The Brief

Seventy days remain until Long Beach voters join the rest of California in deciding how — or specifically by whom — they will be represented over the next six years.

The special election comes after California Democrats last week passed the “Election Rigging Response Act,” which would allow the state legislature to impose new Congressional district maps that would apply only to federal elections in 2026, 2028 and 2030.

The measure, passed 57-20 in the state Assembly and 30-8 in the state Senate, was proposed by Gov. Gavin Newsom as a counterpunch to the Trump Administration, which first urged state lawmakers in Texas earlier this month to redraw their maps to favor Republicans.

If approved by voters, Newsom’s ballot measure will redraw California’s congressional makeup next year, giving Democrats a chance to win five more seats in the 2026 midterms. Democrats control 43 of California’s 53 seats, while Republicans hold a slim 219-212 majority in the House.

In service of that national political fight, the measure would make substantial changes to how Long Beach is represented at the federal level.

Currently, the city is divided between the 42nd and 44th Congressional Districts, represented by Democratic Reps. Robert Garcia and Nanette Barragán, respectively.

Barragán’s district would retrench from Long Beach, retreating to the neighborhoods north of Del Amo Boulevard and west of Downey Avenue, as it loses voters in West Long Beach and the communities that border Lakewood. Inversely, the congresswoman would gain Huntington Park and parts of Commerce.

Meanwhile, Garcia’s district would undergo a major change.

In the proposed map, the second-term congressman would claim a greater chunk of Long Beach, assuming the northwest neighborhoods of Wrigley, Bixby Knolls and Los Cerritos, among others.

Garcia would lose Lakewood, Downey and Gateway City neighborhoods like Commerce and Huntington Park. In exchange, he would take neighboring Seal Beach as the district stretches along the coast, absorbing Huntington Beach, Costa Mesa and parts of Newport Beach.

Matt Lesenyie, a political science professor at Cal State Long Beach, said Wednesday the new districts in and around Long Beach bank heavily on Garcia’s popularity in the region, as the 42nd District would siphon Republican neighborhoods out of the 45th and 47th districts — two districts that Democrats Derek Tran and Dave Min won by slim margins last November.

Tran, a Cypress Democrat, won the 45th District seat over Republican incumbent Michelle Steel by 0.2% of the vote — a difference of 653 votes. And Min, a Costa Mesa Democrat, won last November by fewer than three percentage points, or 10,000 ballots.

Inversely, bluer cities in Garcia’s former district, like Bellflower and Downey, will be added to the 41st Congressional District, shoring up Democrat votes to wage a stronger challenge against the current representative, Republican Ken Calvert.

“If I was a strategist, I’d say you have votes to spare in Long Beach and northeast of Long Beach, Paramount,” Lesenyie said. “You don’t have a surplus south of that district.”

In a phone call last week, Garcia said the redrawing might change local priorities and make for some lively town halls, but it will not alter his overall message to voters.

“Whether it’s here or my current district in southeast LA, whether it’s in Orange County, people want to make sure that we’re taking on corruption in government,” Garcia said. “People want to make sure that programs are responsive to protecting health care and social security. They want to make sure we’re providing funds for parks and for infrastructure. … So none of that message is going to change.”

The newly proposed map makes the 42nd seat solely a beach district, as opposed to a mix of coastal and inland communities that sometimes differ on their needs. More attention could be paid toward laws that affect coastal cities, as well as grants that pay for improved water quality, wetland conservation and infrastructure at seaports.

But the district’s Democratic hold hinges on Garcia’s clout; without him or someone of similar name recognition, the new map could allow for a competitive Republican challenge.

The change, in terms of voter registration, will dilute its population of registered Democrats, from 53% to 40%. Republicans would jump from 18% to 30%, while there would be 5% more without a party preference.

“Without an experienced politician like Garcia, this could become basically a swing district,” Lesenyie said.

Long Beach Mayor Rex Richardson, center, along with Congresswoman Nanette Barragán on the left and Rep. Robert Garcia, discuss the effects of the tariffs in Long Beach.

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Thomas R. Cordova.

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Long Beach Post

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State Sen. Tony Strickland, who has worked as a political consultant in Huntington Beach, said the right Republican would focus on “bread and butter” issues like the rising cost of living, as well as high energy costs, crime and “overreaching” building regulations.

