The Brief

Trying to figure out how much your landlord can legally increase your rent? For tenants in Southern California, it can be confusing.

State law allows annual rent hikes as large as 10% for most apartment dwellers during periods of high inflation. However, different parts of California have different rules on rent increases.

Some cities have local forms of rent control that impose much lower limits. Others have no local limits at all.

Generally, older buildings are more likely to be subject to caps on rent increases. In many newer buildings, the sky's the limit because lawmakers say rent caps on newly built properties would remove the incentive for developers to build new housing.

The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act limits the kinds of rent control cities can impose on buildings constructed since 1995. Sacramento lawmakers also have agreed to exclude buildings constructed within the past 15 years from statewide rent caps.

The upshot: Finding the answers for your specific home isn’t easy. To sort it all out, we’ve put together a short guide on rent control laws across Los Angeles and Orange counties. Each jurisdiction is presented below, alphabetically.

Of course, we’re not lawyers. We can’t tell you exactly what’s legal and what’s not for your situation. L.A.-area tenants who need further help can reach out to Stay Housed L.A., a collective of legal aid organizations funded by local governments.

Baldwin Park

Baldwin Park city officials do not know what caps their rent control law imposes on annual increases. You read that right — the city’s rent control ordinance is so confusing, even those enforcing it don’t understand what it says about rent hikes.

LAist reported on a similar situation last year. Back then, Baldwin Park had failed to post timely information online about the city’s rent caps. After LAist asked what limits landlords and tenants should adhere to, given the lack of clarity, the city updated the guidance on its website.

One year later, the city is back in the same position, unable to say exactly how much landlords can legally raise rents on tenants covered by local rent control rules. Ryan Mulligan, a housing manager with the city, told LAist that the Baldwin Park City Council would have an updated rent control ordinance to consider later this month.

“The city of Baldwin Park is in the process of updating its rent stabilization ordinance to ensure it aligns with recent changes in state housing laws and reflects current community needs,” Mulligan wrote in an email. “The city’s goal is to provide a fair, balanced and legally sound framework that protects tenants while offering clarity for property owners.”

In past years, the city had limited annual rent increases to 3.8%. That limit took effect Aug. 1, 2023, and it remained in place until a new 3.9% limit replaced it Aug. 1, 2024. Now, in November 2025, city housing staffers say landlords and tenants should continue to follow the 3.9% limit, though they acknowledge that cap is out of date.

The city's rent control rules state that annual rent hikes will be 5% or lower, depending on recent inflation statistics. But the local ordinance fails to point out which month of inflation data would determine the upcoming year’s rent hike limit.

The city’s rent caps — assuming they are clarified at some point — generally apply to multi-family housing built before Jan. 1, 1995, with exceptions for single-family homes, condos and owner-occupied duplexes.

Bell Gardens

The city calculates allowable rent increases based on 50% of the local consumer price index, or 4%, whichever is lower. The current limit is 1.5%. That cap will remain in effect until a new limit is announced. The new cap would take effect Nov. 1, 2026.

Landlords who charge less than 80% of the area’s Fair Market Rent, as determined by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, can apply to the city for permission to raise rents by an additional 3% per year.

City councilmembers in Bell Gardens voted to implement local rent control in August 2022. The city’s rent control law generally applies to apartments built before Feb. 1, 1995. Single-family homes, condos and townhomes are generally excluded.

Beverly Hills

The city of Beverly Hills allows annual rent increases of up to 3% in most rent-controlled housing. The city is scheduled to update this limit in June 2026.

However, as of Sept. 11, 2025, landlords are allowed to raise the rent 3.14% for tenants who originally moved into their housing units at rents of $600 or less and who live in buildings built before Sept. 20, 1978.

Details on how these complex rent increase rules work can be found on the city’s website. Beverly Hills’ rent control law generally applies to rental housing constructed before Feb. 1, 1995.

