The Brief

Navigating family leave is not easy. When we’ve talked to pregnant people, family leave is one of the top topics they ask us about. It’s no wonder why — there are so many things to keep track of.

So why is this impossibly complicated? Why do you need four degrees and a spreadsheet to figure it out? This is our attempt to answer your questions about pregnancy and work in California.

We talked with several experts across the field; most of the answers around how California law intersects with work come from Katherine Wutchiett, staff attorney at Legal Aid at Work, which runs a work and family helpline that provides free, confidential advice to parents and caregivers.

How the US compares with the world

Because the laws vary so widely by region and by each person’s health conditions, figuring out your benefits takes a little bit of calculation.

And worldwide, this is not the norm. The United States is one of just seven countries in the world without a comprehensive program for national paid maternity leave. The average length for those that do have leave is 29 weeks. Estonians get up to 86 weeks of paid family leave, over a year and a half — for any parent, foster, adoptive, or guardian.

Research shows that paid family leave has multiple benefits for families that are able to take advantage of it, including breastfeeding for longer periods of time, better health outcomes for children as they grow, increases in men taking family leave, and the ability for birthing parents to return to their jobs.

But in the U.S., nearly one in four employed mothers return to work just two weeks after giving birth. If you are wondering what that might be like (hint: not recommended), check out LAist’s guide to the postpartum phase.

California is one of the few states in the country that does offer a constellation of laws to provide for work accommodations and leave around pregnancy.

Wutchiett says that just knowing these rights can lead to more stability at work in the long-term. “A lot of the issues that we see that come up, are people quit their job or are fired because they don't get the changes that they need in their pregnancy, when they are entitled to pregnancy accommodations,” she adds.

Do I need to tell my employer I’m pregnant?

First off, it’s important to know you’ve got rights!

Wutchiett says the first step is to start doing research to understand your basic rights in California.

“Employers don't always have it 100% right,” she says, adding that it’s important to know a bit about the basics before having a conversation with your employer.

Wutchiett says people often ask if they are required to tell their employer that they are pregnant. The answer is no, you are not — but certain legal protections and benefits are connected to being pregnant, like work accommodations and time off. So, she says, “Once you want to make use of those protections you need to tell your employer so that you can trigger their obligation to provide those to you.”

If you’re worried about your employer’s reaction, know that it’s illegal for your employer to discriminate against you or harass you due to pregnancy.

If you work at a place with five or more employees, your sick leave will protect your job if you need to take time off for prenatal medical care, morning sickness, or other pregnancy-related conditions. In the state of California, as of Jan. 1, 2024, you have five guaranteed paid sick days to cover this time off (in addition to any benefits your employer provides). Other cities may have more time off — like Los Angeles (48 hours, or six days) and Santa Monica (depends on your employer). Look up what type of sick leave is available in the specific city or state where you live.

Information from Legal Aid at Work

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What are reasonable work accommodations?

Now that you’re pregnant, some aspects of the way you work may need to change.

Under the California Fair Employment and Housing Act, your employer is required to provide accommodations to pregnant employees — as long as they are reasonable and advised by a health employer.

As Wutchiett explains, there’s no specific list of what these accommodations could be. “It completely depends on that person's job and what their healthcare provider recommends,” she says.

For example, if you work in a restaurant, it could be that a different server takes out the larger trays of food. Work accommodations can also include teleworking, switching from a position at the register to a position in the back of the stockroom, or if you have a job that usually requires standing, you can ask for a seat.

Accommodations are available to all employees, including part-time workers and those who are new to their job.

If you are looking for how to structure your email request to your employer or need a note from your doctor, you can download some sample letters.

How do I take time off to care for my baby?

First, the TL;DR version.

• Usually, depending on your medical condition, you can receive benefits up to four weeks before your expected delivery date and then up to six weeks after your delivery (without complications) and up to eight weeks after your delivery (cesarean birth). 
• Then, under California’s Paid Family Leave program, usually you can receive benefits for another eight weeks. After that, you may be entitled to another four weeks off unpaid. 
• All this may vary depending on where you work, your work status, and your health conditions. 

