The Brief

Assemblymember Sabrina Cervantes, a Democrat from Corona who is running for state Senate, missed about two-thirds of her votes this year — 1,647 of 2,510 voting opportunities she had— based on her committee assignments and floor sessions.

In most cases, the missed votes came from two “excused” absences during busy times of the year — once for a death in her family, and once due to illness after attending the Democratic National Convention in August, according to her staff.

Six other legislators missed more than a quarter of their votes this year, most involving excused absences for illness or family matters, according to an analysis of voting data from CalMatters’ Digital Democracy.

When it comes to voting on bills, however, the California Legislature does not distinguish between a lawmaker who is absent — excused or not — and a legislator who is present but does not vote. They all count the same as a legislator who casts a “no” vote, but they are categorized as: “No Vote Recorded” or NVR.

Sean McMorris, a program manager for California Common Cause, said the lack of transparency around absences versus abstentions can feed distrust.

“I think people are naturally skeptical about politics and politicians, so when you have things like this … it just reinforces that narrative,” he said. “Unfortunately, whether there’s ill intent or not, that’s probably what the public is going to assume.”

In a Legislature with a supermajority of Democrats who almost always vote “yes,” there are few close votes where an individual will sway the outcome. But Digital Democracy data shows 45 bills that died in the current two-year legislative session because NVRs were counted as “no.” And at certain times, such as during the Democratic National Convention when 21 legislators missed votes during a busy week, legislators say it can make a difference.

Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas and Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire both declined interviews with CalMatters to discuss concerns about the way absences or abstentions are recorded and counted. But others suggested the rules might be changed.

“Anything that can be part of a conversation that helps with transparency and boldness of disclosure for the viewing public, I think is certainly appropriate,” said Assemblymember Chris Holden, a Democrat from Pasadena.

Lorena Gonzalez, a former Assemblymember who now heads the California Labor Federation, said the lack of clarity around why people didn’t vote can make it difficult for her group to rank legislators based on its priorities.

Cervantes, for instance, earned a 100% score from the federation in 2023, but missed eight votes on 12 of the group’s priority bills this year. Gonzalez said she has no doubt about Cervantes’ support of labor.

But for others, Gonzalez said the uncertainty can require going to each legislator to confirm where they stand: “Abstain, absent, truly absent, excused absence, unexcused absence, and just sitting at your frickin’ desk and choosing not to vote …. I don’t think there’s any transparency for constituents.”

Legislative policies for votes and absences in other states are not tracked, but there are some with differences.

In Colorado, for example, absent members’ votes are recorded separately from those abstaining, but they still count as “no” votes. And in Hawaii, there’s an option to vote as “yes with reservations,” which counts as a yes vote.

Behind the no-vote rates

While California’s Legislature is in session for about seven months each year, most important votes on bills happen around a few key deadlines: the “house of origin” deadline in late spring, when a bill must pass from the chamber where it was introduced, and the last week of the session before the Legislature adjourns in August or September. During those times, legislators can be asked to cast more than 200 votes in a single day.

It explains why Cervantes missed more votes than any other legislator, but she ranked fourth in the number of days she was absent. Assemblymember Megan Dahle, a Republican from Redding, was absent for 88 days due to a stroke she suffered in January, more than twice as many absences as Cervantes. But Cervantes missed 441 more votes than Dahle.

This year, there were seven legislators who missed more than a quarter of their opportunities to vote, a number that depends on their committee assignments. Most were absent for medical reasons. The seven legislators — four Democrats and three Republicans — all serve in the Assembly:

• Dahle was out from January to early June recovering from her stroke. She missed 1,206 votes, or 54% of voting opportunities. 
• Visalia Republican Devon Mathis was out 55 days from April to July due to a “severe” hand injury for which he was briefly hospitalized, according to his office. But he did do some work in his district during the absence. He missed 1,389 votes, or 56%. 
• Hayward Democrat Liz Ortega was out for 10 days during the last two weeks of the session due to gallbladder surgery. She missed 893 votes, or 36%.
• Holden missed 529 votes when he was excused for four days in May due to the illness of a family member. He missed a total of 704 votes this year, or 28%. 
• Arleta Democrat Luz Rivas missed 367 votes when she was out due to COVID for four days in May. She missed a total of 661 votes this year, or 29%.
• Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Republican from Corona, missed 777 voting opportunities, or 30%. 

CalMatters contacted all seven legislative offices, but all except Essayli declined interviews and additional details for this story.

Legislators are not allowed to vote remotely — a policy that garnered national attention in 2020 when Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Oakland, brought her then-newborn to the Capitol after being denied a remote option. Absent legislators are also not permitted to have a staff member or another legislator vote on their behalf.