Cudahy

Under Cudahy’s rent control law, landlords cannot raise rents by more than 3% per year. In years when the local consumer price index is running lower than 3%, landlords must base annual rent hikes on the lower inflation figure.

The city’s maximum allowable rent increase between July 1, 2025, to June 30, 2026, is 3%.

The Cudahy City Council first passed a local rent control ordinance in June 2023. The rules generally apply to rental housing built before Feb. 1, 1995. The limits don’t apply to renters in single-family houses, condos or townhomes.

Culver City

Tenants covered by the city’s rent control rules can receive annual rent hikes of up to 3.25% for increases that take effect between Nov. 1, 2025, and Nov. 30, 2025. The city frequently updates these limits. The latest figures can be found on this website.

Culver City’s rent control ordinance allows annual increases ranging from a minimum of 2% to a maximum of 5%, depending on recent consumer price index figures.

The city’s rent control law generally applies to rental housing units built before Feb. 1, 1995. The law generally exempts single-family homes, condos and townhomes.

Inglewood

Inglewood’s highly complicated housing protection ordinance, which originally took effect in 2019, currently allows annual rent hikes of up to 10%. But the city’s rent caps can be much lower, depending on how cheap your current rent is and the size of your apartment building.

If you live in a building with five or more apartments, your landlord can raise your rent up to 3% between July 1, 2025, and June 30, 2026. That limit is based on the local consumer price index from April 2025. The city updates its allowable rent increases every May based on those figures.

However, Inglewood allows landlords with smaller buildings to impose higher rent increases. If you live in a rent-controlled apartment building with four units or fewer, your landlord can raise your rent by 8% starting July 1, 2025.

Additionally, Inglewood allows landlords to raise rents even more on tenants who pay 80% or less of the area’s “fair market rent.” Essentially, this means landlords can impose larger annual increases on those with cheaper rents.

Details on what qualifies as below "fair market rent” can be found on the city’s website. Tenants below those limits can receive rent hikes of up to 8% in buildings with five units or more — or up to 10% in buildings with four units or fewer.

The city’s limits on annual rent increases generally exempt single-family home and condo rentals (unless they’re owned by a corporate landlord), as well as any rental housing built within the past 15 years.

City of L.A.

Los Angeles landlords are currently allowed to raise rents by 3% on tenants covered by the city’s rent stabilization ordinance. The city also allows landlords to increase rents by another 1% if they pay for tenants' gas, plus another 1% if they pay for tenants' electricity. Along with the 3% baseline increase, that adds up to a total allowable rent hike of 5% if landlords cover both utilities.

This limit took effect July 1, 2025, and had been scheduled to remain in place until June 30, 2026 — unless the L.A. City Council voted to change the rules (which they have done).

It's important to note that depending on recent consumer price index figures, allowable rent increases in the city of L.A. can range from a minimum of 3% to a maximum of 8% — or up to 10% in cases where landlords cover their tenants' utility costs.

All of that is likely to change soon. On Nov.12, the City Council voted to significantly lower annual rent increases in most of the city’s apartments. Before any new rules take effect, they still need to be drafted by the City Attorney’s Office and returned to the council for a final vote.

Here's are the proposed changes:

• Rent increases would be capped at 4% annually
• An additional 2% increase for landlords who cover utilities would be eliminated.
• The exact rate each year would be equal to 90% of the change in the region’s consumer price index, a government measure of economic inflation.

Tenant advocates and some council members had pushed to lower the caps to 3%.

The current rules around rent increases follow a prolonged period of flat rents in L.A. The city banned rent hikes in rent-controlled housing during the COVID-19 pandemic. That prohibition expired Feb. 1, 2024, after remaining in place for nearly four years.

During the rent freeze, L.A. tenants filed a record number of complaints about illegal rent hikes. If you believe you received an unlawful rent hike in a city of L.A. rent-controlled apartment between April 1, 2020, and Jan. 31, 2024, you can file a complaint with the city’s housing department here.

