The Brief

Trying to figure out how much your landlord can legally increase your rent? For tenants in Southern California, it can be confusing.

State law allows annual rent hikes as large as 10% for most apartment dwellers during periods of high inflation. However, different parts of California have different rules on rent increases.

Some cities have local forms of rent control that impose much lower limits. Others have no local limits at all.

Generally, older buildings are more likely to be subject to caps on rent increases. In many newer buildings, the sky's the limit because lawmakers say rent caps on newly built properties would remove the incentive for developers to build new housing.

The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act limits the kinds of rent control cities can impose on buildings constructed since 1995. Sacramento lawmakers also have agreed to exclude buildings constructed within the past 15 years from statewide rent caps.

The upshot: Finding the answers for your specific home isn’t easy. To sort it all out, we’ve put together a short guide on rent control laws across Los Angeles and Orange counties. Each jurisdiction is presented below, alphabetically.

Of course, we’re not lawyers. We can’t tell you exactly what’s legal and what’s not for your situation. L.A.-area tenants who need further help can reach out to Stay Housed L.A., a collective of legal aid organizations funded by local governments.

Baldwin Park

Baldwin Park city officials do not know what caps their rent control law imposes on annual increases. You read that right — the city’s rent control ordinance is so confusing, even those enforcing it don’t understand what it says about rent hikes.

LAist reported on a similar situation last year. Back then, Baldwin Park had failed to post timely information online about the city’s rent caps. After LAist asked what limits landlords and tenants should adhere to, given the lack of clarity, the city updated the guidance on its website.

One year later, the city is back in the same position, unable to say exactly how much landlords can legally raise rents on tenants covered by local rent control rules. Ryan Mulligan, a housing manager with the city, told LAist that the Baldwin Park City Council would have an updated rent control ordinance to consider later this month.

“The city of Baldwin Park is in the process of updating its rent stabilization ordinance to ensure it aligns with recent changes in state housing laws and reflects current community needs,” Mulligan wrote in an email. “The city’s goal is to provide a fair, balanced and legally sound framework that protects tenants while offering clarity for property owners.”

In past years, the city had limited annual rent increases to 3.8%. That limit took effect Aug. 1, 2023, and it remained in place until a new 3.9% limit replaced it Aug. 1, 2024. Now, in November 2025, city housing staffers say landlords and tenants should continue to follow the 3.9% limit, though they acknowledge that cap is out of date.

The city's rent control rules state that annual rent hikes will be 5% or lower, depending on recent inflation statistics. But the local ordinance fails to point out which month of inflation data would determine the upcoming year’s rent hike limit.

The city’s rent caps — assuming they are clarified at some point — generally apply to multi-family housing built before Jan. 1, 1995, with exceptions for single-family homes, condos and owner-occupied duplexes.

Bell Gardens

The city calculates allowable rent increases based on 50% of the local consumer price index, or 4%, whichever is lower. The current limit is 1.5%. That cap will remain in effect until a new limit is announced. The new cap would take effect Nov. 1, 2026.

Landlords who charge less than 80% of the area’s Fair Market Rent, as determined by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, can apply to the city for permission to raise rents by an additional 3% per year.

City councilmembers in Bell Gardens voted to implement local rent control in August 2022. The city’s rent control law generally applies to apartments built before Feb. 1, 1995. Single-family homes, condos and townhomes are generally excluded.

Beverly Hills

The city of Beverly Hills allows annual rent increases of up to 3% in most rent-controlled housing. The city is scheduled to update this limit in June 2026.

However, as of Sept. 11, 2025, landlords are allowed to raise the rent 3.14% for tenants who originally moved into their housing units at rents of $600 or less and who live in buildings built before Sept. 20, 1978.

Details on how these complex rent increase rules work can be found on the city’s website. Beverly Hills’ rent control law generally applies to rental housing constructed before Feb. 1, 1995.

Cudahy

Under Cudahy’s rent control law, landlords cannot raise rents by more than 3% per year. In years when the local consumer price index is running lower than 3%, landlords must base annual rent hikes on the lower inflation figure.

