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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Absences for roll call count as 'no' votes
    A woman with long dark hair in a jean jacket stands to address her colleagues in large room.
    Assemblymember Sabrina Cervantes, a Democrat from Riverside, missed hundreds of votes in the last legislative session when she was absent because of a death in the family, and because of illness.

    Topline:

    Six other legislators missed more than a quarter of their votes this year, most involving excused absences for illness or family matters, according to an analysis of voting data from CalMatters’ Digital Democracy.

    Prime example: Assemblymember Sabrina Cervantes, a Democrat from Corona who is running for state Senate, missed about two-thirds of her votes this year — 1,647 of 2,510 voting opportunities she had based on her committee assignments and floor sessions.

    Why it matters: When it comes to voting on bills, the California Legislature does not distinguish between a lawmaker who is absent — excused or not — and a legislator who is present but does not vote. They all count the same as a legislator who casts a “no” vote, but they are categorized as: “No Vote Recorded” or NVR. Sean McMorris, a program manager for California Common Cause, said the lack of transparency around absences versus abstentions can feed distrust.

    The context: In a Legislature with a supermajority of Democrats who almost always vote “yes,” there are few close votes where an individual will sway the outcome. But Digital Democracy data shows 45 bills that died in the current two-year legislative session because NVRs were counted as “no.” And at certain times, such as during the Democratic National Convention when 21 legislators missed votes during a busy week, legislators say it can make a difference.

    Read on... for more on the absenteeism in the state legislature and how it affects business.

    Assemblymember Sabrina Cervantes, a Democrat from Corona who is running for state Senate, missed about two-thirds of her votes this year — 1,647 of 2,510 voting opportunities she had— based on her committee assignments and floor sessions.

    In most cases, the missed votes came from two “excused” absences during busy times of the year — once for a death in her family, and once due to illness after attending the Democratic National Convention in August, according to her staff.

    Six other legislators missed more than a quarter of their votes this year, most involving excused absences for illness or family matters, according to an analysis of voting data from CalMatters’ Digital Democracy.

    When it comes to voting on bills, however, the California Legislature does not distinguish between a lawmaker who is absent — excused or not — and a legislator who is present but does not vote. They all count the same as a legislator who casts a “no” vote, but they are categorized as: “No Vote Recorded” or NVR.

    Sean McMorris, a program manager for California Common Cause, said the lack of transparency around absences versus abstentions can feed distrust.

    “I think people are naturally skeptical about politics and politicians, so when you have things like this … it just reinforces that narrative,” he said. “Unfortunately, whether there’s ill intent or not, that’s probably what the public is going to assume.”

    In a Legislature with a supermajority of Democrats who almost always vote “yes,” there are few close votes where an individual will sway the outcome. But Digital Democracy data shows 45 bills that died in the current two-year legislative session because NVRs were counted as “no.” And at certain times, such as during the Democratic National Convention when 21 legislators missed votes during a busy week, legislators say it can make a difference.

    Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas and Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire both declined interviews with CalMatters to discuss concerns about the way absences or abstentions are recorded and counted. But others suggested the rules might be changed.

    “Anything that can be part of a conversation that helps with transparency and boldness of disclosure for the viewing public, I think is certainly appropriate,” said Assemblymember Chris Holden, a Democrat from Pasadena.

    Lorena Gonzalez, a former Assemblymember who now heads the California Labor Federation, said the lack of clarity around why people didn’t vote can make it difficult for her group to rank legislators based on its priorities.

    Cervantes, for instance, earned a 100% score from the federation in 2023, but missed eight votes on 12 of the group’s priority bills this year. Gonzalez said she has no doubt about Cervantes’ support of labor.

    But for others, Gonzalez said the uncertainty can require going to each legislator to confirm where they stand: “Abstain, absent, truly absent, excused absence, unexcused absence, and just sitting at your frickin’ desk and choosing not to vote …. I don’t think there’s any transparency for constituents.”

    Legislative policies for votes and absences in other states are not tracked, but there are some with differences.

    In Colorado, for example, absent members’ votes are recorded separately from those abstaining, but they still count as “no” votes. And in Hawaii, there’s an option to vote as “yes with reservations,” which counts as a yes vote.

    Behind the no-vote rates

    While California’s Legislature is in session for about seven months each year, most important votes on bills happen around a few key deadlines: the “house of origin” deadline in late spring, when a bill must pass from the chamber where it was introduced, and the last week of the session before the Legislature adjourns in August or September. During those times, legislators can be asked to cast more than 200 votes in a single day.

