The Brief

In an election driven by concerns over rising consumer costs, voters in Los Angeles County did something remarkable — they chose to pay more for everyday goods.

At last count, more than 57% of L.A. voters supported Measure A. It will levy a sales tax of half a cent for every dollar spent in order to pay for ongoing local homeless services and new affordable housing efforts.

The tax is projected to raise about $1.1 billion dollars a year. Most of the funding will go toward the kinds of homeless services already funded by Measure H, an existing quarter-cent tax voters approved in 2017.

More than a third of Measure A funding (35.75% to be exact) will be funneled into a new entity called the Los Angeles County Affordable Housing Solutions Agency, or LACAHSA (pronounced like the Spanish word for home, “la casa”).

LACAHSA board chair Rex Richardson, who is also the mayor of Long Beach, said Measure H was focused primarily on getting people off the street.

“The question now is, where do people go after they go into a shelter?” Richardson said. “This, finally, is a tool that answers that question.”

LACAHSA’s mandate will be to create new affordable homes, preserve L.A.’s existing lower-rent housing and prevent people from losing the housing they already have. LAist sat down with Richardson and LACAHSA’s interim CEO Ryan Johnson to talk about their plans for turning Measure A money into new affordable housing.

Another ingredient in L.A.’s alphabet soup?

LACAHSA is the new kid on the block, joining other agencies long tasked with addressing the region’s homelessness crisis. Funding for shelters and services is already coordinated by the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA). Various county and city agencies also play a role in regulating and creating new affordable housing.

“There's a bunch of letter acronym agencies across the county already,” Richardson said. “We didn't want to be one of those. We wanted to be lean and mean and focused on production.”

The difference with LACAHSA, Richardson said, will be its ability to fund new development and homelessness prevention programs — such as rental assistance and free attorneys in eviction court — county-wide, rather than through one-off efforts happening in some cities but not others.

“Things like that really help, and have proven to help keep people in their homes,” Richardson said. “Now there's dedicated funding every year, county-wide, where there's no gaps.”

Coming from private sector to “unclog” the system

Johnson, LACAHSA’s interim CEO, has worked in both for-profit and nonprofit housing development. He was recently the CEO for Fulham Square Capital, an L.A.-based firm that invests in housing catering to moderate-income workers in the Southeast and Southwest.

“That background in the private sector is going to help us bring all of those things together — lower cost per unit, faster financing,” Johnson said. “Voters are saying to us, help us unclog this system.”

Johnson said LACHASA will aim to do that through a number of strategies.

It will provide gap financing to developers who rely on multiple funding sources. It will work on extending affordability covenants and signing new deals to preserve low rents in properties that are naturally affordable. It will also explore welfare tax exemptions for certain developments, and down payment assistance to put homeownership within reach for more families.

“You'll end up with this kind of multi-faceted strategy that reduces homelessness over time,” Johnson said. “Success, to me, is folks feeling like rents aren't going up exponentially overnight, there are cranes in the sky, and there are multiple solutions and opportunities for people.”

LACAHSA Interim CEO Ryan Johnson stands above a housing construction site in Downtown Long Beach.

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David Wagner/LAist

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How much new housing will be built? 

Johnson and Richardson could not specify how many new housing units LACAHSA will create. They said goals will be outlined in the months ahead, before the tax takes effect in April 2025.

“We are required to put forward a five-year funding plan that calls our shots,” Richardson said. “That is our number one priority.”

In the run-up to the election, The Angeleno Project — a civic group focused on equity issues — commissioned a study from outside consultants that concluded Measure A could help create 18,000 new affordable housing units over the next 10 years.

Jason Ward, co-director of the RAND Center on Housing and Homelessness, believes that outlook is optimistic.

“I'd be surprised if this money could produce 12,000 units over 10 years,” he said.

Ward sees Measure A largely continuing policies that have increased costs. For example, Measure A will subject projects to construction labor agreements similar to those that led to fewer units under the city of L.A.’s Measure HHH from 2016, according to Ward’s research.

“Texas builds three [Low-Income Housing Tax Credit] units for every one unit built in California,” Ward said. “Anything the agency can do to break out of that path can really only be to the good. The way we do it now really strikes me as the way to build the least housing at the highest cost.”

What will accountability look like? 

One of the key concerns voters raised about Measure A had to do with accountability for past spending. Measure H has pumped billions of dollars into homeless services, but the region’s homeless count rose 37% since voters approved that funding.