The city’s maximum allowable rent increase between July 1, 2025, to June 30, 2026, is 3%.

The Cudahy City Council first passed a local rent control ordinance in June 2023. The rules generally apply to rental housing built before Feb. 1, 1995. The limits don’t apply to renters in single-family houses, condos or townhomes.

Culver City

Tenants covered by the city’s rent control rules can receive annual rent hikes of up to 3.25% for increases that take effect between Nov. 1, 2025, and Nov. 30, 2025. The city frequently updates these limits. The latest figures can be found on this website.

Culver City’s rent control ordinance allows annual increases ranging from a minimum of 2% to a maximum of 5%, depending on recent consumer price index figures.

The city’s rent control law generally applies to rental housing units built before Feb. 1, 1995. The law generally exempts single-family homes, condos and townhomes.

Inglewood

Inglewood’s highly complicated housing protection ordinance, which originally took effect in 2019, currently allows annual rent hikes of up to 10%. But the city’s rent caps can be much lower, depending on how cheap your current rent is and the size of your apartment building.

If you live in a building with five or more apartments, your landlord can raise your rent up to 3% between July 1, 2025, and June 30, 2026. That limit is based on the local consumer price index from April 2025. The city updates its allowable rent increases every May based on those figures.

However, Inglewood allows landlords with smaller buildings to impose higher rent increases. If you live in a rent-controlled apartment building with four units or fewer, your landlord can raise your rent by 8% starting July 1, 2025.

Additionally, Inglewood allows landlords to raise rents even more on tenants who pay 80% or less of the area’s “fair market rent.” Essentially, this means landlords can impose larger annual increases on those with cheaper rents.

Details on what qualifies as below "fair market rent” can be found on the city’s website. Tenants below those limits can receive rent hikes of up to 8% in buildings with five units or more — or up to 10% in buildings with four units or fewer.

The city’s limits on annual rent increases generally exempt single-family home and condo rentals (unless they’re owned by a corporate landlord), as well as any rental housing built within the past 15 years.

City of L.A.

Los Angeles landlords are currently allowed to raise rents by 3% on tenants covered by the city’s rent stabilization ordinance. The city also allows landlords to increase rents by another 1% if they pay for tenants' gas, plus another 1% if they pay for tenants' electricity. Along with the 3% baseline increase, that adds up to a total allowable rent hike of 5% if landlords cover both utilities.

This limit took effect July 1, 2025, and had been scheduled to remain in place until June 30, 2026 — unless the L.A. City Council voted to change the rules (which they have done).

It's important to note that depending on recent consumer price index figures, allowable rent increases in the city of L.A. can range from a minimum of 3% to a maximum of 8% — or up to 10% in cases where landlords cover their tenants' utility costs.

All of that is likely to change soon. On Nov.12, the City Council voted to significantly lower annual rent increases in most of the city’s apartments. Before any new rules take effect, they still need to be drafted by the City Attorney’s Office and returned to the council for a final vote.

Here's are the proposed changes:

• Rent increases would be capped at 4% annually
• An additional 2% increase for landlords who cover utilities would be eliminated.
• The exact rate each year would be equal to 90% of the change in the region’s consumer price index, a government measure of economic inflation.

Tenant advocates and some council members had pushed to lower the caps to 3%.

The current rules around rent increases follow a prolonged period of flat rents in L.A. The city banned rent hikes in rent-controlled housing during the COVID-19 pandemic. That prohibition expired Feb. 1, 2024, after remaining in place for nearly four years.

During the rent freeze, L.A. tenants filed a record number of complaints about illegal rent hikes. If you believe you received an unlawful rent hike in a city of L.A. rent-controlled apartment between April 1, 2020, and Jan. 31, 2024, you can file a complaint with the city’s housing department here.

The city’s limits generally apply to rental housing built before Oct. 1, 1978. Single-family home rentals are generally exempt. You can search for your address on the city’s ZIMAS website and click the “housing” tab on the left to find out if your home is subject to the city’s rent stabilization ordinance, or RSO.

Maywood

The city’s current limit on annual rent increases is 3%. This cap took effect on July 1, 2025, and will remain in place through June 30, 2026. The number is based on the April 2025 consumer price index.