OK. How does this all work?

Here’s what’s key to understanding leave from work: There are laws that give you the right to go on leave and protect your job while you’re out. And then, separately, there’s how you’ll get paid — in California there are programs that give you partial pay during this time.

Your leave depends on the size of your employer, your health conditions, and how you deliver (vaginal or cesarean), and what programs you qualify for.

• A typical leave for a vaginal birth in California includes a total of 22 weeks off, with up to four weeks before the due date and 18 weeks afterwards, with 17 of those weeks paid at 70-90%.
• A typical leave for a cesarean birth is a total of 22 weeks off, with up to four weeks before the due date and 18 weeks afterwards, with 19 of those weeks paid at 70-90%.

Information from Legal Aid at Work

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Now let's talk about other protections.

If your employer has five or more employees, there are two laws that protect your job while you are out on leave — Pregnancy Disability Leave and the California Family Rights Act. Pregnancy Disability Leave is designed to provide leave before and after birth, depending on your particular health conditions. The California Family Rights Act provides time off for bonding with a new child if you’ve worked with your employer for a year or more. Both of these laws require you to give your employer at least 30 days' advance notice.

It’s important to note that as of 2021, the California Family Rights Act is available to workplaces with five or more employees. It previously only covered larger workplaces, so if you work for a smaller employer, they may not be aware of this change. Also, the federal Family & Medical Leave Act (FMLA) overlaps with state laws — it does not provide you with additional leave.

To get paid while you are out, California has two programs that can provide pay. First, there’s State Disability Insurance, which provides a portion of your pay before and after your due date. Usually, depending on your medical condition, you can receive benefits up to four weeks before your expected delivery date and then up to six weeks after your delivery (without complications) and up to eight weeks after your delivery (cesarean birth).

California’s Paid Family Leave program then provides a portion of your pay for eight weeks to bond with a new child. People who don’t give birth can also use this program — that includes spouses and adoptive or foster parents.

Workers earning 70% or less of the state's average wage are eligible for 90% of their regular wages under the State Disability Insurance and Paid Family Leave programs. For 2025, that's about $63,000. If you make more than that, you'll get 70% of your regular wages.

Both of these programs are available regardless of citizenship and immigration status. They are 100% worker funded. You can look at your pay stub and if it says CASDI, this is the amount of your money that is going into this fund. If you are undocumented, you can see this guide on how to apply.

Jenya Cassidy, director of the California Work and Family Coalition, says educating yourself on the basics of California laws is a helpful start. “You'd be surprised how many HR departments get this wrong and will tell a pregnant worker in California you have 12 weeks all together, which is not true,” she says.

Keep in mind all these things are a minimum. They are the floor and your employer may have extra benefits to add to this mix.

For example:

• Some employers supplement the 70-90% of your pay that California disability and paid family leave offer, to take your pay up to 100%.
• Your employer can allow you more time off than what is guaranteed by law. 
• Some employers allow flexible work arrangements upon return.
• And maybe you’re one of the lucky ones who work for Netflix and you can take as long as you need (averaging four to eight months, the company says)

Wutchiett recommends that if you make a special arrangement with your employer about benefits or time off, you confirm your conversation in writing, though email or a text. There’s no state agency that would step in for things above and beyond California law, but having documentation can help you make your case through other avenues.

If you live in San Francisco, the Paid Parental Leave Ordinance requires employers to supplement Paid Family Leave so that during your leave you receive 100% of your pay (up to a cap). San Francisco also has other special benefits around pregnancy and parenting.

P.S. Be prepared to be in contact with state agencies and/or insurance companies at the beginning of your leave. I remember one guy from the insurance company whose job was just to call people and ask if they had a vaginal or cesarean birth. In the crucial first days of birth, I was so exhausted I almost missed his call.

How does paid family leave for adoption or fostering work?

