The Brief

Since 1923, the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum has been host to a gallery of historic events — from two Olympics (about to be three) to speeches featuring world-renowned leaders. It also played a central role in the re-integration of the National Football League.

The team from How To LA explored it all. Host Brian De Los Santos spoke with historian Frank Guridy of Columbia University about the Rams move to L.A. and so much more. You can use the player below or listen here.

Listen to the episode

A rich tradition

The L.A. Memorial Coliseum has witnessed a lot of history, which includes the Olympics in 1932 and 1984, the aforementioned re-integration of the NFL in 1946, to speeches by John F. Kennedy Jr. and events like the Wattstax Festival in 1972.

Back in 1923, L.A. was still considered a dusty western town. The city’s elites wanted to put it on the map globally, according to Guridy. Their solution: Build a stadium that would attract the Olympics to L.A.

It worked. Ever since the 1932 Olympics, the Coliseum has served as a multipurpose cultural landmark for the city, attracting notable people and organizations from all over — including the NFL.

A call for change

When the league eyed a westward expansion after World War II, it wanted to bring the Cleveland Rams to L.A. But it hit a roadblock — here was an organization that hadn't had a Black player since the early 1930s that wanted to play in a public stadium located in South L.A., which at that time had become a predominantly Black community.

Black journalists called for change.

The Coliseum “was a public managed facility, and part of the mandate that the city and the county and the state had as public managers is that the facility would be accessible to a broader public,” explains Guridy.

“Black activists understood that and other marginalized communities understood that in subsequent years as well,” Guridy adds. “They're able to sort of leverage that argument to say that well, you know, we can’t have a discriminatory entity performing in this public structure.”

Halley Harding was a baseball player-turned-sportswriter for the Los Angeles Tribune who was passionate about challenging the status quo of the day. Harding and other writers put on the pressure, ultimately leading the Rams to sign Black athletes as a part of their deal to play in the Coliseum.

Kenny Washington and his UCLA teammate Woody Strode were two of the four Black players to break the color barrier and play for the NFL in the modern era. This was a year before Jackie Robinson — another UCLA star — would integrate Major League Baseball.

See for yourself

Go on a 75-minute guided walking tour through the L.A. Memorial Coliseum on Mondays and Tuesdays at 10 a.m. and 1 p.m.

Go deeper

• The Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum Is Celebrating Its 100th Anniversary
• LA’s Memorial Coliseum Will Keep Its Name Under A New Deal Between USC And United Airlines 
• Which City Council District Will Get To Claim USC And Expo Park — And The Benefits They Bring?

In an era when countless recipes are available at our fingertips, and endless culinary hacks crowd social media, cookbooks remain refreshingly relevant by offering authoritative voices, immersive storytelling, and rich cultural context that digital feeds cannot match.

They also make for functional yet fashionable decor at some of Los Angeles’s buzziest restaurants.

Eagle-eyed Angelenos may have noticed cookbooks displayed at many local spots arranged among knick-knacks, like at chef Eric Greenspan’s newly opened Mish Delicatessen on La Brea, or in open kitchens within easy reach, as at chef Dave Beran’s Michelin-starred Seline in Santa Monica. These dog-eared, oil-stained volumes not only enhance a space's visual appeal but often map a chef’s heritage, pedigree and community.

“It just brings this energy to a space; these are my icons, my idols, my people I've learned from, whether through books or in real life, and it's a big honor to be able to have them on the shelf,” says Tyler Wells, the restaurateur behind Betsy and Bar Betsy in Altadena. “I think it's more an ethos than a design decision.”

The cookbooks highlighted below have earned a place on the bookshelves of some of Los Angeles’s top chefs and restaurateurs — and are worthy of adding to your personal collection, whether you’re a dedicated home cook sharpening your skills or a casual food lover gleaning dinnertime inspiration. Listed in alphabetical order.

'A Platter of Figs and Other Recipes' by David Tanis

Recommended by: Luis Sierra of Picala in West Adams

Chef Luis Sierra keeps two dozen of his most prized cookbooks on a shelf above the pass at Picala, a Spanish restaurant in West Adams that opened in April. Raised in New Mexico on a steady diet of red and green chilies, the chef relied on cookbooks and food magazines like Lucky Peach to provide a window into cultures and cuisines unavailable locally.