Maywood’s City Council voted in August 2023 to implement the new rent control policy.

The southeastern L.A. city’s rules limit annual increases to 4% or the local consumer price index, whichever is lower.

Maywood’s rent control limits generally apply to rental housing built before Feb. 1, 1995. Single-family homes, condos and townhomes are generally not covered by the city’s rules.

Pasadena

The city’s current annual rent increase limit is 2.25%. This figure took effect Oct. 1, 2025, and will remain in place through Sept. 30, 2026.

Allowable increases under the city’s rent stabilization rules are equal to 75% of the region’s most recent consumer price index figures. Landlords can raise rents once per year, only after giving tenants a 30-day notice.

Rent control took root in Pasadena after voters there passed Measure H in November 2022. The city’s rules generally apply to rental properties built before Feb. 1, 1995. Condos and single-family homes are generally exempt.

Pomona

The city’s current limit on annual rent hikes is 4%.

That cap took effect Aug. 1, 2022 after the Pomona City Council passed an urgency ordinance in preparation for the passage of a permanent rent control law. The city’s website said a vote on that final ordinance was expected in October 2025.

The city’s rent hike limits generally apply to rental housing built before Feb. 1, 1995. Single-family homes, condos and townhomes are generally exempt.

Santa Ana

The city currently caps annual rent increases in rent-controlled housing at 2.42%. That limit took effect Sept. 1, 2025, and is set to remain in place through Aug. 31, 2026.

The city’s rules limit rent hikes to 80% of the local consumer price index or 3%, whichever is lower. The law, adopted in late 2021, generally applies to apartments built before Feb. 1, 1995.

Santa Monica

Currently, the city generally limits annual rent increases to 2.3% for covered units, with a maximum increase of $60 per month. That cap is set to continue until Sept. 1, 2026, when a new limit will be announced.

Voters in Santa Monica approved a ballot measure in November 2022 lowering allowable annual rent hikes to 3%, or a maximum of $70 per month. Just before that vote, in September 2022, Santa Monica’s rent control board had approved a 6% increase, with a cap of $140 per month. The ballot measure invalidated those higher increases.

Rent control in Santa Monica generally applies to apartments built before April 10, 1979.

West Hollywood

The city currently allows annual rent increases of up to 2.25% in rent-controlled housing. The limit took effect Sept. 1, 2025, and will remain in place through Aug. 31, 2026.

The city’s rent control rules generally apply to rental properties with two or more units that were first occupied before July 1, 1979.

The city calculates allowable increases using a formula based on 75% of the local consumer price index.

Unincorporated L.A. County

Annual rent hikes of up to 1.93% are now allowed in many rent-controlled housing units located in unincorporated areas of L.A. County. That limit took effect on July 1, 2025, and is scheduled to last through June 30, 2026.

But there are exceptions that allow for higher increases. Small landlords who testify to the county that they own no more than 10 rental housing units can raise rents up to 2.93% during this period. Mobile home tenants can receive an increase of up to 3%. And if your apartment is considered a “luxury unit” under the county’s rules, your landlord can raise your rent by 3.93%

The county’s rules generally limit rent hikes to no more than 3% — or less, based on a 60% of consumer price index formula. However, small landlords and luxury-unit owners can further increase rents by another 1% or 2%, respectively.

Confused about what an “unincorporated area” is exactly? Let’s break it down.

There are 88 incorporated cities across L.A. County. But many areas are not incorporated and are instead subject to rules passed by the county’s elected leaders. One in 10 county residents lives in an unincorporated area, including places like East Los Angeles, Florence-Graham and Altadena.

Many renters in these areas live in properties subject to the county’s rent stabilization ordinance. Those rules generally apply to rental housing in unincorporated areas built before Feb. 1, 1995.

Other cities

Many incorporated cities in L.A. do not have local forms of rent control. For a 2022 story about inflation and rising rents, we interviewed tenants in Burbank facing rent hikes of 10%. Those tenants were receiving such large increases in part because they lived in a city that does not impose local limits on annual rent hikes.