    It explains why Cervantes missed more votes than any other legislator, but she ranked fourth in the number of days she was absent. Assemblymember Megan Dahle, a Republican from Redding, was absent for 88 days due to a stroke she suffered in January, more than twice as many absences as Cervantes. But Cervantes missed 441 more votes than Dahle.

    This year, there were seven legislators who missed more than a quarter of their opportunities to vote, a number that depends on their committee assignments. Most were absent for medical reasons. The seven legislators — four Democrats and three Republicans — all serve in the Assembly:

    • Dahle was out from January to early June recovering from her stroke. She missed 1,206 votes, or 54% of voting opportunities. 
    • Visalia Republican Devon Mathis was out 55 days from April to July due to a “severe” hand injury for which he was briefly hospitalized, according to his office. But he did do some work in his district during the absence. He missed 1,389 votes, or 56%. 
    • Hayward Democrat Liz Ortega was out for 10 days during the last two weeks of the session due to gallbladder surgery. She missed 893 votes, or 36%.
    • Holden missed 529 votes when he was excused for four days in May due to the illness of a family member. He missed a total of 704 votes this year, or 28%. 
    • Arleta Democrat Luz Rivas missed 367 votes when she was out due to COVID for four days in May. She missed a total of 661 votes this year, or 29%.
    • Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Republican from Corona, missed 777 voting opportunities, or 30%. 

    CalMatters contacted all seven legislative offices, but all except Essayli declined interviews and additional details for this story.

    Legislators are not allowed to vote remotely — a policy that garnered national attention in 2020 when Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland, brought her then-newborn to the Capitol after being denied a remote option. Absent legislators are also not permitted to have a staff member or another legislator vote on their behalf.

    The rules also say there is no difference between an absence or an “excused” absence when it comes to legislation and how that legislator’s non-vote is recorded. If an Assemblymember requests an “excused” absence from the speaker’s office, however, they can continue to collect their per diem of $214 per day. The per diem, provided in addition to each legislator’s $128,215 annual salary, is intended to pay for travel and lodging expenses in Sacramento when the Legislature is in session – which is usually Monday to Thursday.

    The only public record of an excused absence is recorded in the “Daily Journal” published in print and PDF by the clerk’s office in each chamber. The Senate and Assembly clerk’s offices declined to provide a complete record of this year’s excused absences, so CalMatters examined all of the daily journals for 2024.

    If legislators are out for personal business or fail to request an excused absence, they waive their right to a per diem.

    Personal business this year included a trip to Chicago for 21 lawmakers to attend the Democratic National Convention — seven senators, and 14 Assemblymembers — which fell during the second-to-last-week of the session. Members skipped the first couple of days of the convention, arriving ahead of Vice President Kamala Harris’ acceptance speech Thursday so they would only miss two days of voting.

    Still, on those two days, each senator missed 68 votes, and each Assemblymember 53.

    Sen. Dave Cortese, a Democrat from Campbell, said those absences may have made a difference for a controversial bill about criminal sentences that he was struggling to pass after it was rejected earlier in the year. If the missing legislators were present, he said there might have been more consideration given to amendments he added to resolve the concerns.

    No-votes as political tools

    Not all of the legislators who missed the most votes were absent. Essayli missed 30% of his vote opportunities because, in some cases, he said he declines to vote even when he’s present “as a form of social politeness” to avoid upsetting a bill author.

    In general, though, he said he also doesn’t think every bill merits a “yes” or “no” vote.

    “It’s not practical to sit there and record a vote on necessarily every single bill when most of them are not of consequence,” he said.

    McMorris, from Common Cause, said not voting is understandable if a member doesn’t agree with a bill, but wants to stay in good standing with colleagues — “because they’re going to be voting on your bills, too,” he said. Some lawmakers may also abstain because they are waiting to see amendments to a bill.

    “But if you’re looking at it purely from a constituent’s perspective, members of the public are probably wondering, why don’t you just vote based on your principles, your values and the wants and needs of your constituents? Because that’s what we put you in there to do.”

    Assemblymember Corey Jackson, a Democrat from Moreno Valley, agrees.