Johnson said LACAHSA will outline specific goals and be accountable for achieving them.

“We'll have a full strategic plan by June of next year,” he said. “That is going to be our North Star in making sure we're able to provide those solutions and hit those achievable targets.”

Measure A will also create a new Citizens Oversight Committee to monitor LACAHSA’s spending.

What barriers will stand in their way? 

Most of LACAHSA’s board members are elected leaders from local governments across L.A. County. City council members and mayors in various parts of Southern California have been known to fight new housing construction in their backyards.

For example, Norwalk is being sued by the state of California for banning homeless shelters and housing. One LACAHSA board member hails from Beverly Hills, a city currently sparring with Gov. Gavin Newsom over a “builder’s remedy” project that includes low-income apartments.

“The LACAHSA board is made up of the diverse opinions across L.A. County,” Richardson said, including “small communities who may be concerned about the impacts that growth might have on their communities. But also you have communities that have really been leaders.”

Under state law, cities across Southern California have already been given goals for new housing growth, including units affordable to low-income households. Failing to adequately plan for all that new housing can have negative consequences for those cities. Johnson said those state mandates are the stick, and LACAHSA hopes to be the carrot.

“Part of our goal is bringing the smaller cities along with these larger jurisdictions,” Johnson said.

What about DC? 

Measure A’s passage was overshadowed by a much bigger change in this election: the return of former president Donald Trump to the White House. Housing experts say his administration could slash support for new low-income housing across the country, including in L.A.

“I would be absolutely shocked if there was a more generous [Low-Income Housing Tax Credit] program coming down the pipeline,” said Ward with the RAND Center.

LACAHSA’s leaders said they would have preferred federal partners who aimed to expand affordable housing support, but they’re prepared to make the most of Measure A.

“We needed a dedicated long term source of revenue so we could chart our own destiny and not rely on who is in Washington,” Johnson said.

Past and ongoing audits of homelessness spending in California have shown that outcomes are not always tracked, and money in some cases appears to have been used fraudulently. LACAHSA leaders said they understand why some are skeptical about new efforts.

“What I would say to people who are on the skeptical side is: look at what this board is going to do over the next few months,” Johnson said. “We're going to shock you with what we're going to be able to accomplish.”

Long Beach is famously surrounded by a breakwater to protect its harbor, but that massive barrier hasn’t been able to shield homes on the city’s Peninsula from hurricane-charged swells recently.

Over the last few weeks, strong waves have repeatedly stripped away sand, broken through a boardwalk bulkhead and threatened to collapse beachside homes by clawing away the sand underneath them. All of this keeps happening in a narrow stretch of homes along the Peninsula, mostly between 62nd and 69th places.

Those few blocks are vulnerable to swells coming from the south because of an opening in the breakwater and jetty that allows boat access to Alamitos Bay.

In order to protect those homes, Long Beach typically builds a sand berm to block waves. When waves rip it away, the breakwater keeps it from washing out to sea, and it instead piles up to the west near downtown (a phenomenon called littoral drift.) The city spends $1 million to $1.5 million a year on trucking that sand back to the Peninsula and rebuilding the beach.

This year, it hasn’t been enough.

El Niño’s warm waters have supercharged high tides. That, combined with hurricane-driven waves coming up from the south, has stripped so much sand away from the Peninsula’s beach that the wooden bulkhead under the coastal boardwalk has been exposed.

At high tide, breakers now slap directly against the wood, repeatedly splintering it.

The city is hoping to soon start a $11.4 million dredging project to gather enough sand to rebuild the beach and protect the boardwalk, but that can’t happen while it’s getting pounded by the surf.

There may be some relief soon. Hurricane season in the eastern Pacific runs from mid-May through November. Hurricanes later in the year are much more likely to form in the western Pacific — as opposed to the southeast — and the federal breakwater that shields Long Beach’s harbor blunts the swells that originate from the west. That’s why much of California’s western coast may still see dangerous waves through the winter, though Long Beach is usually safe.

To bolster the Peninsula’s defenses, Long Beach is now considering a $6.8 million plan to build a rock revetment — a wall of boulders that would sit behind the beach as a backup.

This aerial view of the Peninsula was included in a city report on ways to replenish its sand.

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City of Long Beach

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via Long Beach Post

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But for a long-term solution, officials say it may cost $150 million to $350 million for a full habitat and shoreline restoration — funded partly by state mitigation credits.