If you are an adoptive and foster parent, you also have the right to take leave to bond with and care for your new child.

Eligible employees have the right to take up to 12 weeks of job-protected leave from work, with potentially 8 of those weeks partially paid under California’s Paid Family Leave program. You’ll need to give 30 days’ advance notice to your employer if possible (or tell them as soon as you can). If your employer requests documentation like a letter from a foster care or adoption agency, you should provide that. Learn more about how this works.

California workers can also take sick time and leave to care for chosen family. As of 2023, employees can take time off to care for a “designated person,” someone who is a blood relative or someone else they consider like family. If you are an LGBTQ+ parent or have a nontraditional family structure, you might find this useful. Family caregivers can use California’s Paid Family Leave program to care for relatives.

What rights do I have to pump breastmilk at work?

A 2020 law requires employers to give employees the break time they need to pump at work. You can decide the amount of time you need, since it varies for each person. Your employer doesn’t need to pay for this time, except if you pump during your normal break times.

Your work must also provide an adequate space to express milk. It must:

• Be shielded from view, and free from intrusion
• Be safe, clean, and free from hazardous materials
• Contain a surface to place a breast pump and personal items 
• Contain a place to sit and have access to electricity or alternative devices including, but not limited to, extension cords or charging stations 
• Have access to a sink with running water and a refrigerator suitable for storing milk
• Not be a bathroom!

These are basic things, but Wutchiett says she has heard from people whose bosses told them to pump in, like, a chilled wine room or hallway or a supply closet. Not cool!

And also, as it turns out, not legal.

Your employer is also required to have a lactation policy and affirmatively distribute it to employees when they hire them.

How do I talk to my boss about pregnancy?

Like we previously wrote for LAist in a guide to sick leave, for starters, these things are key:

• Get it in writing. It's fine to request leave over the phone or in person, but follow up in writing. That way you have a record of your conversation.
• Include the details. Make sure you include the dates you anticipate needing leave, when you expect to be able to return to work, and the reason you are not able to work. 
• Name drop the law. It can be helpful to include the name of the law or laws that provide the leave you’re requesting. That way, says Wutchiett, if the employer is unfamiliar with the law, they can look it up.

And to finesse the conversation …

• Give as much notice as you can. For pregnancy leave, the laws require a 30-day notice if possible.
• Rehearse. Run your email or text by a friend to double check it. It can make you feel more prepared.
• Take a buddy. Cassidy has seen it work with people who are talking to their employer about lactation accommodations. Also, approach your supervisor in a friendly way to educate them. You know your boss, so you probably have a good idea about what approach would work best.

Most importantly, says Wutchiett, remember: “It’s against the law for people to treat people worse because they try to assert any of these rights.”

If your employer is telling you something that is incorrect or doing something against the law, see some tips.

What time off can I use for pregnancy loss or miscarriage?

Experiencing a pregnancy loss is rough. In addition to potential physical recovery, there’s also the need to process grief and make meaning out of your experience. The time and space you need can be difficult to come by in a world that continues to move fast.

Time off from your job is protected under these laws:

• Reproductive Loss Leave, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2024, covers five days of unpaid leave for a failed adoption, failed surrogacy, miscarriage, stillbirth, or an unsuccessful assisted reproduction. 
• The Pregnancy Disability Leave Act also covers up to four months of job-protected, unpaid leave for health conditions related to pregnancy. This can include physical recovery as well as mental health issues. 
• If you need more time because you are disabled, the Americans with Disabilities Act or the Fair Employment and Housing Act may allow you to take more time as a reasonable accommodation.

To receive pay during this time, you can use five days of sick leave available in California — or more, depending on the city where you live. You may also be eligible to receive 70% or 90% of your income while you are disabled and recovering through California’s State Disability Insurance (SDI) program. You’ll have to consult with your doctor about how much time is necessary in your case. A typical recovery from a live birth is six to eight weeks.

All of these protections and benefits are available regardless of immigration status.