Though a heavily tabbed copy of Colman Andrews's Catalan Cuisine ranks near the top of Sierra’s most-used cookbooks, he returns time and again to David Tanis’s seminal ode to simple and seasonal cooking in A Platter of Figs and Other Recipes; the chef worked under Tanis at Lulu at the Hammer Museum before opening Picala.

“It is quintessential California cuisine. It's that ethos that fine dining does and some of the best mom-and-pop places do. Find really good ingredients and don't mess it up. Just treat it fairly, don't try to make it something it's not,” Sierra said. “It took me years to figure out what [Tanis] was trying to say.”

'Death & Co: Modern Classic Cocktails' by Alex Day, David Kaplan, and Nick Fauchald

Recommended by: Avish Naran of Pijja Palace in Silver Lake

Pijja Palace's cookbooks include the influential cocktail guide from Death & Co.

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At Avish Naran’s boisterous Indian sports bar, Pijja Palace, in Silver Lake, a tightly curated stack of cookbooks is located near the kitchen pass. Titles like Kricket: An Indian-Inspired Cookbook by Will Bowlby and chef Atul Kochhar’s Benares serve as education and inspiration for the restaurant’s mostly non-Indian staff. A copy of Khushbu Shah’s Amrikan, left over from a cookbook launch hosted at the restaurant a few years back, shares a similar diasporic sensibility to Pijja Palace.

Anchoring the teetering titles are a pair of cocktail bibles from the acclaimed New York City bar Death & Co. — Modern Classic Cocktails and Welcome Home — that Naran considers indispensable guides.

“They teach you the fundamentals of making cocktails. They're not using hydrocolloids and centrifuges. It's about appreciating the bottle and the classics,” he said. “We use them from time to time for inspiration at our restaurant. They give you a blueprint of all the classic cocktails and even encourage you to swap shit out.”

'Ducksoup: The Wisdom of Simple Cooking' by Clare Lattin and Tom Hill

Recommended by: Heather Sperling of Botanica in Silver Lake

Cookbooks subtly add to the ambience at Botanica in Silver Lake

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Heather Sperling

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Heather Sperling, the restaurateur behind Botanica and Bar Besito in Silver Lake, is a self-proclaimed bibliophile with a penchant for restaurant cookbooks. Stored above Botanica’s bar and service station is a curated collection of her favorites. These titles come from like-minded restaurants that share Botanica's dedication to simplicity and seasonality, including works from Prune in New York City, Lula Cafe in Chicago, and the Bay Area’s Zuni Cafe and Chez Panisse Cafe.

“I love having those around as a way to remind us of the places that we view as both peers and inspiration,” Sperling said. Additionally, Sperling uses the cookbooks to facilitate conversations around food and cooking with her chefs.

Of the hundreds of cookbooks that Sperling has come across, it’s the collection of recipes from the restaurant Ducksoup in London that’s made a lasting impression.

“Ducksoup: The Wisdom of Simple Cooking is the one that I've given to every chef who has ever worked for me,” she said. “It is a simple and quietly excellent book of great cooking with some lovely simple stories and unbelievably good food that just captures a sensibility that I aspire to, which is just cooking lovely, thoughtful, compelling, unfussy food in a way that feels very full of heart and full of intention.”

'Josey Baker Bread' by Josey Baker

Recommended by: Tyler Wells of Bar Betsy in Altadena

Ever since the Eaton Fire wiped out restaurateur Tyler Wells’s cookbook collection, he’s been intentionally rebuilding it with mostly secondhand copies and displaying the titles on the shelves at his all-day restaurant Bar Betsy in Altadena. Wells described his growing collection as “quite aspirational,” consisting “mostly of restaurants that I adore and look up to” and written by experts with a singular perspective and style.

Among his most prized cookbooks is Josey Baker Bread by Josey Baker, the chef and owner of The Mill in San Francisco.

“I really adore baking, and it was something I never really had formal training in, so I'm largely self-taught. This book just takes you from nothing — here's how you make the simplest loaf pan loaf with yeast — all the way to free-form bread,” Wells said. “It's so down to Earth; it's not geared for a professional baker. I learned more from that book than probably any other cookbook I've read.”

'The French Laundry Cookbook' by Michael Ruhlman, Susie Heller, and Thomas Keller

Recommended by: Dave Beran of Seline in Santa Monica

Seline's salute to gastronomic literature includes over 100 cookbooks.

