The Brief

Even before President Donald Trump took office for a second time, panic about his promised “mass deportations” — and raids by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) — was already spreading throughout California.

For example, in an early January operation unrelated to ICE, the Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office served two search warrants related to retail theft. But photos of the vans used by the sheriff’s office began spreading on social media, accompanied by messages claiming that ICE was present and detaining people in East San José, where thousands of immigrant families live.

“People in the community were reaching out to me to ask me if this was true,” said Huy Tran, executive director of Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network (SIREN), an organization with offices in San José and Fresno that offers legal aid, trainings and leadership development to immigrant communities.

Throughout California, there are networks of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who are responding to possible ICE activity around the clock — called Rapid Response Networks. SIREN, for example, forms part of Santa Clara County Rapid Response Network, which, on Jan. 26, responded to reports from neighbors about ICE sightings in East San José. This time around, the Rapid Response Network confirmed that the rumors were true: ICE agents were indeed transferring individuals who had received deportation orders.

Since the inauguration, social media posts about apparent ICE sightings in the Bay Area’s immigrant communities have ramped up — bringing understandable concern and panic with them. Last week, a San Francisco middle student’s report that they were questioned by an immigration agent on a city Muni bus prompted SFUSD officials to send emails to local families warning them about the alleged incident — even though representatives for both ICE and the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office ultimately denied any involvement in the incident.

But it can be difficult to distinguish fact from rumor while you’re scrolling, especially when the news is concerning. We spoke to immigration experts and advocates about what to know about current ICE operations in California and how to avoid sharing misinformation about ICE raids yourself — even with the best of intentions.

ICE, fear and perception

In California, a state with roughly 2 million undocumented individuals, according to the Pew Research Center, advocates say Trump has been weaponizing fear, along with harsher enforcement of immigration policies.

“The federal government is more likely going to do the things that can get the Trump administration visibility,” said Lourdes Martínez, who helps lead the immigrants’ rights practice at Oakland legal services nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza. “They only have to detain a few people for the fear to really reverberate.”

It’s normal to feel scared about ICE showing up in your community, said Tran from SIREN. “I understand the desire to want to do something, to share information right away,” he added.

But fear also makes it hard for people to sort bad information from good, and panic can lead folks to quickly share online posts without checking them out further. “Anxiety, fear, it spreads incredibly quickly,” Tran said. “When people send information out to these huge networks, it spreads far, wide and fast.”

Students and supporters of DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) rally in downtown Los Angeles on Nov. 12, 2019.

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What have ICE arrests looked like in Trump’s first days, and what is the focus?

During his 2024 campaign, Trump promised his administration would launch “the largest deportation program of criminals in the history of America.” He even promised to deploy the military for deportations.

In his first week back as president, Trump signed both an executive order declaring “an invasion” at the southern border and ended a Biden-era rule that restricted immigration officers from detaining people at “sensitive locations” like schools, churches and hospitals. ICE detentions have also intensified in Chicago since the inauguration, where officials said they have launched “enhanced targeted operations.”

But while Trump still said his administration would go ahead with mass deportations, officials appointed by him are being more careful with their words — laying emphasis, for now, on people with criminal convictions. “If you’re in the country illegally, ICE can visit you,” said Tom Homan, who Trump designated as “border czar.” “But right now … we’re concentrating on the worst first,” he clarified during an interview with Fox News on Wednesday. “The public safety threats.”

In the same interview, Homan said that ICE had arrested 308 undocumented individuals with criminal convictions the previous day alone. For context, that’s still way below the average daily number of arrests and deportations during the Obama administration.

As for Trump’s promise of using the military for deportations, the only evidence of the administration doing this is using military aircraft to fly migrants detained by ICE to their countries of origin. Additional troops have arrived in San Diego, but the Pentagon said these troops will not be involved in law enforcement.

What should I do if I see an online post about ICE in the community?

The major takeaway: If you think you see ICE in your neighborhood or see ICE reported nearby on social media, advocates advise that you call them instead of circulating anything online.