As with the other leave laws I mention here, these laws are the minimum required under state law. Your employer may have additional bereavement time and you can talk with them about other special arrangements — just make sure to document any agreements that you make!

Legal Aid at Work breaks down all of your rights after reproductive loss in this helpful fact sheet.

New laws and making change

California’s laws around pregnancy and work don’t cover everyone — if you work at a workplace with four or fewer employees or are an independent contractor, many of these laws may not apply to you. Many public sector workers, like teachers and city employees, also aren't eligible for the state's paid leave program because they don't pay into the state's disability insurance fund. You may find that you have challenges submitting your application when many of the forms are available only in English. You may experience delays as EDD processes your claim.

And, of course, just because you have rights does not mean your employer will make it easy for you to enjoy them.

Cassidy suggests that if you are running into problems accessing paid leave and you don’t have a union, you should call your state representative. Yes, really! She says that representatives have successfully helped elevate cases that they have flagged for them, and it also lets elected representatives know the policies as they stand aren’t working. And don’t be intimidated. It’s literally their job to listen to you.

Also, as Cassidy said previously to LAist, “It can be very satisfying, when you're frustrated about something, to at least know that you're doing what you can.”

LAist senior reporters Mariana Dale and Elly Yu contributed to this guide. It was also informed by the Hey bb review committee: Maternal and Child Health Access parent coach and psychotherapist Denise Cervantes, California Black Women’s Health Project senior manager of maternal and reproductive health Raena Granberry, licensed clinical psychologist and birth doula Sayida Peprah, and Legal Aid at Work staff attorney Sela Steiger.

This article was updated on Aug. 1 to include new California laws and updated resource links.

By the time Democrat Xavier Becerra left Washington, D.C., more Americans than ever had health insurance, owing partly to his work over the years to pass, defend and expand the Affordable Care Act.

It's an achievement the former congressman and U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services often touts as he campaigns for California governor against Republican Steve Hilton, a former Fox News commentator.

But should Becerra cruise to victory in November, as polling suggests, he will face what may be the steepest decline in health insurance coverage in a generation, one that will land especially hard in his home state.

Federal cuts mean more people uninsured

By 2030, the number of uninsured Californians under 65 is expected to nearly double from 2.4 million to 4.6 million as recently enacted state and federal cuts to Medicaid and ACA marketplaces begin to roll back historic gains in health coverage, according to a May analysis by the University of California, Berkeley Labor Center. The anticipated rise in the uninsured population could have broad implications for hospital systems, insurers and the economy.

In February, Miranda Dietz, the labor center's healthcare program director, told legislators the changes could end up costing California about 200,000 jobs, mostly in the healthcare industry.

Hospital executives have begun reporting more unpaid medical bills, and experts warn health plans will raise premiums further as they're left with enrollees who are, on average, sicker and more expensive to cover.

"It's triage," said Jessica Altman, executive director of Covered California, the nation's largest state-run health insurance marketplace. "That's what the next governor is walking into."

California achieved one of the most dramatic drops in its uninsured population in the nation, largely credited to the state's robust adoption of the ACA. If tapped to lead the wealthy, progressive state, Becerra would wrestle with how uninsured Californians get care and who pays as the Trump administration shrinks a federal safety net he once oversaw.

Becerra has some experience pushing back against Washington, D.C. As California attorney general, he successfully defended many provisions of the Affordable Care Act, including access to birth control.

Becerra said he would issue an executive order to keep those affected by federal cuts insured. But he has not detailed how the state would backfill as much as $30 billion in federal funding California stands to lose annually.

At a policy forum hosted by Politico this month, Becerra promised Californians would not lose health coverage despite federal cutbacks, saying he would push the industry to eliminate waste from "attorneys, accountants, pencil pushers" that cost consumers billions.

"I'm going to ask them to help me extract some of that waste and put it into healthcare, which helps us cover the cost of keeping Californians insured," he said.