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When chef Dave Beran conceptualized his “book wall” — an expansive library with over 100 cookbooks prominently displayed in the open kitchen at Seline in Santa Monica — providing inspiration and education for him and his team, as well as creating a sense of home, comfort, and curiosity for diners, was at the forefront.

While Beran admits that The French Laundry Cookbook, a comprehensive collection of recipes and philosophies from chef Thomas Keller’s legendary restaurant in Yountville, California, feels dated in many ways, its impact can’t be understated.

“I remember reading it when I first started working in 2003. It was just such a clear defining point of this is why it's important to teach, and this is why it's important to pay attention and be a sponge in a kitchen,” Beran said. “I think if you're completely blind to fine dining in a sense of ‘Where's the value in this thing that I feel like I've had 100 times,’ that's the book to read.”

'Six Seasons: A New Way with Vegetables' by Joshua McFadden and Martha Holmberg

Recommended by: Clémence de Lutz of Petitgrain Boulangerie in Santa Monica

Take a peek beneath the gleaming pastry case at Santa Monica's Petitgrain Boulangerie to spot a few of chef-owner Clémence de Lutz’s tallest cookbooks. Selected from her personal collection that numbers more than 400, these oversized titles pull double duty: they elegantly separate the bakery’s kitchen from the storefront while hiding unsightly coffee supplies. As a self-taught baker, de Lutz leaned heavily on cookbooks for foundational knowledge.

“I would buy used cookbooks from the Culinary Institute of America or some of the other more professional culinary schools, and I would tool around and give myself a curriculum,” she said.

These days, de Lutz favors cookbooks rooted in West Coast ingredients, especially Six Seasons by Joshua McFadden and Martha Holmberg.

“I appreciated when I first saw the book that it said ‘six seasons’ because here in California, there's so much overlap between summer and fall. We shouldn't just think about winter, spring, summer, and fall,” she said. “I appreciate that it's not precious; it's good, succinct information. We should all be cooking more vegetables for their flavor at their peak.”

'Zahav: A World of Israeli Cooking' by Michael Solomonov and Steven Cook

Recommended by: Eric Greenspan of Mish Delicatessen in Mid-City

At Mid-City’s Mish Delicatessen, chef-owner Eric Greenspan says the cookbooks tell “the story of the evolution — past, present, and future — of the Mish menu.”

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At Mid-City’s Mish Delicatessen, diners are welcome to linger in the second-floor lounge to peruse the restaurant’s many cookbooks featuring titles from classic New York City delis, more modern collections penned by contemporary culinarians like Jake Cohen and Adeena Sussman, and everything in between.

Each cookbook tells “the story of the evolution — past, present, and future — of the Mish menu,” said chef-owner Eric Greenspan. “It was really important for us to focus on the entirety of the Jewish culinary diaspora.”

Zahav, the cookbook from Michael Solomonoff's acclaimed restaurant in Philadelphia by the same name, deeply influenced Greenspan’s vision for Mish.

“Michael's such an inspirational chef, both in his take on modernizing and elevating classic Middle Eastern Jewish food, but also the fact that he pulls it off from a deep, personal relationship with the food,” Greenspan said. “And that's what inspired me to do the whole damn thing. I wanted to finally have a restaurant where I could cook something personal to me from a cultural and traditional sense.”

When A.W.’s husband lost his job, she was thankful the safety net preserved the family’s access to healthcare. Her eldest son had a team of doctors and therapists at Stanford’s specialty gender clinic; losing that support team, she said, would have been traumatic. The clinic accepted Medi-Cal patients.

Now, California is racing to keep children like A.W.’s son from losing access to gender-affirming care after the federal government moved to cut off funding for those services. State lawmakers are scrambling to approve emergency funding in the last days of the legislative session, even as LGBTQ advocates and parents argue California had months to prepare for the change — and may still fail to prevent a gap in care.

This month the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services finalized a rule prohibiting federal reimbursement for gender-affirming care for minors. It takes effect Oct. 13. Roughly 1,500 transgender and gender-nonconforming children on Medi-Cal could lose access to puberty blockers, hormones and related care if the state doesn’t act.

Lawmakers want an emergency $10 million to replace the lost federal funds. The money would buy time for the state to create a separate funding pathway for transgender kids that complies with federal rules, though the Department of Health Care Services says that could take up to a year.

A funding pathway would keep state dollars separate from federal dollars, and allow Medi-Cal children to keep receiving care without disruption. Without it, transgender and gender-nonconforming youth could lose access to ongoing medical treatments.

