Brianna Lee
is LAist’s Senior Producer, Community Engagement. She's worked hard to make local government accessible.
Published June 2, 2026 5:00 AM
An election worker moves vote-by-mail ballots to be sorted to go through the signature verification machines at the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk Ballot Processing Center last week.
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Gary Coronado
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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images
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Topline:
California is often knocked by the rest of the country as being slow to count votes. But here's the deal: That's a feature, not a bug, of the election system.
Why is that? Election Day is here, but now comes the waiting. Things take a while here largely because California works so hard to expand the ways people can vote.
Keep in mind: Things have sped up considerably in the 30 counties that have adopted a 2016 law called the Voter's Choice Act, including L.A., Orange, and Riverside counties.
Read on... for more details on what to expect in the coming days.
Election Day is behind us. Now comes the waiting.
Do you have something to watch on Netflix? Maybe you've been meaning to pick up a hobby — how about crochet? Whatever you do, take a deep breath and keep busy because it could be days (or weeks) before we get some California election results.
The state is often knocked by the rest of the country as being "slow" to count votes. But here's the deal: that's a feature, not a bug, of the election system.
The backstory
Things take a while here largely because California works so hard to expand the ways people can vote. For example:
Californians in recent years overwhelmingly vote by mail — nearly 90% of votes cast in the 2024 presidential election were mail-in ballots. In that same year's primary the percentage was just as high. Those ballots can be postmarked up to and including Election Day. They're counted as long as the ballot arrives within seven days (for the June primary, that's June 9).
California offers same-day voter registration at any voting center. These new voters must cast a provisional ballot, which is counted once election officials confirm their eligibility (they are overwhelmingly accepted — for example, Los Angeles County reports that historically between 85% to 90% have been counted.
Voters also have the right to cast provisional ballots if there's any problem on election day — like if poll workers aren't able to void an outstanding mail-in ballot, or if there’s any issue calling up voter information from e-pollbooks. Again (see above), provisionals take longer to process because eligibility has to be confirmed.
Vote-by-mail ballots require signature matching. When the one received doesn't match the one on file, county registrars must contact that voter to let them know — and give them the chance to correct it.
And, with more than 23 million registered voters, we're really, really big. In the 2024 general election more than 16 million Californians voted (down from nearly 18 million in the 2020 presidential election). Either way, that’s more people than the total populations of all but three other states.
Why things have sped up, some
But things have sped up considerably in the 30 counties that have adopted a 2016 law called the Voter's Choice Act, including L.A., Orange and Riverside counties. In recent elections, the changes associated with that law — like voters not being locked into a designated polling location — drastically cut down the number of provisional ballots cast, which helped move things along faster than they had before.
A closer look at ballot counting times in California where an increasing number of vote-by-mail ballots has slowed ballot counts.
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Courtesy California Voter Foundation
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Still, accuracy and a commitment to "expanding the franchise" — translation: allowing more people to vote — means the process is not designed to produce instantaneous results.
Official results
The California Secretary of State's Office was required to certify the final vote tallies by July 10, marking the official end of the 2026 primary election.
LAist's Voter Game Plan will be back in the fall to help you prepare for the Nov. 3 general election.
Why you should take a deep breath Election Night
You'll have to get that endorphin hit elsewhere on June 2.
A few things to keep in mind: You may recall that during the 2024 primary, it took about a week to call the results for L.A. City Council races in District 4, where incumbent Nithya Raman was fighting to avoid a runoff election, and District 14, where challenger Ysabel Jurado wound up overtaking incumbent Kevin de León by just a few hundred votes.
It took an even longer 15 days to call the results of Prop. 1, during which opponents conceded, walked back that concession, and conceded again when the measure won by a razor-thin 0.4% margin. And it took 23 days to call the second-place winner for Orange County's 45th congressional district — it ultimately went to Democrat Derek Tran who went on to beat Republican Michelle Steel in the general election. Tran is now up for reelection and rematch with Steel is considered likely in November.
Depending on how close some of these races end up being, we may face similar waits this election cycle.