Even if your city lacks rent control, you may still be covered by a 2019 state law called the California Tenant Protection Act (also known as AB 1482). That law is meant to stop landlords from passing on very large rent increases to tenants across the state who live in areas without local rent control.

There are some exceptions. Newly constructed housing is not covered by this law. That means if you live in an apartment built within the past 15 years, these limits do not apply to your situation. But if your building is older than that, your unit is likely subject to the Tenant Protection Act’s limits on annual rent hikes.

The state law's rent increase limit is currently 8% for L.A. and Orange counties. That went into effect Aug. 1, 2025, and is based on more recent consumer price index figures. It's slightly down from last year's 8.9% maximum.

The law establishes a new annual baseline in August of each year. The rate is determined by the local consumer price index from April. State law sets the maximum allowed rent increase at 5% plus the local consumer price index (which was 3% in L.A. and Orange counties in April 2024) — or 10%, whichever is lower.

Typically, local rules take precedence over the state law. So if you live somewhere with stricter rent control, your landlord will have to comply with the lower local caps on rent increases.

Twice a month, a popular night spot in Koreatown is transformed into a makeshift boot camp for a cadre of gamers to achieve mastery of old-school arcade games.

Their recent goal: training to take home the prize at the EVO esport championship in Las Vegas this weekend – where the main attraction is the latest edition of the ‘80s franchise, Street Fighter 6 – and to put SoCal on the map.

The Down Back Club (DBC) meets every other Tuesday at Mama Lion on Western Avenue, the longstanding Koreatown bar.

Down Back Club at Mama Lion in Koreatown.

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The dimly lit cocktail lounge near the Wiltern is typically more of a setting for a first date or a casual business meet-up. But gathered under its chandeliers earlier this month was a group of about 100 people, staring into screens big and small, fingers deftly working a controller stick, as they practice the “down-back” – one of the foundational maneuvers in Street Fighter where a player pushes the down and back buttons together, sending their character into a crouched blocking position.

And yes, the club is named after said move.

From arcade to the living room ...

When Street Fighter debuted in 1987, players played side by side in the arcade, then later, via home consoles in living rooms.

“You were playing IRL,” says Daniel Collette, 30, co-founder of DBC. “Because the core concept of the genre is that you are competing against the person sitting next to you.”

Inevitably, gaming moved online, making for a more isolating experience. Collette, a longtime gamer who’s worked in the gaming industry as a producer and writer, wanted to bring back that human interaction.

Down Back Club.

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Gamers gather at Down Back Club to get better at Street Fighter 6.

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... to now a Koreatown bar

The Down Back Club started in 2023 primarily for hardcore gamers at a small brewery in downtown L.A.’s Arts District. The club moved to Mama Lion last year, as participants expanded to include all levels of play.

One player training at DBC with high hopes for EVO this weekend is Gregory Wells, 26, a local high school field and track coach. He says people in the club lift each other up, but camaraderie isn’t the only reason why he goes.

“Once I started going, I've learned so much more from playing people in person, being able to get instant feedback.”

While personal connection is the goal, the night is structured around tournaments where players pay $20 to compete. First place comes with about $100 in cash prize, Collette says, depending on the bracket size. Spectator attend for free. Besides Street Fighter 6, other standard games at DBC include Tekken 8, 2XKO, Guilty Gear Strive.

While large cash prizes and big prestige are on the line tournaments like EVO, regulars say it’s also about upping the profile of L.A. players in the international scene.

Bragging rights

Gamers at Down Back Club.

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“The goal is that everybody gets really good. So when we all go to a tournament, SoCal f**ks everybody up,” says Paul DeCuir, 42, a kitchen worker and Street Fighter veteran who plays as DeeJay — the happy-go-lucky Jamaican kickboxer.

Historically, Japanese players have dominated. A main reason, DeCuir says, is because videogames occupy a higher cultural perch in Japan than in the U.S.

The idea of someone pouring hours into upskilling at a single videogame may seem baffling to most folks outside the community, but for some players, that discipline has seeped into other areas of life.

Like Daniel Chong, 34, another veteran player and a chef who worked at Nobu and other noted restaurants.