“They’re low-income Californians who need support arguably the most, and Medi-Cal is their lifeline to access that care,” said Assemblymember Chris Ward, a Democrat from San Diego and chair of the LGBTQ caucus, which is fighting for the money. “We need to stand up for them.”

But some LGBTQ organizations and parents, including A.W., doubt California’s Medi-Cal agency can stand-up a separate program for transgender kids in under six weeks. They also say they feel misled by state leaders after months of budget negotiations.

For the past eight months, advocates and medical organizations had warned California’s Medi-Cal agency that the federal government intended to cut off funding for gender-affirming care for minors. They believed state leaders had set aside money to prepare for that outcome during June budget negotiations, but later learned officials did not follow through.

“I thought that when we took our kids to Sacramento to meet with members of the Assembly and Senate that we were advocating for a backfill that would cover kids on Medi-Cal who would lose those federal dollars,” A.W. said. “I’m really disappointed that our coalition spent so much time and effort on something that I’m not sure we’ll reap the benefits of, and that sucks.”

CalMatters is identifying A.W. by initials only to protect the identity of her two children, both of whom are transgender.

Why California wasn’t ready

In December, the Trump administration published preliminary rules targeting payments for gender-affirming services for young people.

Though the rules weren’t finalized until August, advocacy groups spent months with state officials negotiating for a program that would protect transgender children on Medi-Cal, according to budget letters and presentations obtained by CalMatters. They wanted the state to set aside $1 million to create a separate Medi-Cal funding pathway and to use other money to bolster access to care.

Many believed the state had done exactly that in June, when the budget included two pots of money totalling $56 million for gender-affirming services and reproductive healthcare. After the budget passed, advocates learned health and budget officials for Gov. Gavin Newsom had removed language that would have ensured some of the money would be used to create a separate, state-only Medi-Cal funding program for transgender children.

The Department of Health Care Services, which administers Medi-Cal, did not answer questions about why the money wasn’t earmarked for Medi-Cal and whether there would be any gap in services for transgender children. It referred CalMatters to the Department of Finance. A finance department spokesperson said the administration was “aware of this particular issue” but had no updates to share.

Ward said the budget, which addressed California’s fourth consecutive deficit, didn’t have “a nickel to spare,” and because federal rules hadn’t been finalized at the time, the Medi-Cal funding commitment wasn’t locked in.

On social media, the California Department of Health and Human Services pointed to the $56 in the budget, saying it remains “committed to ensuring all people have access to the medically necessary, evidence-based care that will allow them not only to survive, but thrive.”

Arne Johnson, an organizer with Rainbow Families Action, called that statement misleading. “In the end, not a penny of it is going to backfill Medi-Cal at all,” Johnson said.

The money will instead fund infrastructure investments for transgender health clinics as more care gets pushed out of hospitals and into primary care settings under federal threats, and will aid other groups that have lost federal funding, including military families and veterans, according to two sources familiar with budget negotiations.

Many advocacy groups said California’s long-term investment is welcome, but argue the state failed to protect the immediate care of vulnerable children.

“It’s been very frustrating to see California say in many words that it’s supportive of trans people, and be so unprepared for something we all knew was about to happen,” Johnson said.

Laura Sheckler, budget and policy director at the California Primary Care Association, which represents clinics, said the state will have a challenging time creating a program by the time the federal cuts are expected to begin.

“The bigger question is how is California going to ensure that whatever they set up is going to be available on Oct. 13 when these rules go into effect?” Sheckler said.

For one family, Medi-Cal was the safety net

A.W. and her family are bracing for that deadline and what they anticipate will be an inevitable loss of care.

Discovering that her first child was transgender prompted a personal reckoning for A.W. She had spent most of her career working in conservative politics for prominent Republican leaders. At home, though, her first child showed signs of gender dysphoria even as a toddler, pulling bows out of his hair, crying when forced to wear a dress and asking why he couldn’t stand up to pee.

A.W. and her husband chalked it up to tomboy behavior.

“We had zero education or inkling that he might be trans, but as we started educating ourselves and learning more, we realized that he at a very, very young age was verbally communicating with us who he is,” A.W. said.

After the family moved from Virginia to the Bay Area for work, her son, who was 8 at the time, started seeing a therapist. A year and a half later he received his first puberty blocker, and has continued to see therapists and endocrinologists at Stanford ever since. Medi-Cal allowed her son to keep seeing the same doctors when the startup where A.W.'s husband worked went under two years ago.