But it would be an uphill battle for any Republican, Strickland added.

“Right now, our district that we live in and our map is a very competitive seat that you have to actually campaign hard and earn the people’s vote versus an overwhelming Democratic seat,” he said. “So for a Republican, it would be to try to bring affordability and common sense to California.”

Lesenyie, however, thinks the most formidable Republican would be a culture warrior, one who makes few concessions to moderates and instead taps into the prevailing disdain among those in Orange County against the cultural pace and leanings — such as on gender identity and reproductive health — of Los Angeles and Long Beach.

Concessions would be a “poison pill” on either side, Lesenyie said.

Will Newsom’s plan pass?

It’s unclear how people across California feel about the move. Even among supporters, it will be a measure of whether they see it as a necessary sacrifice to their own democratic process.

A UC Berkeley/Politico/Citrin Center poll taken earlier this month found that California voters resoundingly want redistricting power kept with the state’s independent commission. But another survey by the same coalition last week found that 63% of respondents think California should “fight back” against efforts in Texas and other Republican-led states to stack the deck in Congress.

Typically, Congressional districts are redrawn every 10 years, immediately following the release of U.S. Census results. Lines are agreed upon by California’s 14-member independent redistricting commission, a power it has controlled since 2010. If Newsom’s measure is approved, these new maps would circumvent the current ones until the state’s independent redistricting commission draws new boundary lines in 2031.

A mid-decade redistricting is rare, and usually only happens as the result of a court order that found some violation of the Voting Rights Act.

Proponents of Newsom’s plan, like former Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Barack Obama have lauded it as a necessary response to the Trump Administration’s own push to strengthen Republican power in Texas.

The resolution reiterates California’s support for “fair, independent, and nonpartisan redistricting commissions,” and asks for federal legislation to require a system nationwide.

It also has trigger language, meaning the new maps would only take effect if Texas or another state moves forward with a mid-cycle redistricting.

But that hasn’t stopped rising opposition, most notably other California Republicans and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who argue that wresting map-drawing powers from the state’s nonpartisan commission undermines its democratic process and further erodes public trust.

Strickland called the move “authoritarian,” saying a system “where the elections are predetermined” and noncompetitive are not good for democracy.

“We have the gold standard here in California,” Strickland said, adding that unlike places like Texas, Illinois, Massachusetts — where legislators draw the maps — the system in California is designed to promote fair and engaging competition. “It’d be a shame to throw it away.”

It also won’t be cheap. An estimate by Assembly Republicans tallies the cost at more than $235 million to taxpayers, according to CalMatters.

At a town hall in Signal Hill on Monday, Garcia gave a preview of the pitch voters should expect from Democrats.

Speaking to a crowd of 70 or so people, he said he wholeheartedly supports the state’s independent commission, but, “If Republicans are going to go this extreme and try to rig an election, I think the governor’s right, and I think the response is appropriate.”

“I believe that Democrats can no longer play this respectability politics game and say we’re going to do the better thing,” Garcia continued. “I know not everyone agrees with that. ‘We’re going into the mud. We’re doing what they’re doing.’

“But I think we’ve reached a point where what’s on the line, I strongly believe, is a future where we can actually have a government that helps people and not cause so much damage to our democracy,” he said.

Editor’s note: This story was corrected to show Garcia is in his second term, not third.

Topline:

Why it matters: The program allocated anywhere from $200 to just over $1,000 to help taxpayers with economic relief. You were eligible if you hit certain income criteria. Some amounts were sent through bank direct deposit, others through debit cards. But many debit cards haven’t been used or have funds remaining.

Look for your card: It has the bear from the California flag printed on it, as well as the Seal of California and the phrase Middle Class Tax Refund above the Visa logo.

What you can do: While the California Franchise Tax Board oversees the process, the company Money Network administers the debit cards. If you were eligible, you can check if you have any money left in the refund and hear options for how to use it if you can’t find your card. The automated customer service number is (800) 240-0223.

The backstory: Sacramento set aside billions of dollars in 2022 from a surplus to help taxpayers as the cost of gas and groceries rose.

What's next: Money that is not used by the deadline will go back to the California general fund.

More and more people are switching over to a gluten free-lifestyle: by 2032, the market is projected to be valued at $14 billion. That's a lot of would-be buyers looking for gluten-free sanctuaries, especially bakeries.