“You need to go! You need to just trust yourself, and any hesitation will get you killed,” he says, kind of like working in a busy and high-stress kitchen. “So it's very in the moment. Nothing else matters – that's kind of what it feels like playing in a tournament.”

In April 2023, the FBI discovered that Rafael Silva, an officer with the Delano Police Department in California’s Central Valley, had made violent threats against transgender people on TikTok.

Under a pseudonym, Silva posted several comments that the FBI found imminently dangerous. One read, “You ain’t safe. We finna change your pronouns soon. Was/were.” Another said that Silva’s “AR will track y’all down.” And yet another read, “The only power you’ll see is the one from a barrel and a 9mm,” according to investigative documents.

Silva is one of the 148 California law enforcement officers who engaged in explicitly biased conduct between 2014 and 2024, according to an investigation by The California Newsroom and UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program. Records show the officers used racist, sexist and homophobic slurs; mocked transgender people; made violent comments about Black people; and demeaned members of the public, co-workers and incarcerated people, records show.

Yet only about 12% were fired because of their conduct. Silva was not one of them. After leaving Delano, he went on to work for police departments in Avenal and Wasco.

The news organizations reviewed thousands of pages of internal affairs investigations, disciplinary records and court filings obtained from nearly 500 law enforcement and oversight agencies. The records show that some officers accused of overtly biased behavior often faced limited consequences, such as a letter of reprimand or training.

The California Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training, or POST, determines whether to decertify officers, barring them from working in law enforcement in the state. However, the responsibility to investigate misconduct and impose discipline generally falls to individual agencies and local oversight boards, according to POST.

An investigation of California law enforcement records found officers accused of racist, sexist and anti-LGBTQ conduct often remained employed.

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Despite that system, more than 40% of officers identified by the news organizations still work in California law enforcement, excluding corrections officers.

Silva did not respond to requests for comment. The Delano Police Department confirmed that Silva worked there until 2023, but declined further comment.

Attorneys, law enforcement officials and academics said the behavior erodes public trust, raises questions about officers’ credibility in court and undermines efforts to recruit and retain diverse police forces.

Law enforcement officers stand guard during a protest on June 14, 2025, in Los Angeles. 

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Law enforcement officers should be held to a high standard, said Vida Johnson, a Georgetown University law professor who has testified before Congress on white supremacy and policing.

Johnson said people who express explicit bias have no place in law enforcement.

“With such an important job, if someone is exhibiting any type of bias against a member of their community, I just don’t think they should have that job,” she said.

How biased conduct can undermine public trust and the courts

When officers exhibit explicit bias, it erodes trust between law enforcement and the communities they are sworn to protect.

“It undermines our cohesion as a country when you have different perceptions of who our institutions work on behalf of,” Johnson said.

Experts said bias against protected groups — including Black people, LGBTQ people and immigrants — sends a clear message to those communities: We are not here to serve you.

A billboard put up by the Orange County District Attorney’s office that reads, “crime doesn’t pay in Orange County. If you steal, we prosecute,” stands on the southbound 710 Freeway near Del Amo Boulevard in Long Beach, California, on March 11, 2024.

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In a 2022 case, Orange County District Attorney’s Office investigator Eric Franke called a security guard who had asked him to leave a building an “angry Black lady.” In a separate incident, he remarked that Mexican people drink excessively. He received a letter of reprimand and still works for the DA’s office.

In separate cases in 2015 and 2018, Los Angeles Police Officer Armando Magana and San Diego Police Officer Alan Dyemartin ridiculed people for not speaking English. Both received letters of reprimand and kept their jobs.

The LAPD declined to comment on the incident for this story. Spokespersons for the Orange County DA’s office and the San Diego Police Department said the agencies take prejudiced behavior seriously and noted that both employees were disciplined. Franke did not comment. Magana declined to comment, and Dyemartin did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

The distrust created by explicitly biased behavior can have real-world consequences, experts said.

When people believe police are prejudiced against them, they are less likely to call 911 or seek help from law enforcement, according to Stefan Vogler, an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.

Vogler and other experts refer to this as the “overpolicing, underprotection paradox,” a phenomenon they say is common in communities of color and LGBTQ communities.