    Jackson, who abstained in about 2.5% of his votes, said a clear “yes” or “no” vote is needed to solve the challenges California faces on homelessness, gas prices and cost of living issues — regardless of whether that might upset lobbyists or colleagues.

    “The reason why many times that these issues aren’t being addressed is because we’re afraid to make people upset,” he said. “In order to solve the toughest issues, you’re going to make people be upset, whether you vote for it or against it. But we have to solve these issues.”

  • Collected in OC
    A close-up of a pair of hands. The left hand is holding a clear circular test tube with one end open. The right hand is holding tweezers that are pinching a tiny mosquito towards the opening of the tube.
    Mosquitoes being dropped into tubes to be tested for West Nile virus.

    Topline:

    Officials in Orange County are reporting the first detection of West Nile virus in mosquitos this year.

    Where? Mosquitos collected in the Newport Beach area have tested positive for West Nile, according to Orange County Mosquito and Vector Control District. The infected insects were collected in an area bordered by Campus Drive, Jamboree Road, State Route 73 and John Wayne Airport. according to the OCMVCD.

    Any humans infected? There are no reported cases so far of West Nile in humans in Orange County.

    What’s West Nile again? For humans, the CDC says the virus is commonly spread through the bite of the infected insects and can lead to severe illness affecting the central nervous system. Symptoms can include: fever, headache, body aches, vomiting, diarrhea or rash.

    What’s being done about it? Vector Control workers will continue inspections to try and tamp down on mosquito breeding.

    What you can do: O.C. officials said dumping and draining standing water at least once a week is the best way to limit the pests in your community.

    The OCMVCD also shared these tips:

    • Clean and scrub bird baths and pet water bowls.
    • Wear repellent containing DEET, Picaridin, IR3535 or oil of lemon eucalyptus.
    • Close all unscreened doors and windows to prevent mosquitoes from entering your home or space; repair broken or damaged screens.
    • Wear light-colored, loose-fitting, long-sleeved shirts and long pants while outside at dawn and dusk.
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  • LA council OKs some new housing, delaying more
    Various people sit from behind a wooden dais with wooden name tags that read "City Clerk" "City Attorney" and "Harris-Dawson."
    A Los Angeles City Council meeting April 2, 2025.

    The Los Angeles City Council moved Wednesday to postpone some of the biggest changes possible under a new state law putting more housing near transit stops. Instead, the council advanced plans for increased density in some targeted neighborhoods.

    SB 79 is set to take effect July 1. That hotly debated state law allows apartment buildings between five and nine stories tall near train and rapid bus stops. But the law lets cities delay full implementation until 2030 by crafting local, phased-in approaches for creating more housing. On Wednesday, the council voted 13-0 in favor of a new “Low-Rise Ordinance,” allowing buildings up to four stories tall in 57 neighborhoods near transit stops.

    L.A.’s proposed new ordinance aims to delay full implementation of SB 79 in areas deemed historically significant, at high risk of fires or economically “low resource.” Advocates for increased development say the way to get rising rents under control is to build more housing. But homeowner groups in areas the city considers “high resource” have argued denser housing doesn’t belong in the nearly three-quarters of residential land zoned for single-family homes.

    Barbara Broide, a board member of the Westside Neighborhood Council, said in an earlier City Planning Commission meeting that the city’s plans to delay SB 79 by channeling growth into certain neighborhoods could have “unintended consequences.”

    “The promise of having duplex, triplex and courtyard typologies of housing are being lost with this measure,” Broide said. “Instead we’re seeing four-story apartment buildings with no setbacks, no trees, no place for families, for children to play or tomatoes to be planted.”

    Mahdi Manji, a policy director with the Inner City Law Center, said during Wednesday’s public comment period that he supported allowing mixed-income developments in neighborhoods that have historically resisted such housing. But he called for tweaks that would allow ground-level parking and greater density for projects that include more income-restricted units.

    “This could be a unique opportunity to make some of these projects a little bit more feasible while adding a little bit of deeper affordability,” Manji said.

    The plan still needs to come back to the full City Council for a final vote. Then it will head to the desk of Mayor Karen Bass. She had asked Gov. Gavin Newsom last year to veto SB 79, arguing the state shouldn’t tell L.A. how to plan for more housing.

  • House votes 215-208 to end war in Trump rebuke

    Topline:

    A bipartisan majority in the Republican-led House voted on Wednesday to end the war with Iran, the clearest rebuke yet of President Donald Trump's handling of the conflict and the subsequent economic fallout.