But finding stomach-safe eateries still poses a significant challenge — I say this as a gluten-free person who is rarely ever able to eat once I leave my apartment. Even trying to find recommendations on where such fabled gluten-free bakeries and restaurants exist is a Herculean task in and of itself.

But never fear, friends: in honor of all the kindred souls out there with dietary woes, I’ve rounded up my favorite bakeries in the city that cater to the gluten-free crowd. So kick back, grab a coffee and prepare to rejoice in the magic of a well-made baked good.

Baked Bar LA (Culver City)

An array of baked goods, including muffins, bagels and breakfast sandwiches, from Baked Bar LA.

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Janelle Lassalle

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LAist

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Chances are no matter what time of day it is you’ll find a small crowd of people jonesing outside Baked Bar LA — and for good reason. The spot was founded four years ago by pastry chefs Anthony Nigro and Thomas Velasquez, who wanted to take their extensive experience working at places like Rockenwagner and Farmshop and set up their own neighborhood bakery.

They’ve now developed a loyal following, not just for their conventional offerings, but also — hurrah — a strong selection of gluten-free baked goods.

Nab yourself a coffee and indulge in a decadent in one of the many house favorites like the gluten-free Marscapone Cake, a more decadent chocolate cake or go full Monty and say yes to a breakfast sandwich made with GF bread buns and the works. There’s also delicious, freshly baked gluten-free bread options available for a steal at $12 a loaf. Be warned: it gets packed in here pretty quickly, so you may want to enjoy your treat on the go.

WOW Bakes (Santa Monica)

The gooey, rich chocolate cookie from WOW bakes.

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Janelle Lassalle

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LAist

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In all of my years of being gluten-free, I never dared to dream of eating cookies as crispy, chewy and melty as their glutinous counterparts — but here we are. Founded by Sharon Overfield in 2020, WOW Bakes specializes in producing “without wheat, gluten-free artisan sourdough” as it says on its site.

Overfield was initially inspired to set up her endeavor because of her daughter’s gluten allergy. Frustrated that she had to sacrifice either taste or quality when she went shopping, she turned to her own kitchen.

Choose from a variety of tantalizing options including the cutest gluten-free “Happy Tarts” you’ve ever laid eyes on, cakes, cookies, bagels, pre-made mixes and even pizza dough. Everything is incredible — I don’t think I’ve ever had a gluten-free pop tart before — but be sure to get the chocolate chip cookies no matter what you do as they are simply far too heavenly to be missed out on.

WOW Bakes is technically a cottage based bakery, so there’s no physical storefront, but guests can place orders for local pickup via their website here. You can also contact Sharon to inquire about arranging delivery via Uber courier for customers in Santa Monica as well. Delivery requires a minimum order of $50.

Erin McKenna's Bakery (Larchmont Village)

Gluten-free bagels at Erin McKenna's bakery.

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Courtesy Erin McKenna's bakery

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Can gluten-free folk dare to dream of a world where all the offerings are up for grabs? Erin McKenna's Bakery takes that dream and manifests it into a delicious, sweet reality with her Larchmont Village bakery. Founded in 2005 by a desire to “create more than just a bakery,” Erin viewed her bakery as the start of “a movement — a delicious rebellion against the notion that 'free-from' meant free from flavor.”

Everything in the bakery is gluten free , so you don’t have to worry about rifling through a menu or pastry cases looking for safe bets. Another sweet bonus? McKenna’s bakery tailors their recipes to offer vegan, gluten-free and kosher “treats for everyone” with allergen information easily available on the site.

“We're here for the health-conscious, the allergy-aware, and especially for those kids who rarely get to indulge,” McKenna says on her website.

Gluten-free products available include cakes, cupcakes, donuts, donut holes, pastries, bagels, cookies, brownie bites, cake pops and an assortment of pre-made mixes (chocolate chip cookie, cornbread, butter biscuit mix).

Sweet Lady Jane (various locations)

With several spots across the L.A. County area, Sweet Lady Jane is known for its high-end desserts using premium ingredients. There's a lavish spread of conventionally prepared baked goods, but there's also a generous amount of gluten-free offerings, including cakes (Triple Berry Cake, Chocolate Triple Berry Cake and a flourless chocolate cake), cookies (Dark Chocolate Coconut Macaroon, Coconut Macaroon, walnut cookie), a cupcake option and even brownies.