The rules also say there is no difference between an absence or an “excused” absence when it comes to legislation and how that legislator’s non-vote is recorded. If an Assemblymember requests an “excused” absence from the speaker’s office, however, they can continue to collect their per diem of $214 per day. The per diem, provided in addition to each legislator’s $128,215 annual salary, is intended to pay for travel and lodging expenses in Sacramento when the Legislature is in session – which is usually Monday to Thursday.

The only public record of an excused absence is recorded in the “Daily Journal” published in print and PDF by the clerk’s office in each chamber. The Senate and Assembly clerk’s offices declined to provide a complete record of this year’s excused absences, so CalMatters examined all of the daily journals for 2024.

If legislators are out for personal business or fail to request an excused absence, they waive their right to a per diem.

Personal business this year included a trip to Chicago for 21 lawmakers to attend the Democratic National Convention — seven senators, and 14 Assemblymembers — which fell during the second-to-last-week of the session. Members skipped the first couple of days of the convention, arriving ahead of Vice President Kamala Harris’ acceptance speech Thursday so they would only miss two days of voting.

Still, on those two days, each senator missed 68 votes, and each Assemblymember 53.

Sen. Dave Cortese, a Democrat from Campbell, said those absences may have made a difference for a controversial bill about criminal sentences that he was struggling to pass after it was rejected earlier in the year. If the missing legislators were present, he said there might have been more consideration given to amendments he added to resolve the concerns.

No-votes as political tools

Not all of the legislators who missed the most votes were absent. Essayli missed 30% of his vote opportunities because, in some cases, he said he declines to vote even when he’s present “as a form of social politeness” to avoid upsetting a bill author.

In general, though, he said he also doesn’t think every bill merits a “yes” or “no” vote.

“It’s not practical to sit there and record a vote on necessarily every single bill when most of them are not of consequence,” he said.

McMorris, from Common Cause, said not voting is understandable if a member doesn’t agree with a bill, but wants to stay in good standing with colleagues — “because they’re going to be voting on your bills, too,” he said. Some lawmakers may also abstain because they are waiting to see amendments to a bill.

“But if you’re looking at it purely from a constituent’s perspective, members of the public are probably wondering, why don’t you just vote based on your principles, your values and the wants and needs of your constituents? Because that’s what we put you in there to do.”

Assemblymember Corey Jackson, a Democrat from Moreno Valley, agrees.

Jackson, who abstained in about 2.5% of his votes, said a clear “yes” or “no” vote is needed to solve the challenges California faces on homelessness, gas prices and cost of living issues — regardless of whether that might upset lobbyists or colleagues.

“The reason why many times that these issues aren’t being addressed is because we’re afraid to make people upset,” he said. “In order to solve the toughest issues, you’re going to make people be upset, whether you vote for it or against it. But we have to solve these issues.”

California students are likely to see fewer cell phones and more gender-neutral bathrooms next year as new state education laws go into effect.

Protecting students from immigration raids was a priority for state legislators this year, resulting in several new laws, including one prohibiting school staff from allowing immigration officers to enter campuses or providing student or family information.

The most controversial of the new laws is one meant to target antisemitism, although amendments made during the legislative session resulted in a bill that defines discrimination more broadly.

New Office of Civil Rights to open

Assembly Bill 715 establishes a state Office of Civil Rights to help school districts identify and prevent discrimination based on antisemitism, gender, religious and LGBTQ status. It will also handle questions and complaints.

The legislation, along with Senate Bill 48, creates four positions to track and report discrimination. These positions will be appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate after Jan. 1.

“California is taking action to confront hate in all forms,” said Gov. Gavin Newsom in a statement. “At a time when antisemitism and bigotry are rising nationwide and globally, these laws make clear: our schools must be places of learning, not hate.”

The legislation has been controversial, with some organizations saying it infringes on academic freedom and prioritizes the rights of certain students over others. The California Teachers Association and California Faculty Association have said the legislation could result in the censoring of educators.

Parents can’t be jailed for truant kids

Beginning Jan. 1, parents of chronically truant children will no longer be fined or face jail time.

Assembly Bill 461 amends the state’s Penal Code to remove a section that makes it a criminal offense for a parent to have a child who is chronically truant, which is defined as missing school without a valid excuse for 10% or more of the school year.

California law requires students age 6 to 18 to attend school.

The Penal Code called for a fine of up to $2,000 or up to a year in jail for parents whose children habitually missed school.

“Criminalizing parents for their children′s truancy ignores the root causes of absenteeism and only deepens family hardships, especially as many immigrant families now fear sending their children to school,” said Assemblymember Patrick Ahrens, D-Sunnyvale, in a statement. “(This bill) ensures support and resources to keep students in school and on track for success.”

Gender-neutral bathroom required

Beginning on July 1, all California school campuses, except those that have only one bathroom for male students and one bathroom for female students, are required to have a gender-neutral bathroom.