Tran of SIREN explained further: Before posting anything, you should first reach out to your local Rapid Response Network — a coalition of volunteers, organizations and attorneys that work together to confirm ICE sightings and connect people who have been detained by ICE to legal representation.

Find the Rapid Response Network that serves your community.

It’s possible that the Rapid Response Network in your city has already checked out the reported ICE sighting you’re seeing on your feed — so by calling them, you can get information from folks who are at the scene. You could also be alerting them to an ICE sighting that isn’t already on their radar.

San Francisco community organization Mission Action urged people to avoid sharing unverified information, with Executive Director Laura Valdez saying that such rumors “can unnecessarily heighten fear and confusion” and that communities should trust Rapid Response Networks to “verify reports and share clear, actionable updates.”

The organization said that anyone directly witnessing ICE activity can contact the 24-hour San Francisco hotline at 415-200-1548. (Find other hotlines available in Northern California.)

As a general rule, to be wary of misinformation online, check which organization is posting about apparent ICE sightings, and look for any sources for their information. Keep in mind that users of social media platform X can purchase “blue check marks,” so a blue check alone isn’t proof of reliability.

Google’s reverse image search can be a quick way to see where a photo has been used on the internet. For example, an image purporting to show a recent “ICE raid” could be, in fact, an archive image from another year entirely. However, keep in mind that Google prioritizes its own AI results at the top of the page. Those results have been proven to sometimes be unreliable, inconsistent and even inappropriate, so it’s best if you actually visit the source through the links provided.

Read more tips for spotting misinformation online.

How can I recognize an ICE agent in real life or in a video?

ICE agents can sometimes wear uniforms or gear that suggests they are police officers or probation officers, according to the American Civil Liberties Union Southern California.

This can sometimes convince people to let agents enter a home without a warrant. In 2018, several San Francisco police commissioners called on ICE to stop these practices, saying it interfered with local policing.

ICE agents can also wear civilian clothes or plain dark clothing with a bulletproof vest.

Police officers, however, usually wear a more specific-looking uniform “with identifying insignias,” ACLU SoCal said.

Q. What is the difference between ICE and CBP?

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, and Customs and Border Protection, CBP, are both immigration enforcement agencies within the Department of Homeland Security. ICE conducts enforcement within the U.S. and manages detention and deportation operations. CBP conducts inspections at all U.S. “ports of entry” – at land borders, seaports, and airports. And the Border Patrol, which is part of CBP, polices the land borders in between the official ports of entry.

ICE and CBP officers generally need an administrative warrant (signed by an ICE or CBP supervisor) in order to arrest a person. However they can make an arrest without a warrant if they see a person illegally entering the country, or they have “reason to believe” a person is here illegally and likely to escape before they can get a warrant.

You have more protections if the encounter happens when you are in your home. Under the Fourth Amendment, if ICE or CBP agents (or any law enforcement officer) comes to your door and wants to enter your home, they either need to present a warrant signed by a judge (not just an administrative warrant from their agency) – or they need your consent. Agents could also technically enter without permission if they report hearing an emergency happening inside the home.

If you don’t want the agent to come in, legal advocates say, you don’t have to open the door unless the agent shows you a judicial warrant. (Advocates suggest asking the agent to slide the warrant under the door or hold it up to a window where you can read it.)

Similar to ICE, CBP officers may have “police” written prominently on their uniform. “U.S. Customs and Border Protection” may be written on their sleeve or on their back.

Federal law grants additional powers to CBP within a wide border zone that the government has defined as 100 air miles from an “external boundary” of the U.S. Within that zone – which covers most coastal cities in the country, including San Francisco – CBP agents can stop and question people, and board vessels, buses and trains to search for unauthorized immigrants without a warrant.

That said, you do still have constitutional protections, including the right to remain silent so you don’t say something that could incriminate you. Immigration officers cannot detain you without “reasonable suspicion” of a crime, and they cannot search you or your belongings without “probable cause” – unless you give your consent.

KQED’s Tyche Hendricks and Samantha Lim contributed to this article.

The 2028 Olympics and Paralympics in Los Angeles will cost billions to put on, but there are currently no guarantees that any of that business will go to companies or small businesses in the city of Los Angeles.