“I say that (my son) has really opened me up and made me see things and accept things that I didn’t understand,” A.W. said. “For me, it was a huge transformation.”

Just last year, A.W.’s second child also came out as transgender. It was surprising, but both parents say part of parenting is loving their children unconditionally.

Either child losing healthcare — even temporarily — would be devastating, but for her eldest, now 15 and giving himself testosterone injections weekly, the consequences could be permanent.

“A gap in care for my son is a terrible thing. He doesn’t take testosterone and what happens? He would be forced to medically detransition,” A.W. said. “It’s unacceptable that the state wasn’t prepared.”

Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

A federal judge in Boston has handed the Trump administration another temporary win in the legal fight over the president's executive order to restrict mail-in voting for the midterm election.

U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani on Wednesday canceled a nationwide ruling she had issued that blocked the U.S. Postal Service from working on Trump's directives.

The decision sets up another possible consideration of the executive order by the Supreme Court. The court ruled on a procedural issue, but has not weighed in on whether Trump's order is legal.

In that earlier procedural ruling, the Supreme Court halted a similar June ruling from Talwani that applied only to the 23 mainly Democratic-led states, plus Washington, D.C., that sued over the order.

In response to the executive order Trump signed in March, USPS released a final rule for federal ballot mail. It lays out new design requirements for mail-in ballot envelopes, as well as a plan for delivering mail-in ballots only to people on lists of absentee voters that states would have to turn over to the mailing agency.

It remains unclear, however, if and how Trump's directives would ultimately affect voting by mail for the midterms, which is set to start in a matter of weeks.

Trump's order is expected to face more legal hurdles as this lawsuit and other related cases filed by Democrats, voting rights groups and two dozen mainly Democratic-led states proceed.

Edited by Benjamin Swasey
Copyright 2026 NPR

With only six days left in the legislative session, lawmakers refuse to back several of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s controversial proposals for reducing how much for-profit utility companies must pay after causing a wildfire.

Assembly and Senate lawmakers oppose the governor’s proposals to limit survivors’ compensation for pain and suffering, curb reimbursements to insurance companies for massive payouts to homeowners when power lines spark a fire and limit how much local governments can recoup for incinerated infrastructure, according to legislative sources and internal memos obtained by CalMatters.

Those are among the most contentious parts of a high-stakes package of wildfire policies Newsom has been negotiating behind closed doors at the end of his final legislative session as governor.

Neither the governor’s office nor leaders in the Senate and Assembly have released the text of the proposals they are negotiating, setting the stage for them to potentially push through a complex package of policies with little public hearing in the final days of the session that ends Aug. 31.

Newsom’s office has not responded to inquiries about lawmakers’ opposition to parts of his proposal. If they can’t reach an agreement by Friday, the legislative deadline to publish bills before they get a vote, they would punt the issue of rising utility liabilities to the next governor.

At a press conference last week, Newsom said he’s open to amending his proposal but insisted some reforms must be made.

“I feel very strongly that we need to move on this,” he said.

Newsom is concerned, his staff says, with ensuring fire victims’ damage claims get paid faster while freeing utilities from other lawsuits that could shake investors’ confidence in the companies’ financial standing and lead to higher power bills for customers. But opponents, including local governments, wildfire survivors, consumer advocates and insurance companies, argue the plan helps utilities escape accountability.

Though any changes they make would apply only to future wildfires, the negotiations have stoked the anger of a group of Eaton Fire survivors who traveled to Sacramento this week to protest the proposals. Earlier this month, state and Los Angeles fire officials found investor-owned utility Southern California Edison responsible for the January 2025 fire, which ignited under a decades-old decommissioned Edison transmission tower. The blaze claimed 19 lives and destroyed 9,400 structures.

“My job is not to ensure that we’re increasing profits for shareholders for these companies,” Sen. Sasha Renee Perez, a Democrat who represents Altadena, said at a rally with the group on Tuesday. “And we certainly, as a Legislature, are not going to negotiate with companies that want to act like terrorists.”

Lawmakers diverge

Perez was referring to a report that executives of Pacific Gas & Electric and Edison have told Wall Street analysts the companies plan to take unspecified actions to protect their shareholders if lawmakers do not pass laws this year helping them reduce their financial responsibility after fires.