His opponent, Hilton, is trying to appeal to voters opposed to President Donald Trump, despite receiving the president's endorsement, and has stumped on cutting off coverage for Californians without legal status, which is paid for with state funds. Hilton has vowed to use those savings to issue state income tax breaks, calling it an immediate antidote to high costs.

Steve Hilton, the Republican candidate for governor of California, campaigns at a Sheraton hotel on July 27 in Pomona.

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"We all understand that the healthcare system is a mess and needs major reform," Hilton said in an interview. "The quickest thing we can do on healthcare costs is actually to tax people less."

Left behind?

In 2010, Becerra was part of U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's leadership team and helped whip up votes to pass the law. He also had a hand in crafting it, though his attempt to include a government-backed coverage option failed.

A decade later, when lawmakers considered him for the nation's top healthcare job, Becerra said his primary mission would be to carry out President Biden's vision to expand access and cut costs under the Affordable Care Act.

Before the ACA, some 50 million Americans — roughly 1 in 6 — were uninsured. Within a few years of the law's passage in 2010, its expansion of Medicaid eligibility and financial aid to lower-income marketplace enrollees helped slash the U.S. uninsured rate by nearly half.

Millions more gained coverage during the COVID-19 pandemic after Becerra implemented a freeze on Medicaid disenrollment and administered generous but temporary tax credits that put the cost of Obamacare plans within reach for more people.

As Biden's health secretary, Becerra launched aggressive public awareness campaigns, loosened enrollment rules and distributed hundreds of millions in grants to pay consumer assistants, also known as healthcare navigators, to help enrollees wade through paperwork.

"One of the common things we would hear from him as a leader was, 'Who's being left behind?'" said Benjamin Sommers, a Harvard health policy professor who was a deputy assistant secretary under Becerra.

Under Biden and Becerra, the percentage of people with health insurance reached a historic high of 92%, or 310 million Americans having health coverage in 2024.

Republican response

But conservatives said those policies inflated enrollment by attracting fraudulent and wasteful coverage. In response, the second Trump administration has tightened enrollment windows and toughened income reporting.

"It's simple and easy to say, well, the numbers are up so the program must be working," said Edmund Haislmaier, a senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank. "My argument would be that's the wrong metric."

Last summer, the GOP-led Congress passed Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which Republicans argued preserves Medicaid for those who need it most while rooting out fraud and waste. Altogether, the law is expected to cut Medicaid spending by $900 billion-plus over a decade.

Congress also allowed enhanced premium tax credits for Obamacare plans to expire last year, spiking premium payments for middle-income Americans and driving down enrollment by nearly 3 million this year.

"We are now witnessing almost a wholesale reversal of pretty much all those policies" that helped cover millions more Americans, said Sabrina Corlette, co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University.

For Eric Maciel, the $800 cost of a Covered California plan is too much. To avoid injury, the 28-year-old stays home more and rarely plays pickup soccer at the park — the other players, he added, can get pretty rough.

"That's another car note," Maciel said. "I'd be left with nothing."

Health economists say Maciel is the type of customer insurers need to stabilize their risk pools: young, healthy and less costly.

Hilton criticized state leaders for passing a revised provider tax he asserts will send premiums soaring and said he wants to inject more competition into California's health insurance market — but he offered no specific ideas.

Playing defense

Higher-than-expected state costs coupled with federal cuts have prompted California to retreat on healthcare coverage. Federal funds account for one-third of the state's budget and more than 60% of spending by Medi-Cal, the state's Medicaid program.

Xavier Becerra served in the House of Representatives when the Affordable Care Act passed and as health secretary under President Biden. He's the frontrunner in California's governor's race.

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Gov. Gavin Newsom has frozen enrollment for immigrants without legal status, enacted monthly premiums for some, and plans to only temporarily backfill federal assistance for legal immigrants and refugees.