TL;DR: Officially, county and state election officials have until July 10 to certify election results — including a mandatory audit that requires hand-counting all of the ballots at 1% of precincts. Nevertheless, you're going to see a lot of national media headlines about California's relative "slowness." Brush it off. We have sunshine, beaches, and a highly enfranchised population.
Editor's note
This story was originally reported and written in 2020 and has been updated several times, including for the June 2026 primary, with current information. Libby Denkmann contributed to the original report and Megan Garvey did the most recent updating.
Jared Bennett
is the watchdog correspondent covering immigration and law enforcement at LAist. He was the first to report on this case.
Published September 25, 2026 4:36 PM
A still of unidentified Long Beach police officers taken from LBPD Officer Erik Suarez's body-worn camera. They were discussing potential suspects on the night of Lonnie Jacobs' arrest. A court filing by Jacobs' defense said officers, including Suarez, expressed doubts that he was the correct person.
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Long Beach Police Department
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L.A. County Superior Court
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Topline:
A former Long Beach Police Officer at the center of a case with major implications for how police records are disclosed is now working for the Burbank Police Department.
Prior misconduct finding: Erik Suarez was a Long Beach officer in 2019 when he beat a man in Cobb County, Georgia, and was convicted on a misdemeanor battery charge. Four years later, the L.A. DA investigated him for use of force — no charges were filed. In response to a records request from LAist, LBPD officials said they found a sustained finding of "unnecessary or unreasonable force" from 2023 in Suarez’s personnel file. They posted the corresponding investigative files online later that same day.
Ongoing fight for disclosure: A defense attorney says Long Beach withheld information about the Georgia conviction from his client and the DA, and is asking the city to turn over records from Suarez’s personnel file. The city of Long Beach has argued information about the officer's misconduct is not relevant to the case at hand and should remain confidential.
Back on the job in Burbank: Suarez left the Long Beach Police Department in June — three days before he was subpoenaed for the second time by the defense — and is now with the Burbank Police Department, according to records from the California Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training.
The City of Long Beach is pushing back against requests to release information about a sustained misconduct finding from the personnel file of one of its former officers — even as more details come out about past incidents.
In court filings, Sanders has argued that information should have been disclosed to his client, Lonnie Jacobs, from the outset of the case. Jacobs is facing up to four years in prison on a charge that he brought a controlled substance into a jail. Sanders has argued the case should be dismissed because he alleges the initial arrest was based on Suarez misrepresenting facts and omitting evidence.
Now the defense has requested information from Suarez’s personnel file about both the Georgia conviction and an allegation that Suarez assaulted a man on the job in 2023. Sanders argues that information in the personnel file could show a pattern of misconduct by Suarez. In court filings, he also claims it could reveal a practice within the Long Beach Police Department to conceal incriminating information about its officers in protected personnel files.
“The reasonable conclusion is that the non-disclosure of Officer Suarez’s conduct and conviction is illustrative of an intentionally flawed process designed to conceal evidence that is favorable to defendants and harmful to LBPD officers,” Sanders wrote in a declaration submitted to the court on Sept. 23.
“With what we've learned so far, every defendant charged in a Long Beach case must presume that evidence is being concealed in their case,” Sanders told LAist. “Just look at the lengths the department went to in order to protect Officer Suarez's misconduct. He was arrested after violently causing serious injuries to the victim. Then just three months after being convicted in that case, he used force while on duty that the department found impermissible. Long Beach PD's response? Send him back to the streets and block defendants from finding out the truth.”
Erik Suarez from a photo in a Long Beach police file documenting his use of force during an arrest in 2023.
The Burbank Police Department confirmed that Suarez was employed there and assigned to the field operations division. The department said it could not comment on “confidential personnel records or specific aspects of an individual’s background investigation, employment history, disciplinary history, or other personnel matters” and declined to make him available for an interview.
LAist tried to reach Suarez by calling a phone number linked to him in public records. Each time, a man answered and said he was not Suarez, but that he was in contact with Suarez. This week, that man said he had no interest in passing along the reporter's contact information.
