, and then scored again in stoppage time to win and advance to the final.

Argentina played the same way in the final, but unlike the previous games, could not find a way to bounce back.

— Jasmine Garsd

Unfortunately, the high ticket prices were justified

From the moment FIFA released the first tickets, our eyes collectively popped at the price of the tickets — what a cash grab! Hundreds of dollars for the seemingly low-demand group stage games, $1,000 or more for each U.S. game, and thousands for Sunday's final.

But the fears of half-empty stadiums, of empty hotels, or visitors turned off by the high prices, never quite came to fruition. I'm sad to report it turns out FIFA was onto something. It turns out the World Cup is very fun and very cool, and many people are willing to pay those prices, whether diehard fans traveling from overseas or curious locals who wanted the experience.

Soccer has long hung its hat on being the most accessible sport to play — all you need is a ball! — but a $10,000 entry price to the final, and hundreds for the cheapest games, are the latest proof that's changing.

— Becky Sullivan

France's forward Kylian Mbappé celebrates scoring a goal against Sweden in a round of 32 match. Mbappé finished the tournament as the Golden Boot winner with 10 goals, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

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Kylian Mbappé's unbelievable speed

It's one thing to watch him play on TV, but when you see him in person, you really understand just how fast French captain Kylian Mbappé is.

I did a little digging after the France-Morocco game near Boston, and found that Mbappé's fastest recorded sprint on a pitch was faster than Jamaican Olympic gold medalist Usain Bolt's average set in his 100m World Record in 2009.

Mbappé's speed was 23.6 miles per hour, recorded in a 2019 match between Paris Saint-Germain and AS Monaco. And that speed helped him win yet another Golden Boot award. His 10 goals were the most in the tournament, increasing his overall World Cup total to 22, the most all-time.

— Jasmine Garsd

The much-hated VAR

VAR, or video assistant referee, was first introduced at the World Cup in 2018. At the time, fans and teams appreciated it as a way to correct the occasional referee error or missed call. Fast-forward to 2026, and VAR is ubiquitous in almost every game.
At times, the decisions have been accused of being ludicrous: a Colombian goal against Portugal annulled because a toenail was found offside by the VAR.
An Iranian goal against Belgium was wiped away because the striker's butt was offside. There have also been controversial VAR calls, like the questionable foul that led to an Egyptian goal against Argentina being annulled. Argentina won that game and Egypt got knocked out.

Fans also say it's slowing down the game and putting a damper on goal celebrations, lest the great VAR take the moment away.

— Jasmine Garsd

The continued politicizing of the Cup

It's nothing new: The 2018 Russia World Cup was rife with accusations of sportswashing of human rights abuses and FIFA corruption. The 2022 Qatar World Cup faced similar criticism.

During this World Cup, there were critiques of the U.S. government's immigration policy as tens of thousands of foreign tourists tried to enter the country. The U.S.-led war against Iran trickled onto the soccer field, too.

Iran's soccer team had planned to base its training camp in Arizona. But it moved to Tijuana, Mexico, amid security fears and other worries. Then, the U.S. government only allowed Iran's team to enter the country a single day (and, later, two days) before each game, and the team had to depart immediately afterward.

And, of course, the prohibitive cost of tickets, and President Trump's involvement in the tournament. He only attended one game, the final between Argentina and Spain, and was booed. There were also conversations about various teams and their colonial histories.

— Jasmine Garsd

FIFA President Gianni Infantino (L) and President Donald Trump arrive for the final ceremony after the 2026 World Cup final won by Spain over Argentina in East Rutherford, N.J. on July 19, 2026.

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Trump's call to Infantino was an uncomfortable new frontier

The White House's involvement with the red card given to Balogun, the U.S. striker, was an uncomfortable new frontier for U.S. national teams.

It wasn't a surprise, exactly — President Trump has often used sports as a way to score political points. But it was extraordinary for Trump to personally call FIFA president Gianni Infantino to ask for the red card to be reviewed.

Whether his call made a difference in FIFA's decision to allow Balogun to play — FIFA insists it did not — the optics were terrible, and for many fans, it dimmed a summer's worth of enthusiasm for the team.
For days after Trump confirmed reports of his call to Infantino, U.S. Soccer remained silent on the president's involvement. That silence left some fans feeling as though the organization welcomed the White House's intervention.

Then, when asked about it last week — after plenty of time had passed to issue a statement — the head of U.S. Soccer essentially shrugged.

"The president is able to do what the president wants to do. The president is the president of the United States," U.S. Soccer CEO J.T. Batson said. "Obviously we're incredibly grateful for all the support for all of our fans all across the country, wherever they are. And we're excited about that, and we know that that'll pay dividends going forward."

— Becky Sullivan

Fans react at a bar in New York as the USA scores to make it 4-1 against Paraguay in a World Cup group match.

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The World Cup that sparkled and thrilled 

This is the fourth World Cup that I've covered for NPR, and, unlike at the Olympics, the pride in one's country at the World Cup is always so striking.

Fans — young and old — attend the games or show up in the host cities to be around others to cheer on their team. The passion, the fervor and just the sheer love of home.