Senate Bill 760, which was signed by the governor in 2023, requires that posted signs identify the designated bathroom as being open to all genders and that it be kept unlocked and available to all students.

“SB 760 is a measure that aims to create a safe and inclusive environment not only for non-binary students, but to all students, by requiring each public school to establish at least one all-gender restroom,” said former Sen. Josh Newman, author of the bill.

Cellphone use to be limited

School districts, county offices of education, and charter schools have until July 1 to adopt a policy limiting the use of cellphones during school hours.

Assembly Bill 3216, renamed the Phone-Free School Act, was approved in an effort to curb classroom distractions, bullying, and addiction to the devices. At least five other states, Florida, Indiana, Louisiana, South Carolina and Ohio, have similar laws.

Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom sent a letter to school district leaders urging them to restrict cellphones. Excessive smartphone use increases anxiety, depression and other mental health issues in children, he said. 

Shielding schools from immigration raids

Protecting students from immigration raids was a priority for legislators this year, resulting in several pieces of new legislation.

Assembly Bill 49, known as the California Safe Haven Schools Act, was passed amid a series of immigration raids that have resulted in the arrest of thousands of people. It went into effect as an urgency measure in September.

The bill prohibits school staff from allowing immigration enforcement officers on school campuses or sharing student or family information with them without a warrant or court order. School districts have until March 1 to update school policies to align with the law.

Senate Bill 98, also effective in September, requires leaders of school districts, charter schools, universities and colleges to notify staff and parents when immigration officers are on a campus. School safety plans should include an official procedure for making these notifications by March 1.

This bill, which is in effect until Jan. 1, 2031, does not prevent governing boards from establishing stronger standards or protections.

Protecting preschools, preparing families

Assembly Bill 495, known as the Family Preparedness Plan Act, expands the pool of relatives that can be authorized to make decisions and care for children if parents are detained by immigration authorities or deported.

Beginning Jan. 1, all adults related to a child by blood or adoption, within five generations, could be authorized to enroll a child in school or make decisions about their medical care while on campus.

The bill also permits courts to appoint a person, nominated by a parent, to have joint custody of a child if they are detained or deported by immigration officials.

It also requires school districts to provide information to parents and guardians regarding the right of children to have a free public education.

The legislation also extends the requirements of AB 49 to child care facilities and preschools, prohibiting staff from collecting information or documents regarding the immigration status of children or their family. Instead, they are required to report requests for this information to the California Department of Education and the state Attorney General’s Office.

Easing the road to college

This year, California high school students will find it easier to be admitted to a California State University campus.

Senate Bill 640 establishes a direct admission program that sends mailers to high school students who are eligible to attend participating campuses, informing them of that status. Qualified students must have completed all the required coursework and maintained the necessary grade point average.

“Tens of thousands of California students are fully qualified to go to CSU, but don’t jump the hurdles of the admissions process,” said Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, D-Napa, the law’s author. “At the same time, nearly half of CSU’s campuses have substantial available enrollment capacity and need more students to sustain their high quality academic programs.”

The legislation also requires the California Community Colleges system to promote the CSU dual admission transfer program, which guarantees CSU admission to eligible community college students.

Student IDs to include suicide hotline number

Student identification cards issued at California public secondary schools and institutions of higher education after July 1 will include the phone number for The Trevor Project, a crisis and suicide prevention hotline for LGBTQ youth.

Suicide is the second leading cause of death among young people age 10 to 14, and the third leading cause of death for 14- to 25-year-olds, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

“In today’s political climate, LGBTQ+ students face significant levels of bullying, harassment, and discrimination — negatively impacting their mental health and academic success,” according to Assemblymember Mark González, author of the bill. “AB 727 will provide critical resources to support LGBTQ+ youth in crisis and those who have experienced harassment.”

Early education to take seats on board

The next eligible seat that comes open on the California Commission on Teacher Credentialing in 2026 must go to an early childhood education teacher, according to Assembly Bill 1123.

The bill calls for one of the six teacher representatives on the commission to hold a child development teacher permit. It also reduces the number of public representatives on the board from three to two to allow the governor to appoint someone who teaches early childhood development at a university or college.

The commission, which governs the licensing and preparation of the state’s teachers, is made up of 15 voting members, including the state superintendent of public instruction, six practicing teachers, a school administrator, a school board member, a school counselor, a faculty member from a teacher preparation program, a human resources administrator, and three public representatives.

The early childhood representatives will be seated after the next eligible seat is vacated or a representative’s term ends.

In the 60 years since California first began issuing child development permits to early childhood educators, there has never been a voting member on the commission, which governs their licensure and preparation, said Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, D-Torrance, author of the bill.

In 2025, California became the frontline of a federal playbook for more militarized immigration enforcement.