It’s the kind of project that would take massive amounts of approvals and planning and likely some delays. The city council, for now, has approved $30,000 to look into it further.

Not only has Gov. Gavin Newsom vocally opposed the proposed California billionaire tax, but he also wants to prevent the state from ever passing a wealth tax in the future.

On Friday he endorsed Proposition 42, a ballot measure that would cancel out Proposition 40, the proposed billionaire tax. Prop. 42 would prohibit retroactive taxes like the one-time 5% tax on assets that would apply to any billionaire who lived in California on Jan. 1, 2026, if Prop. 40 passes.

But Prop. 42, funded and placed on the ballot by billionaire and Google co-founder Sergey Brin to defeat the billionaire tax, also would go further, by banning any new taxes on personal property.

That includes pensions and 401K accounts before retirees start drawing retirement income from them. It also includes other investments, financial assets, business holdings, art collections and all other forms of personal wealth that would be affected by the billionaire tax or any future wealth tax.

Newsom’s decision to support Prop. 42 runs counter to his own Democratic Party and some labor unions. It also aligns him with some of the wealthy tech donors with whom he’s maintained longstanding relationships dating back to his days as mayor of San Francisco.

Proponents primarily argue that middle-class workers’ retirements and pension accounts should never be taxed as assets before the gains are later taxed a second time as income, even though there is no such proposal. Lawmakers have in the past proposed asset taxes but those bills went nowhere in the Legislature and any tax would require a two-thirds majority to pass. The proposed billionaire tax also exempts many kinds of retirement accounts.

“We all agree that Californians deserve to have their retirement and life savings protected from new state taxes so those savings are there when they need them,” Newsom said in a statement released by the proponents, who also include police and fire unions.

Proponents of the tax criticized his Prop. 42 endorsement as “in lock step with his billionaire backers.”

“By voting yes on Prop 42, he’s showing California his true colors,” said Debru Carthan, vice president of Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West in a statement. “He’d rather millions of children and families lose their healthcare than ask a couple hundred billionaires to finally pay their fair share.”

Newsom has not yet taken a position on Prop. 41, another Brin-backed, anti-billionaire measure that would nullify Prop. 40 by subjecting the tax revenues to certain state spending limits and audits, said spokesperson Izzy Gardon. The billionaire tax measure, funded by one healthcare union, would put 90% of the money it collects toward the state’s healthcare program for low-income residents, Medi-Cal.

Newsom, along with many other leading California Democrats and most Republicans, has vocally opposed the billionaire tax and tried to negotiate to keep it off the ballot. In general during his two terms as governor he has opposed state-level taxes on assets, out of concern the wealthy will leave the state and deprive the state of their income tax revenue.

But he has also sought to take advantage this year of a populist upswing and frustration toward tech billionaires ahead of his decision on whether to run for president after he leaves office. The California Democratic Party endorsed the billionaire tax and polling shows a slim majority of likely voters support it.

In response to the billionaire tax, Newsom this summer announced a proposal to impose a national tax on the wealthy, including a minimum tax rate on anyone with a net worth of more than $100 million. He also wants to undo corporate tax cuts that President Donald Trump and Congress approved in 2017, boost inheritance taxes and close loopholes the wealthy use to borrow from unrealized capital gains without paying income taxes.

Critics from the left have tried to use his Prop. 40 opposition against him. Last weekend as he rallied for the billionaire tax, Democratic California Rep. Ro Khanna, another possible 2028 presidential contender, said donor relations were the “only reason” for Newsom’s opposition.

“You can’t be anti-Trump and then do the bidding of Trump donors,” Khanna said in a video with progressive former congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti.

Khanna pointed to Brin, who has never donated to Newsom but has had a relationship with the governor for years. Newsom and Brin attended each other’s weddings. The tech magnate has recently also turned rightward, courting Trump’s favor.

Newsom announced his endorsement of Prop. 42 on Friday along with his positions on most of the 14 ballot measures Californians are deciding on.

He endorsed most measures on the ballot, but opposes Proposition 39, the Republican-backed voter ID measure; Proposition 43, a measure to make it more difficult to pass most local taxes; and Proposition 44, a health union-backed measure to dictate how much money clinics serving low-income patients must spend on patient care.