The city’s limits generally apply to rental housing built before Oct. 1, 1978. Single-family home rentals are generally exempt. You can search for your address on the city’s ZIMAS website and click the “housing” tab on the left to find out if your home is subject to the city’s rent stabilization ordinance, or RSO.

Maywood

The city’s current limit on annual rent increases is 3%. This cap took effect on July 1, 2025, and will remain in place through June 30, 2026. The number is based on the April 2025 consumer price index.

Maywood’s City Council voted in August 2023 to implement the new rent control policy.

The southeastern L.A. city’s rules limit annual increases to 4% or the local consumer price index, whichever is lower.

Maywood’s rent control limits generally apply to rental housing built before Feb. 1, 1995. Single-family homes, condos and townhomes are generally not covered by the city’s rules.

Pasadena

The city’s current annual rent increase limit is 2.25%. This figure took effect Oct. 1, 2025, and will remain in place through Sept. 30, 2026.

Allowable increases under the city’s rent stabilization rules are equal to 75% of the region’s most recent consumer price index figures. Landlords can raise rents once per year, only after giving tenants a 30-day notice.

Rent control took root in Pasadena after voters there passed Measure H in November 2022. The city’s rules generally apply to rental properties built before Feb. 1, 1995. Condos and single-family homes are generally exempt.

Pomona

The city’s current limit on annual rent hikes is 4%.

That cap took effect Aug. 1, 2022 after the Pomona City Council passed an urgency ordinance in preparation for the passage of a permanent rent control law. The city’s website said a vote on that final ordinance was expected in October 2025.

The city’s rent hike limits generally apply to rental housing built before Feb. 1, 1995. Single-family homes, condos and townhomes are generally exempt.

Santa Ana

The city currently caps annual rent increases in rent-controlled housing at 2.42%. That limit took effect Sept. 1, 2025, and is set to remain in place through Aug. 31, 2026.

The city’s rules limit rent hikes to 80% of the local consumer price index or 3%, whichever is lower. The law, adopted in late 2021, generally applies to apartments built before Feb. 1, 1995.

Santa Monica

Currently, the city generally limits annual rent increases to 2.3% for covered units, with a maximum increase of $60 per month. That cap is set to continue until Sept. 1, 2026, when a new limit will be announced.

Voters in Santa Monica approved a ballot measure in November 2022 lowering allowable annual rent hikes to 3%, or a maximum of $70 per month. Just before that vote, in September 2022, Santa Monica’s rent control board had approved a 6% increase, with a cap of $140 per month. The ballot measure invalidated those higher increases.

Rent control in Santa Monica generally applies to apartments built before April 10, 1979.

West Hollywood

The city currently allows annual rent increases of up to 2.25% in rent-controlled housing. The limit took effect Sept. 1, 2025, and will remain in place through Aug. 31, 2026.

The city’s rent control rules generally apply to rental properties with two or more units that were first occupied before July 1, 1979.

The city calculates allowable increases using a formula based on 75% of the local consumer price index.

Unincorporated L.A. County

Annual rent hikes of up to 1.93% are now allowed in many rent-controlled housing units located in unincorporated areas of L.A. County. That limit took effect on July 1, 2025, and is scheduled to last through June 30, 2026.

But there are exceptions that allow for higher increases. Small landlords who testify to the county that they own no more than 10 rental housing units can raise rents up to 2.93% during this period. Mobile home tenants can receive an increase of up to 3%. And if your apartment is considered a “luxury unit” under the county’s rules, your landlord can raise your rent by 3.93%

The county’s rules generally limit rent hikes to no more than 3% — or less, based on a 60% of consumer price index formula. However, small landlords and luxury-unit owners can further increase rents by another 1% or 2%, respectively.

Confused about what an “unincorporated area” is exactly? Let’s break it down.

There are 88 incorporated cities across L.A. County. But many areas are not incorporated and are instead subject to rules passed by the county’s elected leaders. One in 10 county residents lives in an unincorporated area, including places like East Los Angeles, Florence-Graham and Altadena.