That's a problem for local officials, who point out that the city of L.A. is the host and financial backer of the Games and should therefore reap the benefits.

Olympic contracts for things like IT services, cleaning and construction for the Games are worth up to $4 billion, according to LA28. L.A. City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson filed a motion Wednesday asking the private Olympics organizing committee LA28 to commit to giving some of those contracts to businesses in the city specifically.

The move responds to critiques of LA28's procurement plan, which council members in April warned could end up leaving out the city of Los Angeles entirely.

LA28 says it's aiming to keep 75% of its spending in the Greater L.A. area, and put 25% towards small businesses. Its procurement plan pledges to prioritize "hyperlocal" businesses in the city of L.A., but makes no explicit promises. Instead, it identifies "local" as anywhere in L.A., Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino and Ventura counties.

Harris-Dawson's motion would direct city staff to request LA28 go further, developing an L.A.-specific spending commitment.

"There is no assurance that Olympic-related spending will meaningfully benefit Los Angeles businesses, workers, and communities in proportion to the City's role as host," the motion reads in part.

The motion still needs to get through council, but there are indications that it will meet an unwilling LA28.

LA28 CEO Reynold Hoover told the city council earlier this year that organizers would prioritize city businesses, but that he would not commit to a plan that would limit LA28's financial options.

"If I focus solely, first and foremost, on the city of L.A. for small business, then I am artificially reducing the pool of competition, placing greater risk on the city taxpayers and placing greater risk on the backstop of the city of L.A.," Hoover said.

The motion reflects the latest way city leaders are trying to limit risk and increase rewards for Los Angeles, which is on the hook for a potentially large amount of money if the 2028 Olympics and Paralympics are a financial failure.

Former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra is leading Republican businessman Steve Hilton by a double-digit margin in the race for California governor, according to a new poll from UC Berkeley.

The Institute of Governmental Studies poll found about 55% of likely voters saying they’ll support Becerra, 37% backing Hilton and just 7% undecided.

Becerra’s 18-point lead marks a stark contrast to June’s messy and crowded primary contest, which included numerous serious Democratic candidates and remained unsettled until the very end.

Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, speaks during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026.

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“It’s shaping up to be a pretty traditional Democrat versus Republican general election matchup with strong partisan preferences kind of dominating everything,” poll director Mark DiCamillo said.

California’s electorate is largely Democratic — Republicans are outnumbered by Democrats nearly 2 to 1, and independent voters make up more than one-fifth of the electorate.

Partisan leanings appear to be driving voter opinions in the governor’s race, DiCamillo said: 88% of Democrats are backing Becerra, while 91% of Republicans are behind Hilton.

The poll’s findings overall track with trends in recent statewide races, including the 2024 presidential contest, which former Vice President Kamala Harris won by 20 points over President Donald Trump in California.

“When you ask voters, ‘Why are you supporting Becerra?’ they want a Democrat who takes the positions that Democrats traditionally take — that’s what they’re voting for. Plus they want somebody who’s going to fight Trump,” DiCamillo said.

Those partisan, anti-Trump views appear to outweigh Becerra’s history-making potential: If he wins, he would be the first Latino elected governor of California.

Yet just 1% of poll respondents said his identity as the son of Mexican immigrants is the reason they’re supporting him, the poll shows.

It will be difficult for Hilton to close the gap with Becerra, DiCamillo said, because the survey shows that he’s also struggling among voters not affiliated with one of the two major political parties.

The poll shows Hilton’s favorability rating underwater among independents, with 31% viewing him favorably and 59% unfavorably.

The last two standing: Gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra, center, shakes hands with then-fellow candidate Chad Bianco at a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. Now, it's just Becerra and Steve Hilton, at right.

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“In order for Hilton to win, he really has to go after the Democratic constituencies,” DiCamillo said. “If you look at, for example, no party preference voters, sometimes you try to peel those off if you’re a challenger on the Republican side.”

But with a strong majority of independents viewing the Republican businessman negatively, “it’s a tall order,” he said.