Watching your sugar levels? Enjoy a slice of their new sugar-free Triple Berry Cake.

Sweet E’s (Van Nuys)

The Rose & Macaron cascade cake at Sweet E's bake shop

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Courtesy @sweetesbakeshop

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If you’re looking for a treat that’s as visually stunning as it is tasty, look no further than Sweet E’s. Based in Van Nuys, Sweet E’s Bakeshop has it all: cakes, cookies, cupcakes and everything in between, including a generous assortment of gluten-free goods.

But the cakes are really what shine here. Each cake is more visually stunning than the last, full of fun, texture and color in a style reminiscent of Christina Tosi’s Momofuku treats.

Choose from a litany of options including a Chocolate Lover's cake, Ultimate Confetti Birthday Cake, Strawberry Shortcake Cake, a “Custom Selfie Cake” where you can upload your own artwork, a Dulce De Leche cake and perhaps the most stunning GF cake I’ve ever seen, the Rose & Macaron Cascade Cake.

While Sweet E’s began as a storefront, COVID pushed the business to pivot to its current status of pickup orders only. Nationwide shipping is also available on Mondays, Tuesdays or Wednesdays via UPS two-day turnaround time.

Toluca Bakery (Toluca Village)

Located in Toluca Village, Toluca Bakery is a small, unassuming family-owned bakery that specializes in vegan goods of all shapes and sizes. It also offers a distinct pastry case of gluten-free offerings, separate from all the other goods to minimize contamination.

Get your mitts on a number of treats including the GF house specialty, tiramisu; gluten-free tarts in a number of flavors (apple, pear and strawberry) or cookies (available in chocolate chip and sugar cookie/jam varieties). There's also pastries, cake, brownies, cupcakes, pies and muffins.

Levant Bistro + Bake Shop (Echo Park)

For the unfamiliar, ‘Levant’ refers to the countries located along the eastern Mediterranean shores, and levantine culinary culture is full of tasty surprises and classic staples. One classic is manoush, a type of flatbread that’s usually spiced and seasoned with a variety of toppings including goat cheese and fig jam, a meat r even just a humble zaa'tar and labneh (a type of yogurt).

If you have yet to try the warm, opulent bliss that is eating a manoush out of the oven, get your shoes on and head over to Echo Park’s Levant Bistro + Bake Shop. What once began as a food blog helmed by CEO Anita Khalek has since blossomed into an established sit-down eatery that caters to many types of dietary restrictions.

“A blog was not enough,” Khalek writes on her site. “My own personal experience with my health had taught me that. It was hard enough to survive without a diagnosis, but there was no reason why it should be difficult for someone with any type of dietary ailment to not be treated to quality foods and quality meals dining out.”

Everything here is organic, non-GMO, soy-Free and gluten-free. A variety of manoush is offered daily, available in both meat-free and more meat-centric options, as well as brunch items like pancakes with pistachios and garlic cheese bread with a garlic herb oil.

Nearly two years after California voters approved billions of dollars in bond money to repair aging schools, demand has outstripped the available funds.

In fact, by the time voters went to the polls on Election Day 2024 to cast a ballot on Proposition 2, schools had already submitted enough project applications to max out the proceeds dedicated for K-12 school modernization in that $10 billion bond.

“The backlog of need is so high that… districts that are applying now are gonna have to wait for some future bond measure,” said Sara Hinkley, who studies facilities funding at UC Berkeley’s Center for Cities + Schools.

With Proposition 2 funding out of reach for the vast majority of school projects that aren’t already underway, this year’s midterm elections offer districts another chance to seek support from local voters. But some advocates say the state’s school facilities funding formula needs to be overhauled entirely.

What is a bond?

The majority of the money California’s 10,000 schools receive from the state every year supports students, staff salaries and other day-to-day expenses.

So when districts need to fix a leaky roof, replace AC units, upgrade aging portable classrooms or swap asphalt with green space, they often rely on voters to approve new funding through statewide and local ballot measures.

First, at the statewide level, you have ballot measures such as 2024’s Proposition 2.

The passage of Proposition 2 authorized the sale of $10 billion in bonds (basically, loans) to be paid back — with interest — from the state’s general fund. California will pay about $500 million a year for 35 years to settle the debt, according to the Legislative Analyst’s office.