He hasn’t yet taken a position on Proposition 45, the business-backed measure that puts time limits on the environmental review process for new developments.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

There's a new film club in town. Think burlesque, with a dose of Mystery Science Theater 3000, and the vibe of a Rocky Horror Picture Show midnight screening — and you’ve got Sh—ty Movie Club.

Kinda.

Founder Shadie Elnashai calls his epic hangs “movie parties.” They began as get-togethers among friends in 2019, where drinking games or movie bingo are part of the experience. Since then, screenings have been held in Cairo, Tokyo and Sydney. In Los Angeles, ticketed events started in late August at venues like Clifton’s — all in celebration of films with a certain flavor.

Gems like The Apple, the over-the-top sci-fi biblical musical from 1980 where an evil music label controls the world — in the futuristic year 1994.

Or Ninja Terminator, a Hong Kong martial arts flick that its director stitched together using original footage and those from another existing film. No one at his screening, Elnashai said, was any the wiser, until he stopped the movie midway and told them.

"We actually don't use the word 'bad'. Sh—ty movie to me is awesome. It's entertaining, it's earnest, it's genuine," said Elnashai, who studied film in college. "Some people still hate it, don't get me wrong.  "

Audience members showing off their "Niu Lai"-inspired outfits.

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Fiona Ng

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LAist

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What a Sh—ty Movie Club screening is like

I got a taste of that joy and reverence, along with some 200 people at Clifton’s in downtown L.A., at a recent screening of the viral Chinese animated film Liu Nai.

The coming-of-age tale of a baby cow was made by a mother and son with zero film or animation experience — and it looked it. Those very bush-league qualities helped it go viral. The film went on to gross $9 million at the Chinese box office against a budget of under $200.

A hand-drawn poster advertising the film "Niu Lai", which translates to "Here Comes the Cow", is seen at a cinema in Beijing on August 21, 2026.

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PEDRO PARDO

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Getty Images

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Before the movie: Posters, jokes and a cow striptease 

I had read about the movie, but was never curious enough to try and see it, until I saw a social post for the screening.

At Sh—ty Movie Club, the film is the main course, with a full menu built around it. First comes a preshow that features a show-and-tell of homemade film posters by audience members (a nod to what happened in China), a call-out for bovine jokes, and, between gags, cow-related video clips (including a McDonald’s infomercial from Hong Kong) Elnashai compiled runs in the background. The indisputable climax belongs to the long, slow striptease by a woman dressed in a full cow costume.

“Each screening's a little different,” said Elnashai, whose day job is curating entertainment for private and corporate events, adding that he typically readies a few dozens assets — clips, jokes, gags — for each club screening. “There’s so much prep that goes into it.” 

Founder Shadie Elnashai designed a drinking game specifically for the screening of the viral Chinese cow movie "Niu Lai."

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Fiona Ng

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LAist

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Talking back to the screen is encouraged 

The Chinese viral cow movie itself is screened from a bootleg probably taped inside a movie theater (the film isn't in U.S. theaters or on streamers) — with jagged angles and a Chinese QR code that ricochets across to boot. Somehow, it all feels very on point.

Audiences are encouraged to talk at the movie, to chant “rewind” for an instant replay, and to abandon themselves to the film — odd but uniquely singular in its aesthetics — in the good-natured company of so many others.

“There's no rule book,” Elnashai said of many of the films screened at the club. “Each one is completely, beautifully different. Experiencing that all together is so fun for me to watch.”

Vicki Rodriguez and her family gathered at Central Library in downtown Los Angeles in September — blocks from where they lived more than half a century ago — to see their lives on Bunker Hill portrayed by a famous painter they called “Mr. Politi.”

In the 1960s, Caldecott-winning artist Leo Politi painted the historic Bunker Hill neighborhood. Thousands of people were forced by eminent domain to relocate for the modernization plan known as the Bunker Hill Redevelopment Project. Politi, who had once lived there himself, took it upon himself to sketch, then paint, some of the houses that were soon to be demolished.

“I saw these beautiful mansions being torn down,” Politi told an interviewer at KCET in 1987, “and I says, ‘I just got to start drawing them and recording them,’ so I did a lot of studies up there, and when I finished, I did the book.”

"The Veranda" by Leo Politi in "Bunker Hill, Los Angeles: Reminiscences of Bygone Days". The drawing features Ruby and Julie.

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A scan from the book.