Todd Vigus, an attorney for the Long Beach Police Department, argued in a Sept. 22 response to Sanders’ motion that the allegations surrounding Jacobs’ arrest “do not establish good cause to search the officers' personnel files for every conceivable form of misconduct, moral turpitude, discipline, performance deficiency, racial bias, or unrelated wrongdoing.”
A spokesperson for the Long Beach Police Department said in an email dated Sept. 11 that they are prohibited from discussing personnel matters and internal investigations, but did confirm that the department was aware of Suarez’s arrest in Georgia.
In response to a records request from LAist, department officials on Thursday released records from a 2023 use of force investigation that determined Suarez used "unnecessary or unreasonable force" while arresting someone.
That same year, the Los Angeles District Attorney’s office investigated an allegation that Suarez committed “assault under the color of authority” but declined to press charges.
“The decision to decline prosecution in the 2023 matter was based on the evidence available at the time,” said Greg Risling, a spokesperson for the district attorney’s office. “Although we did not know of the allegation from Georgia, the facts of that case would not have been a deciding factor in that charging decision.”
How Suarez's record came to light
When Suarez left the LBPD in June, Sanders was attempting to subpoena him for questioning about why he arrested Jacobs, who is bald, when his body-worn camera footage showed a witness describing the person who threatened him with a gun as having dreadlocks or braids.
Sanders attempted to subpoena Suarez twice through the Long Beach Police Department. In response to the first subpoena, in April 2026, the department said Suarez was out of the country. After the second subpoena filed June 22, the department informed Sanders that Suarez had resigned.
According to state records, Burbank hired Suarez two weeks later, on July 6. He’d worked for the Long Beach Police Department from November 2017 until June 19, 2026 — three days before Sanders made a second subpoena attempt.
Still attempting to subpoena Suarez, now at his home, an investigator working for the defense of Lonnie Jacobs — the man Sanders represents in the drug case — found Suarez had been convicted of misdemeanor aggravated battery in 2022 in Cobb County, Georgia.
According to court records LAist obtained from Georgia, the incident took place in a Waffle House in 2019.
The victim told the Long Beach Press-Telegram that Suarez threatened to kill him while beating him on the ground. The victim said he has vertigo and problems with his vision from the beating, according to the newspaper.
The Cobb County District Attorney’s office charged Suarez with two felony counts of aggravated battery. In 2022, Suarez pleaded guilty to misdemeanor aggravated battery. He served a year on probation and was ordered to take an anger management class.
According to the article, the victim said he was told by Georgia prosecutors that Long Beach police officials had been informed of the charges, and was surprised to see that Suarez was still working for the police department years later.
Records released by the Long Beach Police Department show Suarez received a two-day suspension for bringing discredit to the department by leaving the scene of the assault without reporting it.
Former Long Beach Police Officer Erik Suarez received a two-day suspension after the 2019 arrest in Cobb County, Georgia.
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Long Beach Police Department
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Sanders argues in his filing that these details support the motion to open up Suarez’s police records. In California, police personnel files are mostly shielded from public disclosure, except under certain circumstances, including findings of unnecessary use of force and misconduct while on the job.
Defendants who believe those personnel files may include information relevant to their case can file what’s called a Pitchess motion in court. If a judge agrees with the motion, the court will have an opportunity to review personnel files and pull out information deemed relevant to the case at hand.
Sanders filed an initial Pitchess motion before a preliminary hearing, but the court denied his request. He filed another motion to disclose Suarez’s personnel files once the defense learned about the Georgia conviction. Long Beach filed in opposition to that motion, arguing information in Suarez’s personnel file is not relevant to the Jacobs’ case. It is that motion that a judge is considering now.
What is Brady? What is Pitchess?
Brady v. Maryland: This 1963 Supreme Court case established that withholding exculpatory evidence – evidence that could help defendants prove their innocence or lessen their punishment — from the defense violates due process rights. The onus is on law enforcement to proactively offer this information. Brady rule violations can lead to a mistrial or, if it's discovered after the fact, overturning a conviction.