The legislation that put Proposition 2 on the ballot also outlined how the $10 billion bond would be divided:

• $1.5 billion for community college facilities
• $3.3 billion for new construction 
• $4 billion to modernize existing school facilities
• $600 million for charter school facilities 
• $600 million for facilities related to career and technical education 

Another thing Proposition 2 did was carve out pots of money for schools with fewer than 2,500 students, using up to 10% of the modernization fund and new construction fund — that's $730 million in total.

The money from Proposition 2 is distributed to school districts throughout the state in matching grants, meaning districts still bear a portion of the project cost.

To do this, school districts often ask voters to approve local bonds to raise money for renovations and new construction. The debt is paid back through property tax increases for a set period of time.

Who is involved in selecting a project? 

After the election, there are multiple steps before money from Proposition 2 can make its way to school construction and modernization projects.

First, California’s governor and legislature decide how many bonds will be sold each year to generate the money for school repairs and construction.

Meanwhile schools are:

• Identifying what needs to be fixed or built  
• Bringing projects to their bond oversight committee and the school board for approval 
• Submitting projects to two separate state agencies: 
  
  • The Division of the State Architect, which reviews compliance with structural, accessibility and safety codes.
  • The Department of Education, which reviews compliance with the state’s education code.

Once those agencies approve a project’s plans, a district can submit an application for funding to another state agency called the Office of Public School Construction for another round of review.

Then the State Allocation Board, which is made up of state employees, California’s Superintendent of Public Instruction and lawmakers, votes to fund the projects.

As of April 29, 2026, the board has allocated $1.3 billion for 325 different modernization and new construction projects — that’s 15% of the total value of Proposition 2 designated for K-12 schools.

Many of the schools waited years for funding; the majority submitted their applications in 2022 and several date to 2021.

Hinkley, with UC Berkeley, said it’s likely many of these projects were already completed and the districts will now be reimbursed, but that’s not the case with every district.

“If you can't afford to build it without state funds, obviously you're just sitting and waiting,” Hinkley said.

A select number of projects labeled “facility hardship” move through the pipeline faster than others. These projects are often related to natural disasters such as wildfires or seismic retrofits.

How are projects selected?

The board can also take action to move additional projects through the funding pipeline.

For example, as of March, there are 298 projects worth about $1.1 billion that have been board-approved, but have not yet been funded.

The board's agenda is also a window into the unmet need for school modernization funding because it includes a list of applications for projects that exceed the funding expected to be available through Proposition 2.

The “beyond bond authority” list includes 522 modernization projects worth $1.8 billion. The first application on this list was submitted Oct. 30, 2024, less than a week before the 2024 election.

“We don't have authority to even review applications that have come in when we don't have funding authorized for them,” said Rebecca Kirk,  executive officer for the Office of Public School Construction and the State Allocation Board. “And so we just place them on a list.”

Is bond funding equitable?

Not every district gets the same amount of funding to fix up their schools, nor is the money distributed based on need. Instead, research shows the existing facilities funding system favors larger, more affluent school districts.

That’s because proceeds from state bonds are distributed as matching grants — the amount of funding is limited by how much districts can first raise themselves and that, in turn, is limited by the property value in their district and voters' willingness to approve additional taxes on that property.

Brenda Rivera is an alumna of Lynwood Unified and now a teacher and parent in the district. She said one ongoing challenge is the district’s aging roofs and the rain.

“That's one thing you dread. Am I gonna come in and is my room gonna be wet?” Rivera said.

The district passed an $80 million bond in 2024. Rivera said she’s seen improvements including new paint and air-conditioning units, but that she still notices the disparities between her school and those in wealthier communities.

That’s why she joined a lawsuit filed last fall aimed at reforming how the state funds school repairs.

“I hope that we're able to even out the playing field,” Rivera said. “That our schools are something that people wanna attend.”

Public Advocates, the nonprofit firm behind the suit, is seeking to stop additional modernization funding from being distributed until the case is resolved and filed a motion in March requesting a preliminary injunction.

Alicia Virani, a senior staff attorney with the firm, said the goal is to change how the money from the current bond is distributed, not wait until a future ballot measure is passed.

“Our concern was that the low wealth districts that are facing asbestos in every classroom that are facing leaks, that are dealing with toxic mold, that they would have to wait another 10 years for any money to be distributed equitably,” Virani said.