Newsom and Democratic lawmakers agreed to delay some cuts until July 2027, leaving the next governor to weigh further rollbacks against increased taxes. Becerra, a California native born to Mexican immigrants, opposes what's known as the billionaire tax, on November's ballot. This month, he said he supported legislative efforts to penalize large corporations whose workers rely on Medi-Cal, arguing that taxpayers are subsidizing employers' low wages and paltry benefits.

County governments, which are legally required to provide healthcare to uninsured residents too poor to afford care, are lobbying lawmakers for funding to treat what they describe as a fresh deluge of patients who need free care.

"It's a pretty big cliff if all this stuff goes into effect," said Dietz, the labor center's healthcare program director. And there's a choice whether to make it less bad and maintain coverage for folks."

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

A battle over a first-of-its-kind tax on billionaires is heating up in California, with tech moguls pumping millions of dollars into a campaign to defeat it and union leaders who support the measure insisting the state's very wealthiest residents should pay their fair share.

Voters in November will be asked whether to pass the ballot measure, known as Proposition 40, which imposes a one-time 5% tax on the assets of the nearly 250 billionaires in the state. Backers say the new revenue would mostly fund healthcare services.

The tax was envisioned by union leader Dave Regan, who said millions of the state's neediest patients could lose health insurance in the coming years, driven largely by President Trump's 2025 tax and spending bill. Dubbed by the White House the "One Big Beautiful Bill," the law slashes federal funding to California and other states.

"Proposition 40 was developed specifically to backfill those cuts from the One Big Bill that are scheduled to take effect in the next five years. It is a five-year solution to that plan," said Regan, who is the president of the SEIU United Healthcare Workers West.

If passed, the measure would direct 90% of the tax revenue to fund healthcare services and the other 10% to food assistance and public education across California.

"We're not even talking about the top 1%, we're talking about the top 0.0001%, the billionaires: 250 individuals in California, $2.4 trillion worth of wealth, and that's an amount of money equivalent to the annual income of all Californians who are not billionaires, including extraordinarily wealthy people," Regan said.

But the populist fervor fueling supporters of the measure is being met with a growing coalition of resisters, from tech billionaires to other unions and some state Democrats. That includes Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has said the tax would hurt the state's economy, which is powered by profitable tech companies in Silicon Valley that have spawned many of the billionaires who would be taxed under the measure.

Opponents of the tax argue it offers a short-term fix to a long-term problem and could ultimately backfire.

"I'm not against taxes. But this is not the right tool. What we need to develop is something that is stable and consistent," said René Bravo, president of the California Medical Association, in an interview with NPR. "Human beings need and deserve health care that is financed in such a way that you're not increasing the insecurity."

Bravo argues Proposition 40, if passed, would make patients more unstable by providing them with bridge coverage now, but no longer-term solution — making it difficult to plan out medical coverage over many years. Bravo also said he does not trust state lawmakers to spend most of the new revenue on healthcare, speculating that they could direct the money to other pet projects.

"Not accurate, not true," responded union leader Regan. He said voters face a choice between more immediate healthcare funding for Californians or none at all, and that a third way being proposed by some critics is not on the ballot.

Will billionaires leave California if wealth tax passes?

Another major rift between both sides of the fight is whether the first-of-its-kind state wealth tax would drive billionaires out of California.

It's a crucial issue, since California's Chamber of Commerce estimates 1% of the state's residents pay nearly 50% of all personal income taxes.

Few disagree that a mass flight of the ultra-rich would throw California's budget into a tailspin, but the measure has sparked a fierce debate about whether billionaires will actually pack up and leave the state.

French economist Thomas Piketty, who has written extensively about disparities in international wealth, has argued that what's known as "capital flight" is often overstated in debates about wealth taxes. "If one builds a fortune while relying on the country's infrastructure, education, and health systems, there is no reason that one should so readily escape the collective obligations that fund these systems," Piketty wrote last year about a proposed wealth tax in France aimed at the ultra-rich.

Adam Michel, who studies tax policy at the libertarian Cato Institute, believes taxing high income earners will be destructive for the state.