Pitchess v. Superior Court: This 1972 California case established a process for disclosing police information in the state. To seek the information, defendants or their legal representation have to file a motion in court explaining what information is sought and why it's relevant to their case. Even when a Pitchess motion is granted, courts don’t often provide full access to police records, instead law enforcement turns over dates of incidents along with the names of any witnesses or individuals who submitted an underlying complaint.
Why this case could have broader implications
Sanders argues the Georgia conviction should have been disclosed not through a Pitchess motion, but proactively under Brady v. Maryland, a 1963 Supreme Court case that established prosecutors’ obligation to disclose information that could help defendants win their case. In his motions, Sanders is asking not only for information about Suarez’s conviction and potential misconduct, but for evidence that the Long Beach Police Department employs a similar tactic to hide information about other officers in their personnel files.
“Quite clearly, there can be no safe haven within a police department that is created to facilitate the concealment of improper acts by its officers or to hide the department’s efforts to protect officers from receiving deserved consequences,” Sanders wrote in a Sept. 23 supplement to the second Pitchess motion. “It is a near-certainty that the department is engaging in a pervasive practice of non-disclosure.”
On Thursday, a judge in Long Beach granted a continuance in the case against Jacobs, rescheduling the hearing for the second Pitchess motion for Nov. 12.
What the DA knew — and didn’t know
Shortly after Sanders began defending Jacobs, a deputy district attorney on the case notified the defense that the DA’s office investigated Suarez in 2023 for “assault under the color of authority,” but did not file charges.
In his latest filing, Sanders argues this disclosure suggests that the district attorney’s office was aware of its obligations to disclose evidence under Brady and would have disclosed the Georgia conviction if they knew about it.
The district attorney’s office handbook instructs prosecutors to turn over evidence that directly opposes guilt or could be used to impeach a witness, including felony convictions, misdemeanors or other conduct that “reflects on believability, misconduct involving moral turpitude.”
A charge evaluation worksheet submitted to the court provides some details about the 2023 incident but, according to Sanders, leaves other questions unanswered.
The worksheet says that Suarez was assisting other officers responding to a domestic violence call in 2023. The other officers had arrested and handcuffed a man who, according to the worksheet, was “forcefully resisting” arrest. The worksheet says the man bit Suarez. The account reports Suarez then punched the man in the face, and the man lost consciousness for about four minutes. That narrative is based on reports from body-worn camera footage, reports and interviews, the worksheet says.
The district attorney’s office decided not to press charges against Suarez, citing “insufficient evidence” showing Suarez used more force than necessary.
In the latest filing, Sanders raises several issues with the worksheet provided by the district attorney’s office and is seeking more information about what happened during the incident.
The worksheet says Long Beach “opened an investigation into the allegation that Suarez used excessive force” in March 2023, two months after the incident.
In response to a records request from LAist, the Long Beach Police Department said they had identified one investigation with a sustained finding of “unnecessary or unreasonable force” from 2023 in Suarez’s personnel file. Later that same day, the department released the investigatory files related to that incident.
The records show the internal affairs investigation was prompted by deputy chief Gerardo Prieto, who also requested a criminal investigation, and resulted in a three-day suspension for Suarez.
A summary of a meeting between Suarez and LBPD leadership states that Suarez and James Trott, an attorney with the Long Beach Police Officers Association, argued the use of force was reasonable. Trott said the incident “should and alone and not be associated with the prior out-of-state incident,” according to the summary.
Do you have information to share?
I'm a watchdog reporter for the LAist newsroom reporting on law enforcement and immigration. If you have a tip related to this story or others, you can reach me on Signal. My username is Jbennett.18.
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The worksheet from the district attorney’s office does not reference any sustained findings by the Long Beach Police Department. It does not describe the allegation or explain where the allegation came from, a key omission, according to Sanders.
The report summarizes an interview with the man Suarez punched. It does not include any statements from that man and explicitly states they did not seek a compelled interview with Suarez.