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In 1964, he published a selection of what he captured in a book, Bunker Hill Los Angeles: Reminiscences of Bygone Days. The beloved childhood home of Vicki and her family was featured in those paintings.

Watching Mr. Politi at work

Vicki, her sister Ruby Besing, and their cousin Julie Lendt remember playing outside the house they all lived in at 221 S. Bunker Hill Avenue and watching Politi sketch.

They didn’t know then that the friendly man with an easel and paints was a lauded artist. When they saw the finished product, they were thrilled to find that Politi called them “the last children on Bunker Hill.”

Photo taken in 1960 of 221 S. Bunker Hill Ave., where the Bruce family lived.

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Historic American Buildings Survey

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Courtesy Library of Congress

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How Politi's art ended up at the library

In 1965, after displaying some of Politi’s paintings from the book, Central Library acquired 44 of his sketches and drawings for $3,000. Though collecting art isn’t typically part of the library’s mandate, librarians deemed the pictures of the now-leveled neighborhood to be of important historical value.

Vicki and her family — who relocated to Echo Park after being forced to move — learned a few years ago that several of the artworks had been put on display in the library’s children’s section.

But the picture of their family home at 221 S. Bunker Hill Avenue wasn’t one of them. It was housed in the library’s Special Collections.

The Bruce family has had a copy of Leo Politi's book on Bunker Hill for decades.

A copy of Politi’s book signed to Vicki and Ruby’s family is a prized possession.

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Courtesy Ruby Besing

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How the Bruce family came to Bunker Hill

Though Politi refers to the house in the book as belonging to their grandmother, it actually belonged to Vicki’s parents, Byron and Vaden Bruce, who’d grown up poor in Kentucky and moved west in the mid-1940s to Los Angeles in search of a better life.

Byron’s aunt, a preacher named Stasia Mobley who ran a mission on Skid Row, married the couple in May 1946. They celebrated their wedding with a dinner at Clifton’s Cafeteria, a special treat that they indulged in on their anniversary each year after.

Vaden and Byron Bruce on their wedding day at Clifton’s Cafeteria in May 1946.

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Courtesy Ruby Besing

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Byron Bruce was a musician whose sight was limited. Since he couldn’t drive, Bunker Hill was the perfect launch point from which he could walk to the many bars and clubs that dotted the downtown landscape. He was also a smart businessperson who cobbled together the money to buy a few homes around the neighborhood, sliced into apartments, which he maintained for his tenants. Vaden worked for over 30 years in the administrative office at the Sears in Boyle Heights.

Vicki, Ruby and Julie all walked down the hill each day and through the 2nd Street tunnel to Fremont Elementary School.

Leaving Bunker Hill

As they played in the streets while Politi worked to capture them, they had no idea about the yearslong battle to level their neighborhood. The Bruces never troubled their children with the unfolding drama over its purchase by eminent domain. (Those who didn’t own their home — the majority of the people evicted from Bunker Hill — were forced out without any assistance.)

When they finally had to leave in the summer of 1963, their childhood on the hill became a cherished memory.

Vicki Rodriguez, Ruby Besing and Julie Lendt pose with a sketch they’d never seen from the Leo Politi Collection at Central Library

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Lisa Napoli

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LAist

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For 30 years now, Vicki, who lives with her husband in Tujunga, has been a longtime secretary of my neighbor on the modern Bunker Hill — directly across the street from where the Bruce family once lived.

When he told me about Vicki’s roots in the neighborhood, I helped her connect with the library.

What the family found in the library's collection

Ruby Besing, librarian Ani Boyadjian, Julie Lendt and Vicki Rodriguez.

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Lisa Napoli

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LAist

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In September, Vicki, Betsy, Julie, and Vicki’s son, Jeffrey, huddled around boxes of art as librarian Ani Boyadjian carefully opened the first. The very first piece she pulled out was one depicting their Bunker Hill Avenue home. But it wasn’t the picture Politi used in the book — it was another one that the family hadn’t known about.

Looking at paintings and sketches they didn’t know existed, these last children on Bunker Hill, now in their 60s and 70s, found themselves transported back in time to their beloved neighborhood — and flabbergasted to see how much attention Politi had paid them, even Ruby’s beloved childhood pet cat, Poncho.

“To our knowledge, there were only the two paintings in the book. And then at the library, we see there are something like 15 sketches and paintings, renderings of the house we’d never seen before,” Vicki said after the visit. “It blew me away. Seeing this artwork was a dream come true.”