There is a hearing in the case scheduled for May 20.

What about local bonds?

In 2024, voters approved more than $45 billion in local bond funds for K-12 schools and community colleges, including nearly $17 billion in Los Angeles and Orange Counties.

The largest local bond in the state was Los Angeles Unified’s $9 billion Measure US.

The district’s head of facilities broke down the spending plan for the measure in a presentation to the committee that oversees bond spending in February.

Approximately $7.8 billion is designated for facilities, including school modernization, cafeteria upgrades and updates to early education centers. The remaining $1.2 billion is set aside for information technology upgrades, school buses and oversight.

The district committed $605 million to rebuild Marquez and Palisades Elementaries, as well as the partially damaged and independently operated Palisades Charter High School.

How to track your local district’s spending

State law lays out several accountability measures for local school district bonds including:

• Independent, annual performance audits of bond-funded projects and spending 
• The creation of an independent bond oversight committee that includes:
  
  • At least seven members
  • Representatives of the business community, taxpayers, and parents. School district employees, vendors, contractors, and consultants cannot be appointed. 

Search for your district’s bond oversight committee website to see upcoming agendas, summaries of past meetings, audits and other information about how the district has spent bond funding.

You can also ask your school district if they have a facilities master plan. This document is typically created with community input, over the course of months or years, to plan renovation and construction projects.

MyLA311, the system designed to help residents access city services for graffiti removal or streetlight outages, got a makeover last year, but since then some Angelenos and Los Angeles city staff have reported it has been plagued by problems.

The city has received “numerous complaints” about the updated website and app, including issues with GPS and logging work, according to officials.

MyLA311 is set up so residents can report non-emergency issues and track requests for tree inspections, homeless encampment services and illegal dumping, to name a few. There are 86 options in neighborhoods, according to Mayor Karen Bass’ office, which helped launch the new system.

Staffers within the city’s Department of Public Works have said they’ve been frustrated by the rollout, according to city officials. They say it now takes longer to add their responses to service requests, and the city can’t record completed work that doesn’t have a service request connected to it.

City Council members Imelda Padilla and Monica Rodriguez led a motion aimed at addressing the issues, saying they’ve caused concerns about the system’s overall functionality and accountability.

“Reports and individuals are telling us that because of this broken 311 app, folks are once again going back to using Excel sheets, phone calls, paper and pen in order to engage in service delivery, and I think that that's a problem,” Padilla said during Wednesday’s council meeting.

The motion instructs Public Works to make a formal report of any problems with the system, including how they may be affecting service timelines and completion rates, and asks the city’s IT agency to come up with potential solutions.

It was approved in a 12-0 vote Wednesday. Councilmembers Bob Blumenfield, Eunisses Hernandez and Adrin Nazarian were absent.

How we got here

Bass announced the launch of the new MyLA311 last year, saying the previous website and app were outdated and had lasted years past their lifecycle.

In a 2023 directive, she’d called for the system to be modernized with the goal of providing better customer service and communication about the status of residents’ requests.

“This new and improved way to request and receive city services is another example of how we are breaking away from the old way of doing things to make our neighborhoods cleaner and safer,” Bass said in a March 2025 statement.

But some people say the new system is falling short.

According to the North Hollywood Northeast Neighborhood Council, the new app has “actually made it harder for Angelenos to request services.”

The Sylmar Neighborhood Council agreed the system needs improvements, writing in a community impact statement that MyLA311 fails to serve L.A. taxpayers effectively if it’s difficult to use or inaccurate.

In public comments, some residents cited “major issues” with the system, including GPS and location accuracy, invalid addresses and missing or incomplete service categories. One commenter wrote that addresses were being routed to other areas, some of them outside the city.

“As a result, they frequently lead to confusion in the field, delays in response and, in some cases, requests going unaddressed due to the difficulty in locating the reported issue or misdirection caused by inaccurate data,” the commenter said.

What’s ahead

The City Council approved several instructions aimed at improving MyLA311, including the following:

• Public Works is expected to report back on its issues with the system.
• The city’s Information Technology Agency is expected to report on system performance, including operational issues, and provide solutions as needed.
• Public Works and IT are expected to provide quarterly reports on service request data, including backlogs, average response times and requests received and closed.