    About the vote: The war powers resolution passed by a vote of 215 to 208, with four Republicans joining Democrats in support.
    What it means: The vote is mostly symbolic. Democrats, despite multiple attempts, have been unable to pass a war powers resolution through the Republican-led Senate. Even if the measure passed in Congress, it would almost certainly be vetoed by Trump, whose administration has questioned the constitutionality of the War Powers Act.

    A bipartisan majority in the Republican-led House voted on Wednesday to end the war with Iran, the clearest rebuke yet of President Donald Trump's handling of the conflict and the subsequent economic fallout.

    The war powers resolution passed by a vote of 215 to 208, with four Republicans joining Democrats in support.

    The resolution had originally been set for a vote two weeks ago, but Republican leaders sent House members home early for a May recess when it appeared the largely Democratic-backed measure had enough Republican votes for passage. However, the extended break didn't shift GOP support to kill the measure.

    Ahead of the vote, House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., defended Trump's decision to attack Iran.

    "Remember … Iran declared war on us 47 years ago. They chant 'death to America.' The president is trying to keep the people safe," Johnson told reporters.

    The vote is mostly symbolic. Democrats, despite multiple attempts, have been unable to pass a war powers resolution through the Republican-led Senate. Even if the measure passed in Congress, it would almost certainly be vetoed by President Trump, whose administration has questioned the constitutionality of the War Powers Act.

    Still, Senate Democrats have been inching closer. Last month, they won support on a procedural measure to set up a war powers vote after a handful of Republicans broke ranks to join them. A final vote has yet to be scheduled.

    The administration has furiously pushed against the effort in both the House and Senate. Wednesday's vote signals his support for the war may be slipping even among some members of his own party.

    Now more than 90 days into the conflict, some Republicans have expressed frustration that the war does not appear to have a clear end in sight. Talks to end the war have yet to gain clear traction, casting doubt on a fragile ceasefire. Just hours before the vote, Iran and the U.S. traded strikes in the Persian Gulf.

    The conflict began on Feb 28 with strikes by U.S. and Israeli forces on Iran. Under the 1973 War Powers Act, the president has 60 days to end hostilities if there has been no congressional authorization – though he is able to seek a 30-day extension. The same law also gives Congress the ability to end hostilities by voting on a resolution to end military action, subject to presidential veto.

    The top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Rep. Gregory Meeks, D-N.Y., warned ahead of the May recess when the vote was delayed that the plan was sure to pass.

    "Let's be clear: Republicans pulled this vote because they knew they were going to lose it," Meeks said. "They know this war is a political and strategic disaster."
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • You could pay up to $1K more to insure your EV
    A grey electric vehicle plugged into a charging station. On the bottom of the driver side door is the word "Jaguar."

    Topline:

    The latest data shows that EVs typically cost $3,159 per year to insure — nearly $1,000 more than gas-powered cars. It’s an added burden that could make the payback period on EVs significantly longer.

    The cost breakdown: On average, the insurance gap between electric and internal combustion engine, or ICE, vehicles was 42%, according to a report released today by the insurance-comparison marketplace Insurify. But it varies drastically by state and model. The most expensive locale was Washington, D.C., where coverage cost $6,394 versus $4,124 for ICE cars. In California, coverage for electric cars costs $3,584 on average versus $2,969 for ICE cars.

    Which car brands have the highest insurance? Generally speaking, luxury brands like Tesla, Mercedes-Benz, and Audi are particularly expensive to insure, with premiums on many models topping $4,000. Volvo, Chevrolet, Ford, and Hyundai offer cars at the lower end of the spectrum. Insurify wouldn’t disclose which insurers had the most expensive rates, but did say Lemonade, Root, and GEICO offered the most affordable EV coverage. A primary reason for the disparity is that EVs cost more to fix.

    Electric vehicles offer many opportunities to save money: on gas, on oil changes, on engine maintenance. But, it turns out, insurance isn’t one of them. In fact, the latest data shows that EVs typically cost $3,159 per year to insure — nearly $1,000 more than gas-powered cars. It’s an added burden that could make the payback period on EVs significantly longer.

    On average, the insurance gap between electric and internal combustion engine, or ICE, vehicles was 42%, according to a report released by the insurance-comparison marketplace Insurify. But it varies drastically by state and model. The most expensive locale was Washington, D.C., where coverage cost $6,394 versus $4,124 for ICE cars. Maine was the cheapest at $1,476, just $184 more than a conventional car. The difference was most pronounced in Rhode Island, which has a 73% spread.