Importantly, Sanders argues, the report makes no mention of the conviction against Suarez in Georgia that occurred just a few months earlier.
The man Suarez punched was convicted of resisting arrest during the incident. Sanders argues that he was entitled to know about Suarez’s conviction, and that the district attorney’s office should have known about the conviction while deciding whether or not to charge Suarez.
The district attorney’s office handbook states that when considering pressing charges on someone, prosecutors shall “review all available police reports and the accused’s background and prior record.”
“The fact that the accused’s alleged conduct is consistent or inconsistent with prior proven conduct may remove or create a reasonable doubt,” the handbook explains.
The district attorney’s office told LAist the office was not aware of the Georgia conviction at the time of their 2023 investigation.
Manny Valladares
is always looking for the next tasty bite to feature on "AirTalk" Food Friday on LAist 89.3.
Published September 25, 2026 3:55 PM
The Little Sugarplum pop-up.
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Courtesy Jenna Agpaoa
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Top line:
What makes The Little Sugarplum special? The traveling pop-up bakery was started by three sisters. Their cinnamon rolls, which have become the main attraction, include a variety of rotating flavors like strawberry shortcake, matcha, coffee and ... mashed potatoes.
Their bestseller: The Little Sugarplum is best known for its OG Amish cinnamon roll, inspired by a recipe that includes mashed potatoes, which they learned from a neighbor who was Pennsylvania Dutch, a group descended from German-speaking immigrants from the 17th and 18th centuries.
The Little Sugarplum's fall menu.
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Courtesy The Little Sugarplum Bakery
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Read more... to learn more about the sisters and where you can find their cinnamon rolls and other baked goods.
What makes The Little Sugarplum special? Three sisters started the traveling pop-up bakery, each with a different role in running it. There’s the medical student-turned-baker, the hospitality worker-turned-marketer, and the blackjack dealer-turned-accountant.
What else? Their cinnamon rolls, which have become the main attraction, include a variety of rotating flavors like strawberry shortcake, matcha, coffee and ... mashed potatoes. Yeah, you read that right.
About the owners
Jenna Agpaoa grew up with her two sisters in Valley Center, a city in San Diego County, where their passion for baked goods began to take shape.
Soon after starting the bakery, their content went viral after sharing a recipe for a traditional Amish cinnamon roll, which notably uses mashed potatoes as an ingredient. They learned the recipe from an old neighbor growing up, who was Pennsylvania Dutch, a group descended from German-speaking immigrants from the 17th and 18th centuries.
Now you can find them vending all across Southern California, including at places like Ubefest and 626 Night Market.
They offer other baked goods in addition to cinnamon rolls, including cookies, brownies and bread.
The Little Sugarplum's fall menu.
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Courtesy The Little Sugarplum Bakery
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How to visit
Address: They release their vending schedule on their website and Instagram.
Cost: Their OG Classic Amish Cinnamon Roll costs $10 each, with specialty flavors at $12 each.
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In a case watched across the country and as voting begins in the midterm elections, the Supreme Court blocked a congressional map in Missouri that was aimed at netting Republicans another seat in the U.S. House.
Why it matters: This is the third time the high court has blocked the redistricting plan that could have helped ousted Democratic Congressman Emanuel Cleaver by increasing the number of Republican voters in his district.
Why now: The court warned that changing maps now would cause "electoral chaos." The decision requires the state use the same districts provided to voters in 2022 and 2024. That's even though a different map was used in the primaries there last month.
The backstory: It comes after weeks of conflicting rulings in state courts and federal courts. Elections officials in Missouri already started mailing some absentee ballots last week using the old districts and some argued it would be too late to change them. Missouri lawmakers passed the new map last year at the behest of Trump. It was part of his nationwide strategy to draw more GOP-leaning seats to prevent Republicans from losing the House.
In a case watched across the country and as voting begins in the midterm elections, the Supreme Court blocked a congressional map in Missouri that was aimed at netting Republicans another seat in the U.S. House.