“Hilton represents the Republicans. He’s the standard bearer. And the reason people are voting for him is because that’s what they’re voting for,” DiCamillo said. “Unfortunately for Republicans and for Hilton, there’s not enough of them.”

The survey was conducted online in English and Spanish from Aug. 3 to Aug. 9 among 4,207 registered voters; a sample of 2,310 were considered likely voters in the November general election.

The gap is stark more than a year and a half after the Eaton and Palisades fires:

Homeowners are short, on average, $500,000 in what it will cost to rebuild their homes – that’s with what they’ve received from insurers.

The figure is from a July survey by the Department of Angels of more than 2,000 survivors across both fire areas.

Small Business Association Loans have been one way survivors have attempted to fill the gap. The window to apply officially ended in June. Programs like the state’s CalAssist Mortgage Fund provides up to one year of help. The federal government extended housing assistance for another year. And some banks have also offered to extend mortgage relief. (You can learn about all of these programs here and here.)

The majority of survivors are most interested in loans that are forgivable and low or no-interest, according to the Department of Angels survey.

“There are still people out there who need help,” said Ursula Hyman, co-founder of the Altadena Land Initiatives Corporation.

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Hyman knows firsthand — her home was seriously damaged and her daughter’s home was lost to the Eaton fire.

Her group’s fund is one of several that have cropped up as traditional safety nets prove to be far from enough. These funds attempt to bridge the financial gap, as well as the knowledge gap many face in rebuilding from scratch.

As the fire becomes “old news,” Hyman said — “It’s not old news to the people who are still living it” — it’s harder to find investors to support that work.

 ”It's much harder for all of the nonprofits to raise money right now,” she said. “ We'd like to do 100 homes this year, and I have about enough capital right now to do 25.”

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‘Rebuild gap’ funds

Here’s a quick roundup of “rebuild gap” funds. If we missed any, or you want to share your experience with these programs, reach out to reporter Erin Stone at estone@laist.com.

All of the funders LAist spoke with encouraged survivors to reach out to them regardless of whether they’re sure about participating in the program.

Altadena Land Initiatives Corporation

Supported by Cathay Bank, this fund provides zero-interest loans, on average about $260,000, as well as pre-approved construction plans with vetted builders. They have over 70 construction plans available (soon to be more) and no income requirements. Learn more at their website.

Greenline Housing Foundation

Provides temporary housing assistance as well as up to $250,000 grants to Eaton Fire survivors rebuilding a home. For the grants, there are no income limits and the money does not need to be repaid. Learn more on their website and fill out an intake form here.

Habitat for Humanity

Provides smoke remediation, home repair and rebuilding assistance for Eaton and Palisades fire survivors. You can learn more and fill out their intake form here. They, along with Greenline Housing, have worked with the Resilient Delta Fund to provide some of these programs.

Lendistry disaster recovery mortgage pilot

L.A.-based Lendistry has worked to assist fire survivors and, with the support of Bank of America and the California Community Foundation, recently launched a new pilot program for fire-affected homeowners. The program will provide comprehensive rebuild financial assistance and guidance, including construction loans and mortgage assistance. They say their interest rates will be “competitive and market-driven” and aim to close loans within 45 days. You can learn more and fill out an interest form here.

Disaster Rebuilding Assistance Program

Gov. Gavin Newsom approved $100 million in state funds to help fire survivors afford to rebuild. The program is not yet available as it just opened for lenders, but survivors can learn more and stay up to date on the program’s launch here.

When Alma Mendoza Tlachi’s work permit expired while she waited for the federal government to process her renewal, she had to stop teaching her high school students and could not return to work over the summer or prepare her classroom for the new school year.

As a Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, recipient, Mendoza Tlachi relies on an employment authorization document, or work permit, to legally work in the United States.

Mendoza Tlachi has paid to renew her work authorization every two years, as required, since she first applied for DACA in 2017 at age 16. But this year, processing delays caused her work permit to expire before U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services reviewed her renewal application, even though she filed nearly six months before it was set to expire. She said her previous renewal applications had all been processed in under one month.

Alma Mendoza Tlachi is a Spanish language and literature teacher at a high school in Los Angeles and a DACA recipient. This year, she had to stop working after a prolonged delay in the renewal of her work authorization document.