Seeing tens of thousands of fans in a stadium, a bar, or a watch party and watching them will their country forward believing that anything is possible on the pitch. And sometimes the fans aren't even from any of the countries playing that day.

Soccer is a global sport and a global love. It truly is a treat to see in person.
— Russell Lewis

Want more fútbol in the United States? Major League Soccer has just resumed its season, and is working to capitalize on World Cup fever in the U.S.

NWSL, the National Women's Soccer League and USL Championship are also underway. And the number-two-ranked U.S. Women's National Team is back in action this fall with a pair of tune-up matches against No. 1 Spain — ahead of next year's Women's World Cup in Brazil.
Copyright 2026 NPR

In one big way, Gov. Gavin Newsom is tougher on public employee unions than his Republican counterpart in Texas: Making state workers show up in the office.

After facing strong opposition from workers, it took Texas Gov. Greg Abbott three months to reverse his 2025 ban on remote work for state employees. But Newsom, whose return-to-office mandate has been in effect since July 1, shows no signs of backing down.

It’s a stance that has upset — and at times befuddled — some state workers who are calling for the governor to scrap the four-day-a-week in-office policy as they hammer out new labor agreements.

Typically, they’re allies to the Democratic governor. They helped him fight off a recall in 2021, and they encouraged their members to vote for him against his Republican opponents.

More importantly to them, they maintain they’re just as effective at home, which they say they proved when Newsom ordered them to work from home during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It’s confusing to people when they think that they’ve done a great job to be told, ‘Well we don’t think it’s good enough and you should incur going back into the office,’” said D’Arcy McLeod, chairperson of the Professional Engineers in California Government’s bargaining team.

Roughly 108,000 of California’s more than 245,900 state employees are affected by the mandate, according to the state human resources department. The others generally already are required to work at a specific location five days a week, including prison, firefighting, law enforcement, and custodial employees.

Service Employees International Union Local 1000, California’s largest state worker union, represents 96,000 employees and is in contract negotiations. It argues that remote work saves taxpayers and employees money, reduces traffic and lowers emissions — all without affecting productivity.

Newsom’s mandate allows exemptions on a case-by-case basis, including for those who live 50 miles or farther from their worksite, or who conduct work outside the office, such as telehealth providers and inspectors. Public transportation costs for commuting are also reimbursable.

But that isn’t enough for SEIU, which in May filed an unfair labor practices complaint with the California Public Employment Relations Board. It also threw its support behind a bill that would give state agencies more authority to shape their hybrid work policies.

“A blanket mandate does not work for all the jobs that our workers do,” said Anica Walls, the union’s president. “Let the departments decide.”

California exceptionalism?

States have taken different approaches to calling workers back to the office since the pandemic. Republican-led Nevada and Democratic-led New Mexico require state employees to be in the office five days a week, for example. Utah with a Republican governor wants them at the office twice a week.

But Newsom’s blanket policy appears to be an outlier among other blue states with robust public employee unions: Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, Oregon and Washington state still embrace remote work in some capacity. It also differs from Texas, a Republican-led state that Newsom has contrasted with California.

A few months after President Donald Trump began his second term and called for federal employees to return to the office, Abbott banned remote work for Texas state employees. But following a multi-agency survey that found that telework did not curb productivity and helped reduce turnover, Abbott walked back the move.

Newsom “is a man who has talked about the importance of innovation, wrote an entire book about government adapting to technology and providing services in a more cost-effective way,” said Ted Toppin, the executive director of the engineers union.

“It strikes me as interesting and ironic that Texas would have a more modern, flexible and efficient take on state employee telework.”

Despite a state audit that concluded that telework could save California as much as $225 million a year, Newsom moved forward with his March 2025 executive order directing workers back into the office at least four days a week.

In May during a state budget presentation, Newsom told reporters that he is “empathetic to change,” but that returning to the office helps build a sense of community. The governor has also contended that in-person work fosters collaboration, accountability and helps boost small businesses.

McLeod said he’s surprised Newsom remains resolute to the mandate even after the audit found that remote work proved successful during and after the pandemic.

“Every single Newsom appointed official that testified for the state auditor indicated that … the work that was being delivered during telework was substantially of higher quality and more efficient,” said McLeod of the engineers union.

The CalPERS Sacramento Regional Office in downtown Sacramento on July 15, 2026. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters

What unions wanted from Newsom

In some ways the rift echoes labor disputes from California’s last two governors.

Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger came out swinging against public employees with unsuccessful ballot measures that were designed to cut their influence. He later imposed unpaid furloughs on public employees during the Great Recession.

Then Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown battled with unions over pensions, passing a law that curbed retirement benefits and required workers to chip in more for their benefits. He had a reputation for being stingy with raises, too.

Public employee unions were optimistic about Newsom. He offered concessions when he asked workers for temporary pay reductions during the pandemic, gave one-time bonuses to many employees and negotiated contracts that often included goodies for workers in hard-to-fill positions even if the deals didn’t please everyone.

Then came the fight over returning to the office.

Besides union leaders, Newsom’s steadfast commitment to in-person work has baffled Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant who has worked with public employee unions on pension issues. For Newsom, a Democratic politician who is likely eyeing a bid for the presidency, “it’s political malpractice to come across as anti-labor,” said Maviglio.