Newsom and Democratic lawmakers agree on a proposal that would curb utility CEO bonuses after a destructive fire and increase fines for utilities with safety violations. Sources familiar with the negotiations said a Senate proposal would go further, targeting utility profits by directing regulators to scrutinize company spending and to consider limiting rate increases in line with inflation.

Lawmakers also agree with Newsom on improving community wildfire mitigation projects and using future insurance taxes to pay for home hardening. And they generally agree on limiting fees for attorneys who represent victims and other plaintiffs in suing utilities for damages after a fire, though the Senate plan would also curb fees for the utilities’ attorneys.

But neither Senate nor Assembly leaders agree with Newsom on eliminating subrogation — the right of insurance companies to recoup their costs for claims from utilities or other corporations responsible for a fire — according to memos of the Assembly’s counterproposals and Senate sources familiar with the negotiations.

The insurance industry has been vocal about the possible effects, arguing it would increase insurers’ costs and lead them to raise their rates.

 ‘A massive new strain’

Sen. Ben Allen, a candidate for insurance commissioner and Democrat whose district includes the Pacific Palisades, which also experienced a deadly fire last January, said killing subrogation to try to address one problem (high electricity rates) could create another problem (even higher insurance rates).

“I fear we will create a massive new strain on the insurance system that could break basic questions of affordability for Californians,” Allen told CalMatters. It could also exacerbate problems in the state’s already challenging insurance market, he said.

Lawmakers are aligned with the governor on limiting the number of middlemen who are entitled to benefit or profit after a disaster, or at least capping how much they can get. Lawmakers in both chambers want to bar insurers from selling their claims and subrogation rights to hedge funds. The Senate plan would still allow it if insurers get approval from the insurance commissioner, which smaller insurers might seek if they need cash quickly to pay claims after a fire.

Assembly leaders also are pushing back on Newsom’s proposal to reduce the amount local governments can recover from utilities after a wildfire by limiting claims to the depreciated value of burned infrastructure, rather than the full cost of rebuilding it. The proposal had sparked outrage from the California State Association of Counties, the League of California Cities and groups representing school districts.

Under pressure from the powerful California Professional Firefighters union, Newsom appears to be backing away from that effort.

On Monday, the union wrote Newsom a letter supporting his overall package and thanking him for “adjustments to ensure that local governments are not unduly impacted by this proposal.” Newsom spokesperson Anthony Martinez did not respond to an inquiry about that proposal.

A fraught proposal

Newsom’s office, lawmakers and the utilities (via their Wildfire Victims First campaign, which includes few fire victims) say their motivation is ensuring fire survivors’ damages are prioritized over other plaintiffs. That means determining which survivors are most deserving, which is among the most emotional and fraught of Newsom’s proposals.

The governor would limit survivors’ damages for pain and suffering to those who lost a family member or suffered an injury. Other survivors would only get to make a non-economic damages claim if they were in the burn perimeter and had to flee, with a cap of $150,000 per person to avoid overdrawing from the state’s wildfire fund, which is paid for by utility customers and shareholders.

Gayle Nicholls Ali, an Eaton Fire survivor, protests outside the Governor’s Mansion in Sacramento on Aug. 24, 2026.

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Miguel Gutierrez Jr.

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CalMatters

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In response to survivors’ objections, the Assembly’s proposal would expand eligibility for those non-economic damages without caps, while the Senate plan would not limit eligibility and instead raise the legal bar for survivors outside the perimeter to prove the fire caused their trauma.

But a month of protests by Eaton Fire survivors opposing Newsom’s plan shows choosing how to prioritize victims remains complicated. Their group, Every Fire Survivors Network, objects to anything seeking to differentiate among fire victims.

“We are the real wildfire survivors,” a few dozen of them chanted outside the governor’s mansion Monday night, where Newsom was hosting state lawmakers for an end-of-session reception.

Gayle Nicholls-Ali’s house in Altadena burned down, and she is starting to rebuild. Her son’s home, around the corner, was not destroyed but has smoke damage. He and his wife have been living in a donated RV on the property, waiting for his insurance company to approve his claims so they can begin repairs.

Under Newsom’s proposal, she’s not sure whether her son would qualify for non-economic damages because he is a survivor who evacuated but was not physically hurt and did not lose his home.

“The mental stress alone” has been immense, she said. A retired public school teacher, Nicholls-Ali and her husband have lived in Altadena for more than 30 years, and it was her son’s dream to buy a home in the same city.

“He wanted to live near home,” she said.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.