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“I constantly found myself wondering: ‘Will I be able to continue teaching? Will I be able to support my family? Will I be able to finish school?’ ” said Mendoza Tlachi at a press conference Thursday morning. She is a third-year Spanish language and literature teacher completing her master’s degree in education at Cal State Fullerton.

The delays prompted California lawmakers to call on the federal government to act. Assemblymember José Luis Solache, Jr., D-Paramount, introduced House Resolution 124, which the state Assembly recently approved unanimously. The resolution urges federal agencies, including USCIS, which oversees DACA renewals, to expedite work authorization renewals for DACA recipients.

The resolution passed after months of uncertainty over prolonged delays and a lawsuit seeking information from the federal government on DACA processing times.

Over a quarter of the nation’s roughly 506,000 DACA recipients live in California, and thousands of them are educators in the state’s K-12 and higher education systems.

“Immigration cases are often delayed. That is not unusual,” said Tess Feldman, a supervising attorney at Loyola Law School’s Immigrant Justice Clinic, at Thursday’s news conference. “But what we’re talking about today for DACA renewals are unprecedented delays impacting a very sensitive group of students and teachers and educators that this program is designed to protect, not cause further harm to.”

One of Feldman’s clients, a 10th grade teacher, cannot return to work this school year because of renewal application delays, Feldman said. “By comparison, one of her applications in the past was renewed and approved on the same day.”

The DACA program was created by the Obama administration in 2012 to provide temporary protection from deportation and work authorization to certain undocumented immigrants who were brought to the United States as children. The program grew out of years of organizing by undocumented immigrants seeking protection and a pathway to citizenship.

DACA has since faced a series of legal challenges. A federal court order currently prevents the government from approving new applications to the program while still allowing renewals to be processed.

Pablo Villavicencio, CEO of Alliance College-Ready Public Schools, said the delays cause a domino effect of disruptions that affect many people beyond the individual DACA recipient.

“For our students, that disruption matters. It can affect their academic progress and preparation for college. Many of our students will be the first in their families to graduate from high school and to attend college and, at such a critical point in their education, losing a teacher who knows them, believes in them, and is helping prepare for what comes next in their life has a lasting impact,” Villavicencio said. Educator Mendoza Tlachi teaches at one of the 25 sites in the Los Angeles-based network of public charter schools that he leads.

The delays can also disrupt an educator’s financial stability as well as the larger communities that depend on their work, said Jacob Sandoval, state director with civil rights organization League of United Latin American Citizens, or LULAC.

“Employers lose workers, families lose income, the federal government loses taxes and communities lose economic activity. This is why processing timely applications is not simply a matter of immigration policy, it’s about civil rights, workforce stability, family stability and our economy,” he said.

Feldman, of Loyola Law School, said some DACA recipients whose work permits have expired are relying on savings while waiting for their cases to be processed. Others are being supported by employers who are holding their jobs open while they wait.

“They’re very much living day to day. They’re checking their status on their case when they wake up and when they go to bed at night, and they’re living off savings, and they’re living in a space of hope,” Feldman said.

Faculty at California State University are also working on legislation to support students awaiting their renewal applications to be processed.

“What we see happening many times is students leave halfway through the semester and then, without any date of return, they actually have to start all over again to apply to the university,” said Theresa Montaño, a CSU faculty member and president of the Los Angeles County Board of Education.

The legislation would allow students facing disruptions such as delayed DACA renewals to temporarily pause their studies and return without having to start the process over, Montaño said. Once they can return, “they would be able to start where they left off,” she said.

For Mendoza Tlachi, the wait finally ended a few days ago. She was brought to the United States at age 7, first received DACA in 2017 and has renewed it about five times. Her latest renewal was approved about six months after she applied.

It meant that, instead of spending her summer working and preparing for the new school year, she spent that time checking the USCIS website for any update on her renewal application until, finally, it arrived.

“I hope we can create a process where educators like me do not have to wonder whether a process and delay will keep us from our classrooms, and where our students do not have to wonder whether their teachers will come back the next day,” she said.