“The only thing you’ll be able to say is that ‘I stood up to state workers,’ which isn’t particularly helpful in a Democratic primary where labor is the key constituency nationwide for Democrats.”

But for Will Swaim, chief executive of the libertarian think tank California Policy Center, Newsom’s fight with the unions signals something larger than remote work. Rather, it is a “policy disagreement that has turned into a foundational challenge to democracy,” said Swaim.

SEIU 1000 has donated at least $2 million to current members of the Legislature, according to the CalMatters Digital Democracy database. In addition to its contract, the union is pushing for more flexible telework policies through a legislative proposal currently in the state Senate.

Through its campaign donations and labor talks, SEIU is attempting to wrest control from Newsom, a publicly elected official, over who gets to shape policies over government work, according to Swaim.

“That’s simply undemocratic,” said Swaim. “I don’t know anybody out there who believes that in their jobs they could tell their boss, ‘I’m not coming to the office, no matter what you want.’ It just doesn’t fly.”

But bosses should work to accommodate current employees, according to SEIU president Walls — especially if they have presumably bigger ambitions to oversee even more workers.

“As a state employee I would have trouble voting for someone who would be the boss of federal employees when I know he hasn’t shown to be a stellar employer to state employees,” said Walls.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Picture a gigantic, greasy, fried tiramisu. Layers of cream, espresso and lady fingers are deep fried in a thick, sweet batter before being sprinkled with cocoa powder.

This unique treat can only be found right now at the Orange County Fair.

The fair runs through Aug. 16 and in addition to pig races, carnival rides and outdoor music, the big draw is the food — carefully curated creations that test the limits of what’s typical. This year is no different. I was there on opening day, and here’s what I tried:

What’s new at the fair this year, and where you can find it:

One of my favorite new items was the Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe. This treat was sweet and refreshing with the cold ice cream.

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Joshua Letona

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LAist

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• The Chocolate Chip Croffle from Mom's Bakeshoppe is a must if you like sweet treats. It’s a cross between a buttery croissant and crispy waffle. Then it’s adorned with vanilla ice cream, chocolate chips, whipped cream and a caramel drizzle. This creation made its way to the States from South Korea, where it’s a beloved street food. 
  
• A French onion bun is an OC Fair exclusive from Ten Pound Buns, which bills itself as the king of cheese breads. The French onion bun combines gooey melted cheese and caramelized onions on a crispy piece of bread. Everything at their stand is made to order, and the portion sizes are very shareable! 

I love peanut butter and jelly sandwiches, but had never taken it to this level before. Highly recommend.

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Joshua Letona

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LAist

)

• The Peanut Butter and Jelly Bacon Cheeseburger from the Philly Cheesesteak stand did not disappoint. Don’t be alarmed by this strange sweet and savory combo; the flavors balance each other out perfectly. The burger comes with crispy bacon, cheese, lettuce, tomato and pickles on top of a beef patty smothered in jelly and peanut butter.  

What else is on the menu?

As a born-and-raised Nebraskan, this was my first time at the OC Fair, and I felt like I needed to try some classics. So, I headed to the OG at the OC Fair, Chicken Charlie’s.

They've been at the OC Fair for 30 years now, and are known for classics like the deep-fried Oreos and new eye-popping inventions. Some of their new concoctions this year include: A fried mangonada — which features fresh mango battered, deep fried and topped with chamoy, lime and Tajin. There's also a Shawarma fry cone, Parmesan garlic fry cone and the fried tiramisu I mentioned.

The treats I tried ranged from $10 and $15 each, but there are some deals to be had. Chicken Charlie’s is offering a $30 anniversary meal deal that includes an entrée, fries, fried Oreos and a drink.

“I love being at the fair,” Charlie Boghosian, creator and owner of Chicken Charlie’s, told me. “I love creating new things, because I think frying is an art.”

Profound words from the person who created items like fried Kool-Aid, bacon-wrapped pickles and a Krispy Kreme chicken sandwich.

More new fair creations and where you can find them at the fair this year:

• Street Corn Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Chili Mac 'n' Cheese Baked Potato (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Street Corn Fries (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Tot-Zilla (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Vegetarian Broc-Star Potato with broccoli (Corn Star & Baked Potato Club)
• Dutch Fries with black truffle mayo (Biggy's)
• Dubai Deep-Fried Oreo (Fried Affair)
• Porkapalooza Pizza (Enzo's Pizza)
• Korean Corn Dogs and Cheese Sticks rolled in Takis or buldak ramen (Mustard's)
• Chupacabra Tasti Chips (Tasti Chips)
• Candied drinks dirty beverages (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gluten-free Cheese Curds (Tasti Burger)
• Loaded Tater Kegs (Tasti Burger)
• Pizza Bacon Bombs and Bacon-Wrapped Churro (Bacon Nation)
• Lord of the Rings Dog (Pink's)
• Freeze-dried candy beverages and Candy Blast gummies (Sugar Puff Candy)
• Gooey Maple Butter Popcorn Cone (Planet Popcorn)