"A wealth tax of this magnitude will be bad for California and for California taxpayers. We should expect not just targeted billionaires to leave, but anyone that expects to be a billionaire or expects to be the target of aggressive taxes like this in the future to leave," he said.

Google co-founder Sergey Brin, one of the richest people in the world, agrees.

He has poured $102 million into a group known as Building a Better California, which he co-founded with former Google chief executive Eric Schmidt. The group has also received millions of dollars in funding from venture capitalist John Doerr, crypto executive Chris Larsen and others. Building a Better California's mission is to defeat the effort, in part by supporting a separate ballot measure that would invalidate the wealth tax. Other tech billionaires, including Palantir founder Peter Thiel, who no longer lives in California, have funneled millions of dollars into other groups hoping to topple the measure.

A spokesperson for Building a Better California did not return a request for comment, but Brin told The New York Times: "I fled socialism with my family in 1979 and know the devastating, oppressive society it created in the Soviet Union. I don't want California to end up in the same place."

Brin recently moved to the Nevada side of Lake Tahoe. Critics of the tax say there will only be more billionaires leaving California if voters pass the measure.

Union leader Regan calls Brin's move political theater. He pointed out that the wealth tax applies to California residents who lived in the state in January of this year, so moving out of state would not allow anyone to dodge the tax, nor would relocating after November, if the ballot measure prevails. Bloomberg estimated the tax could personally cost Brin around $13 billion.

Regan said Brin owes his success in part to government-backed research that helped create Google and insisted that a one-time 5% tax would not be overly burdensome for the tech mogul.

"You are now one of the five wealthiest people in the world in the state that made you rich, enormously rich," said Regan as if speaking directly to Brin, noting that California "needs to stabilize its healthcare system."

Some polls show that Californians are nearly evenly split on the tax.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Writer Aida Salazar did not spend endless hours on devices as a teen. She grew up in the 1980s, way before TikTok and Instagram. But she has raised teens, a boy and a girl. She felt she lost them to their screens during the pandemic.

“To the point where they were harming themselves on different levels,” she said.

The antidote to the overconsumption of screens, she and her husband realized, was found when they spent time outdoors near their home in Oakland.

“We went to the redwoods, or we went to the ocean, or we went somewhere else where they were my kids again,” she said.

Salazar, who has received numerous awards for some of her 10 YA books, has drawn on that experience for her latest work, Stream.

It’s written in first person rhyme in the voices of the two main characters, a teen boy named Elio and Celi, a girl. (Both appear in Salazar's previous YA novels).

In this book they’re both eighth graders who live separately in Oakland. After their parents realize the extent of their tech dependency, they take the drastic action to send them to rural Mexico for an IRL shock.

“To detox digitally in a rancho, or a place that has no running water, no electricity, and of course, no internet,” said Salazar.

Out of their digital element

Salazar was born in the Mexican state of Zacatecas and grew up in Maywood, in Southeast L.A. County, before earning a master’s degree in writing from CalArts.

The rural Mexican setting of Stream is partly based on her mother’s hometown in Zacatecas, where she wrote some of the book. The title is inspired by a vibrant stream there that once sustained the community but is now in the shadow of crumbling adobe homes.

The cover for the YA book Stream, writren by Aida Salazar.

The book begins with Elio’s narration that brims with excitement about his last day of school.

The first page of the YA novel, Stream.

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Celi’s narration of that last day is more dream-like.

A page from the YA novel, Stream.

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In Mexico, out of their digital element, some connection blooms which, Salazar said, may be love.

Adults can read the book, she said, but it’s meant for teens to read in order to see how Elio and Celi struggle to balance digital and in-person relationships as well as connection and disconnection to nature and their families.

“I don't want our young people especially, to lose their understanding of their source, of who we are as natural beings connected to land, to ancestors, to legacy,” she said.

She believes nurturing the stream of connections to those things will go a long way towards helping teens rise above the various social and environmental challenges they will face in their adult lives.