“They’re not getting the services that they’re promised by the state,” Vogler said.

Explicit bias can also undermine trust in the courtroom.

“You become concerned about using their testimony without corroboration,” said Richard Drooyan, former Los Angeles police commissioner. Drooyan recalled the O.J. Simpson case, when defense attorneys used audio recordings and witnesses to discredit an officer who had been a key witness.

Under the Supreme Court decision in Brady v. Maryland, defense attorneys have a right to any information that impacts the credibility of officers who are called to testify.

For justice to be served, it’s imperative that information affecting an officer’s credibility makes its way before the court, said Joseph Trigilio, a Loyola Marymount University law professor and executive director of the Loyola Project for the Innocent.

“A fact finder should look at all that and consider it,” he said. “A jury should hear all of that and ask that question.”

Reporters requested lists of officers whose records must be disclosed to the defense if they’re called to testify, commonly called Brady lists, from every district attorney’s office in counties where the investigation found cases of biased behavior. One office — the Madera County District Attorney’s Office — said it does not maintain such a list. Several district attorneys said they could not locate Brady material on the officers in question, while most declined to say whether the officers appeared on their lists.

Bias extended beyond the public to incarcerated people and fellow officers

The investigation also revealed dozens of instances of biased behavior against Black people, including 23 officers who were disciplined for using the n-word.

“In our profession, there’s no room for us to be able to do that,” said Sheryl Victorian, the chief of police in Waco, Texas, who advocates for strong relationships between police and the communities they serve.

The cases include a number of officers who made comments or shared images mocking George Floyd in the wake of his murder by Minneapolis Police Officer Derek Chauvin. Two weeks after Floyd’s death, an officer shared a meme congratulating Floyd on being “2 weeks drug free.” Another shared a photo of Floyd being held on his stomach with a photoshopped image of a naked man sitting on him.

Two children view a mural of George Floyd in Minneapolis on Friday, as a Hennepin County court weighed the sentence to impose on former police officer Derek Chauvin. 

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Ben Grunwald, a law professor at Duke University, said negative bias is especially troubling because of the vast power given to police officers. He described officers as “street-level bureaucrats” with the capacity to use force, arrest people and put them in jail.

“The idea that these decisions that are really high stakes might be influenced by things like racism, sexism, homophobia — those should raise really serious concerns for everyone,” he said.

More than half of the 61 correctional officers identified by the investigation were still employed at the end of 2024, according to state controller data. CDCR, which employs more law enforcement officers than any other state agency, would not confirm whether they remain employed today.

In two cases at Pelican Bay State Prison, officers made casual comments about killing or shooting at Black people, and both received reprimands. At the California Men’s Colony, an officer taunted a transgender inmate to put lipstick on before going out to the yard, and the officer’s salary was temporarily reduced.

In response to questions from The California Newsroom and UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program, a CDCR spokesperson said the agency takes corrective and disciplinary action when appropriate and that it has “implemented new staff misconduct regulations, designed with the goals of eliminating bias, increasing transparency and improving staff accountability.”

Correctional officers wield immense power over incarcerated people, who depend on them for their basic needs and access to programs that can help them successfully reenter society, said James King, program director for the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights, a criminal justice reform organization.

“It becomes much deeper than mere words because there’s so much power and authority behind those words,” King said.

Witnessing prejudiced behavior, even when it happens between officers, undermines rehabilitation, he said.

James King stands for a portrait outside the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights in Oakland, California, on June 9, 2026. King, who is formerly incarcerated, is now Director of Programs at the Ella Baker Center, where he oversees and works on legislation that provides opportunity for communities that have historically been left out of policy considerations. 

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“If we are really committed to creating a safer world for all of us, then it starts with how we treat people, even as they are incarcerated and preparing to return to society,” he said.

Most of the cases we analyzed — 79% — involved comments or actions between police officers and other members of the criminal justice system, including fellow officers, court clerks, civilian employees and even a judge while court was in session.

In the case files, officers described how explicit bias in the workplace impacted them.