This is the third time the high court has blocked the redistricting plan that could have helped ousted Democratic Congressman Emanuel Cleaver by increasing the number of Republican voters in his district.
The court warned that changing maps now would cause "electoral chaos." The decision requires the state use the same districts provided to voters in 2022 and 2024. That's even though a different map was used in the primaries there last month.
It comes after weeks of conflicting rulings in state courts and federal courts. Elections officials in Missouri already started mailing some absentee ballots last week using the old districts and some argued it would be too late to change them.
Missouri lawmakers passed the new map last year at the behest of Trump. It was part of his nationwide strategy to draw more GOP-leaning seats to prevent Republicans from losing the House.
A citizen petition makes the redistricting subject to voter approval
Usually, states redistrict at the start of each decade. The redistricting battle set off by Trump ended with the GOP besting the Democrats by tilting about nine or 10 more districts, including Missouri's fifth district, their way. Republicans currently only hold a few seats' advantage in the House.
But opponents of the new Missouri map successfully gathered citizen signatures to put it to a vote on the November ballot.
The Missouri Supreme Court ruled earlier this month that the ballot question meant the 2025 GOP-backed map never went into effect and was never law – even though it had been used in the Aug. 4 primaries. The state's high court blamed Republican Secretary of State Denny Hoskins for proceeding with the GOP map in the primaries even though it hadn't been approved by voters.
The U.S. Supreme Court in its ruling today backed that up, noting that the state court had said in May - before the primary - that the GOP map would require voter approval before it could be used.
Simultaneously, Republicans sued in federal court and won backing for the GOP map from a federal judge and then, last week, a federal appeals court. That sent the case back to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled against Republican lawmakers today.
In general, Republicans argued that their map should be used because more than a million Missourians cast votes in the primary using the map. Opponents of redistricting argued voters hadn't approved the map and blamed Republican officials for dragging out the process and of trying to force through the new map.
Shohei Ohtani #17 of the Los Angeles Dodgers celebrates during the third inning against the Milwaukee Brewers in game four of the National League Championship Series at Dodger Stadium on October 17, 2025, in Los Angeles, California.
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Ronald Martinez
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Getty Images North America
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Topline:
Shohei Ohtani has become the first player to lead Major League Baseball jersey sales at the end of four straight seasons since the sport started tracking figures in 2010,
Dodgers jerseys are popular: Ohtani is among four players in the top 20 best selling list on the two-time World Series champion Los Angeles Dodgers. Dodgers’ Freddie Freeman,Mookie Betts, and Yoshinobu Yamamoto also made the list.
Read on . . . to see who else is on the list of top MLB jerseys.
Shohei Ohtani has become the first player to lead Major League Baseball jersey sales at the end of four straight seasons since the sport started tracking figures in 2010, among four players in the top 20 on the two-time World Series champion Los Angeles Dodgers.
New York Yankees slugger Aaron Judge was second for the second straight season, MLB and the players’ association affiliate MLB Players, Inc. said Friday. Judge finished third in 2023 and ’24.
Pete Crow-Armstrong of the Chicago Cubs was third, up from 16th at the end of last season, and Atlanta’s Ronald Acuña Jr. was fourth, an increase from 11th last year.
San Diego’s Fernando Tatis Jr. was fifth, followed by the Dodgers’ Freddie Freeman, Philadelphia’s Bryce Harper, the Dodgers’ Mookie Betts and Yoshinobu Yamamoto, and the New York Mets’ Juan Soto.
Munetaka Murakami of the Chicago White Sox was 20th, and he joined with Ohtani and Yamamoto to become the first trio of Japanese players in the top 20.
Texas’ Corey Seager was 11th, followed by Toronto’s Vladimir Guerrero Jr., Boston’s Adley Rutschman, the Phillies’ Kyle Schwarber, Pittsburgh’s Paul Skenes, Seattle’s Cal Raleigh, Cincinnati’s Elly De La Cruz, San Diego’s Jackson Merrill and Arizona’s Nolan Arenado.
MLB’s list tracked sales on Fanatics’ sites, including MLBShop.com, since opening day.