A California Senate committee just gutted one of the state’s most substantial DUI reform bills in years, despite widespread support from other lawmakers and families of drunk driving victims.

The bill would have required in-car breathalyzers for anyone convicted of a DUI, bringing California in line with most states. State law currently only requires the devices, called ignition interlock devices, after repeat offenses or injury crashes.

Sabrina Cervantes, a Democrat from the Inland Empire and chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, provided a hint of changes last week when she said there were amendments to the bill that had been approved unanimously by the committee. This week, an updated version of the legislation emerged, and it effectively killed a key provision to start requiring the devices for thousands of first-time offenders. Such changes are commonly referred to as “hostile amendments” because they are made without the involvement or support of the bill’s author.

Cervantes was arrested for a DUI in a high-profile incident in Sacramento in May 2025. The District Attorney’s Office did not prosecute her after a blood test showed no drugs or alcohol in her system. Cervantes then sued the city of Sacramento and several of its police officers, alleging that that police fabricated evidence and falsely arrested her. Cervantes’s sister, state Assembly candidate Clarissa Cervantes, has herself been convicted of two DUIs in Southern California, according to media reports.

Sabrina Cervantes did not respond to our request for comment for this story. We will update it if she does.

As news of the bill’s gutting spread this week, Kellie Montalvo was left wondering if there’d been some sort of horrible mistake. Montalvo, whose 21-year-old son Benjamin was killed by an impaired driver in Cervantes’s district in 2020, said she was just in Sacramento two weeks ago lobbying lawmakers – including Cervantes – on a slate of dangerous driving bills. Many of those bills have already failed.

“It’s heartbreaking, and I try to tell myself not to lose hope,” Montalvo said. “I mean, California has got to do something. Our numbers are horrific.”

Alcohol-related roadway deaths in California spiked more than 50% in a decade — an increase more than twice as steep as the rest of the country, federal data shows. More than 1,300 people die each year statewide in drunken collisions.

Over the last two years, a CalMatters investigation has shown how state officials have allowed dangerous drivers to stay on the road and kill, and how elected leaders have looked away even as the death toll skyrocketed.

For years, lawmakers have tried and failed to require in-car breathalyzers for all DUI offenders. Progressive justice reform groups and the DMV have opposed similar bills in the past, citing fears about unfairly penalizing poor DUI offenders, high costs and the DMV’s aging technology.

Montalvo and other advocates thought this year might be different. The DMV has actively participated in state hearings and, she and others said, provided technical advice to make sure the bill was realistic. Gov. Gavin Newsom also instructed lawmakers last year to continue to work on the state’s breathalyzer laws and develop “a lasting program that strengthens public safety.”

It’s unclear why this year’s bill was gutted at the 11th hour. Public records show that Senate Appropriations committee staff recently expressed concern about costs.

The amendment process is opaque even to Sacramento insiders.

“Honestly it’s sometimes a bit of a black box even for us as legislators,” said the bill’s author, Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, an Orange County Democrat. “I am still trying myself to get to the bottom of it.”

Petrie-Norris, who has spent the past three years trying to pass a version of this bill, said she does not believe Cervantes’ personal experience played a role in the decision to amend the bill. She added that she is still working to re-amend the measure after “unintended consequences” that she says would make the policy unworkable for the DMV and hurt California’s eligibility for federal funding.

Asked for an interview to explain the changes to the bill, Senate President Pro Tem Monique Límon’s office referred questions to Cervantes. Diana Crofts-Pelayo, Newsom’s chief deputy director of communications, also declined to answer questions about the breathalyzer bill, saying the office does not typically comment on pending legislation.

While the bill heads into the final days of negotiations, Montalvo and other victims’ families are grappling with deja vu. It was just about a year ago that they were standing in the Capitol with photos of their loved ones and told the bill was doomed.

She stays busy checking in with the parole officer for the Riverside County driver who killed her son. Last she heard, the driver was trying to get her license back after being released early from prison.