In the Southern California city of Orange, a Black officer reported applying to a different law enforcement agency due to Orange Police Sgt. Darrin Hall’s use of racist jokes and homophobic slurs in the workplace between 2020 and 2022. Hall received a letter stating that he would be demoted and retired later that month.

The Orange Police Department declined to comment on the incident, as it was a personnel matter.

A Los Angeles police officer wears an AXON body camera.

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Drooyan, the former L.A. police commissioner, said prejudiced behavior can create difficult working relationships between officers, leading to a morale problem, and even physical danger in high-risk or volatile environments.

“When they get into a tough situation, if they can’t trust each other, I think it becomes problematic,” he said.

Grunwald said fraught relations among law enforcement officers pose an existential problem as law enforcement leaders are trying to diversify their ranks.

“At a time when police departments are really struggling to retain good officers, and especially at a time when [departments] are struggling to attain officers of color, you’d think that this could be an important area of policy,” he said.

Uneven discipline allowed many officers to remain on the job

Despite the seriousness of explicitly biased behavior — and the fact that it can get an officer decertified — discipline varied across the 148 officers in the investigation.

Of these officers, 39% were demoted, suspended or had their pay reduced. About 20% received a letter of reprimand or were ordered to undergo training — discipline that may not permanently remain in their personnel files.

Experts said the cases uncovered by the investigation likely represent only a fraction of incidents involving explicit bias.

“We have every reason to believe that most of these types of incidents go unreported,” Johnson, the Georgetown law professor, said. “The Blue Wall of Silence. The fact that people are fearful of police. Making a police complaint isn’t easy.”

Even with those barriers, people filed more than 19,600 complaints alleging prejudiced behavior by California law enforcement officers between 2016 and 2024, according to data submitted to the state. Agencies sustained just 349 of those complaints. The figures do not include racially biased traffic stops.

Reporters were only able to examine cases that fell within a narrow band of misconduct dictated by California’s public records laws.

King said officers like Silva, the Delano police officer who threatened to shoot and kill transgender people, are not simply just “a few bad apples.”

“Law enforcement [officers] develop deep-seated cultures that you cannot train away, you cannot address through the hiring process or through the selection process,” he said.

Swift, appropriate action — via verbal reprimand, retraining or more severe discipline — is key to creating a culture of service to the community, according to Victorian, the Waco police chief.

“If nobody actually addresses the behavior when it occurs, then they continue to talk that way, and that behavior becomes acceptable,” she said.

Some officers appealed discipline and succeeded in having penalties reduced at least 38 times. Others resigned before agencies completed disciplinary proceedings.

Silva was allowed to resign rather than be terminated. The California Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training declined to decertify him.

The city of Wasco confirmed that Silva was still one of its police officers as of June 24, 2026.

Nicole Nguyen of Stanford’s Big Local News and Marquis Mahone-Chambers, Katey Rusch, Elizabeth Santos and Julian Wray of UC Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program contributed to this story. A grant from the Google News Initiative supported the project.

About the data analysis

The Police Records Access Project obtains records from law enforcement and oversight agencies across California involving cases in which agencies determined that officers violated certain policies, including policies prohibiting prejudice against members of protected groups. Project staff compile those files and use algorithms to identify cases in which agencies found policy violations. Staff then review the records to confirm that an agency sustained the allegation.

Reporters from The California Newsroom and UC Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program searched the text of the files and AI-generated summaries of misconduct cases using slurs and terms such as “racist” and “prejudice” to identify cases for further review. Reporters consulted academics, attorneys and law enforcement officials to develop a definition of explicit bias. Three journalists analyzed the cases to determine whether officers exhibited explicit bias against members of a protected group. Experts also reviewed a subset of cases.

To determine whether officers challenged discipline or sought to seal misconduct records, reporters searched local courts for civil lawsuits. Staff also obtained certification and employment records from POST and the state controller’s office to determine whether officers remained employed in law enforcement, including those working for CDCR.

Reporters reached out to district attorneys in the counties where we identified officers who were disciplined for biased conduct to determine if they were on Brady lists. While a few offices confirmed that the officers did not appear in their Brady materials, most said those records are exempt from public disclosure and declined to provide the information.