    Generally speaking, luxury brands like Tesla, Mercedes-Benz, and Audi are particularly expensive to insure, with premiums on many models topping $4,000. Volvo, Chevrolet, Ford, and Hyundai offer cars at the lower end of the spectrum. Insurify wouldn’t disclose which insurers had the most expensive rates, but did say Lemonade, Root, and GEICO offered the most affordable EV coverage.

    “Insurers were charging those higher premiums to balance their risks,” said Julia Taliesin, an economic analyst and insurance agent at Insurify, who wrote the report. It is based on more than 235 million quotes in Insurify’s proprietary database. Seven states — Alaska, Hawai‘i, North Dakota, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming — are excluded due to lower quoting volume. But high insurance expenses means it can take more driving before an EV pays for itself through lower fuel and operating costs. Even if electricity were free and gas stays at $4 per gallon it translates to at least 5,800 more miles a year compared to a car that gets 25 mpg.

    A primary reason for the disparity is that EVs cost more to fix.

    “We do see that there is a delta in the cost of repair for electric vehicles compared to ICE,” said Ryan Mandell, a vice president of strategy and market intelligence at Mitchell, a company which provides data and software related to car repairs. He pegs the difference at about 15%, noting that batteries are relatively expensive to fix and for mechanics to work around and that EVs have complicated electronics. But there are more fundamental factors as well, like the lack of an engine.

    Mandell gave the Ford F-150 as an example. From 2022 to 2025 an electric version of the pickup truck, called the Lightning, was available alongside gas-only and hybrid versions. When Mitchell subjected the gasoline and EV models to a front-end crash test the engine in the traditional model actually absorbed quite a bit of the impact. Because it doesn’t have that additional structure, Ford designed the Lightning with additional reinforcement that cost around 30% more to fix.

    “The Lightning had more crash parts on the front of the vehicle,” said Mandell. He also noted that Ford requires removing the battery before doing any work, which increases labor costs. “It adds up.”

    Repair costs, however, are not the only factor insurers consider. Insurify’s data showed insurance rates for the two trucks are roughly the same, which Taliesin said suggests driver demographics and behavior play a role, too. “One of the most significant is personal driving history and credit history,” she said. Given the Lightning’s much higher cost, the credit scores of owners could potentially be higher. And Insurify’s data shows that the ticket and accident rates for Lightning drivers are about half that of traditional F-150s.

    “Factors like climate risk, vehicle theft rates, population density, insurance regulation, repair infrastructure, and EV adoption levels contribute to regional cost differences,” the Insurify report stated. In several states it cited climate-driven extreme weather, such as hurricanes and flooding, as drivers of high costs.

    This EV insurance story isn’t unique to the United States. In 2024, BloombergNEF found about the same spread in the United Kingdom and Germany. France saw double the disparity. Overall, though, American EV owners still paid 87% more for insurance than Europeans.

    “Several model-specific factors have driven the wider cost gaps in the large and SUV segments,” said Aleksandra O’Donovan, head of electrified transport at BloombergNEF, pointing to the Tesla Model Y as a particularly extreme example. “[The U.S. price] is nearly triple the insurance rate for the same vehicle in Germany.”

    From 2023 to 2025, the EV insurance gap in the U.S. grew from 29% to 49%. But this year, it came down slightly, which Taliesin said is among a few good signs for EV drivers. Another is that the disparity among cars made in the last two years was only 18 percent — compared 42% across all years.

    That drop is partly because auto insurance prices fell across the board in the last year. But Taliesin also said that ICE cars are catching up to EVs in terms of how complicated and expensive they are to fix. The cost of EV batteries is also trending downward, too. As EV sales have grown, there is more data for companies to base their prices on and more incentive for them to court EV owners.

    ”We’ve been seeing a ton of insurance-shopping behavior as insurers have been dropping their rates to compete for business,” said Taliesin, who is bullish for consumers. “That’s definitely a welcome reprieve.”

    This article originally appeared in Grist at https://grist.org/transportation/the-hidden-cost-of-owning-an-ev-expensive-insurance/.

    Grist is a nonprofit, independent media organization dedicated to telling stories of climate solutions and a just future. Learn more at Grist.org