Raids on California streets and lawsuits that followed helped rewrite the ground rules for how agents can operate. What began as before-dawn operations in Golden State farm towns quickly expanded into a broader nationwide strategy: surprise workplace and neighborhood sweeps and roving patrols miles from the border.

CalMatters reporters across California documented how tactics first seen in Kern County, such as warrantless traffic stops and a heavy reliance on appearance-based profiling, spread statewide and then across the country. The U.S. Supreme Court has upheld these methods.

Early in the second Trump administration, the federal government sent Marines to the border, citing a crisis. Those troops have since quietly gone home.

Hundreds of National Guard troops were deployed to Los Angeles following civil unrest about immigration arrests. President Donald Trump threatened to send forces to the Bay Area, then backed off. State officials objected, while federal leaders characterized the moves as necessary. The standoff deepened long-running tensions between California and the White House over the state’s sanctuary policy and federal authority.

All this fell most heavily on families with deep roots in California. CalMatters found deportations increasingly reached people who have decades-long residence, U.S.-citizen children, stable employment, and even those following legal pathways. ICE detained people at green-card interviews and routine check-ins. The changes destabilized school systems, the agricultural economy, and health care.

A federal lawsuit over a deaf asylum seeker’s prolonged detention exposed gaps in medical care and disability accommodations in immigration facilities. Under Trump, asylum seekers with pending claims lost protection from arrest. A new system is emerging where people trying to follow the rules are easier targets than those evading them. Detention centers drew scrutiny as local authorities shied away from conducting health and safety inspections, while advocates reported worsening conditions inside.

A quieter but equally consequential trend has emerged: The immigrant population shrank. Love them or hate them, Trump’s immigration policies were achieving the administration’s goals. Pew Research found the national immigration population shrank by about 1.4 million people in the first half of 2025, the first decline in half a century. Economists warned about slower growth. State leaders weighed long-term impacts on the workforce, schools, and social service systems.

Enforcement grew more data-driven. Drone surveillance expanded in urban areas, and advocates warned about new uses of artificial intelligence to identify deportation targets and analyze asylum and visa applicants’ digital histories.

2026 outlook

California expects further interior enforcement, additional legal battles over sanctuary laws, funding, and renewed attempts to expand detention capacity. School districts and employers are preparing for more mass removals, while lawmakers are considering new privacy protections.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Days after 2025 began, two fires scorched through Los Angeles neighborhoods, the most destructive in California’s history. The Eaton and Pacific Palisades fires also renewed attention to issues such as utility oversight, insurance coverage, and the broader challenges of wildfire planning in a changing climate. And their harms rippled outward, leaving thousands of low-income workers and immigrants without jobs. 

But California found pushing its climate agenda forward to be an uphill battle this year: Ambitious climate goals faced a hostile federal government economic pressures.

Anticipating opposition from President Donald Trump, state leaders chose to abandon important clean-air rules before he even took office, including plans to phase out diesel trucks and transition to cleaner trains. Nearing mid-year, Trump and his allies in Congress blocked the state’s clean-car mandate, a blow to emissions reduction plans.

Nevertheless, as part of budget negotiations, Gov. Gavin Newsom sought to reauthorize California’s landmark cap-and-trade program, launching a debate that would resolve in the final hours of the legislative session.

Blaming climate and environmental regulation, Phillips 66 and Valero followed through on plans to shutter oil refineries, raising concerns about gas prices and the future of the state’s oil industry. In Wilmington, Phillips 66 is now closed. A high-profile explosion at Chevron’s El Segundo refinery nearby underscored persistent safety and environmental risks tied to remaining facilities.

By the end of the legislative session, these issues converged, as legislators passed a six-bill deal that included a plan to boost oil drilling, relief for ratepayers who fund wildfire mitigation, and an extension of the now rebranded “cap-and-invest” program.

As lawmakers passed sweeping reforms to California’s landmark environmental review law, critics warned exemptions may make it easier for potentially high-polluting advanced manufacturing facilities to take root in already vulnerable areas.

Longstanding conflicts over water continued to simmer this year. The governor continued pressing to fast-track a $20 billion tunnel around the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta to send more water south — to the outrage of Delta lawmakers. And dry conditions led to dire projections for the Colorado River, a vital water supply for Southern California. They ramped up the tensions — and the urgency — as negotiators from states that rely on the river tried, and failed, to reach a deal portioning out water supplies.

2026 Outlook

Affordability, the cost of climate adaptation, and pollution harms, in the skies and in the waste stream, continue to be key issues for California. As Gov. Gavin Newsom’s balancing act continues, the state will navigate tensions with environmental justice advocates unhappy with compromises. Emerging risks include the cost – in energy and water – of data centers, and the environmental consequences of the battery economy.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.