Many renters in these areas live in properties subject to the county’s rent stabilization ordinance. Those rules generally apply to rental housing in unincorporated areas built before Feb. 1, 1995.

Other cities

Many incorporated cities in L.A. do not have local forms of rent control. For a 2022 story about inflation and rising rents, we interviewed tenants in Burbank facing rent hikes of 10%. Those tenants were receiving such large increases in part because they lived in a city that does not impose local limits on annual rent hikes.

Even if your city lacks rent control, you may still be covered by a 2019 state law called the California Tenant Protection Act (also known as AB 1482). That law is meant to stop landlords from passing on very large rent increases to tenants across the state who live in areas without local rent control.

There are some exceptions. Newly constructed housing is not covered by this law. That means if you live in an apartment built within the past 15 years, these limits do not apply to your situation. But if your building is older than that, your unit is likely subject to the Tenant Protection Act’s limits on annual rent hikes.

The state law's rent increase limit is currently 8% for L.A. and Orange counties. That went into effect Aug. 1, 2025, and is based on more recent consumer price index figures. It's slightly down from last year's 8.9% maximum.

The law establishes a new annual baseline in August of each year. The rate is determined by the local consumer price index from April. State law sets the maximum allowed rent increase at 5% plus the local consumer price index (which was 3% in L.A. and Orange counties in April 2024) — or 10%, whichever is lower.

Typically, local rules take precedence over the state law. So if you live somewhere with stricter rent control, your landlord will have to comply with the lower local caps on rent increases.

In Los Angeles, Thai food is something many of us take for granted — as central to how Angelenos eat as tacos or sushi. But in 1969, when one of the first Thai restaurants, Chao Krung, opened its doors, the cuisine was so unfamiliar that its owners had to offer Chinese dishes to put customers at ease.

"My mom had a chalkboard — barbecue chicken, wonton soup, chow mein," recalled Amanda Maneesilasan of her mother, Supa Kuntee. "She'd start seeing people coming in, and then slowly introduce them to something Thai."

The restaurant mostly served L.A.'s scattered Thai community — years before Thai Town existed.

Boon and Supa Kuntee, along with Supa's sister, Nillaung, opened Chao Krung’s first location, a small storefront on Western Avenue, not long after the couple arrived in California in pursuit of a better education and a better life.

The family later closed that location for a second spot on Hollywood Boulevard, a narrow, single storefront where the same struggle to explain Thai food to Angelenos continued — and the same Chinese menu holdovers stuck around to keep customers coming in.

It wasn't until the family opened its third and current location on Fairfax Avenue in 1972 that Chao Krung began to take the shape it's known as today.

As Thai food became more popular and moved into the mainstream in the '70s and '80s, its clientele grew, boosted by staffers at nearby CBS Television City. You can see family photos in the space spanning the past few decades, in between statues of the Thai Buddha and colorful tapestries, showcasing Los Angeles' restaurant history.

Sisters Katy Noochlaor (left) and Amanda Maneesilasan (right), second-generation owners of Chao Krung, behind the bar.

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Courtesy Chao Krung Thai

)

Second generation

As children, Maneesilasan and her sister, Katy Noochlaor, grew up in the restaurant — doing homework between tables, playing behind the building — wherever the family was, they were there, too.

Which is why it made sense in 2017 for them to step into their parents’ shoes. "We knew we would take over the restaurant," Noochlaor said. "We live and breathe that restaurant."

The menu still had vestiges of the original compromise their parents had to make to survive. The sisters, however, were determined to restore it to its true Thai roots.

For Maneesilasan, learning to make green curry from her grandmother was a turning point, almost a lightbulb moment, in her understanding of the cuisine.

Weekly curry nights

As part of the reclamation effort, the sisters have unveiled a new weekly Kanom Jeen Curry Night, Wednesdays only, which features a trio of curries and grilled skewers.

When I visited, small ceramic vats of curry crowded the table, alongside plates of rice noodles — steam still rising, their funky aroma enough to make a famished stomach growl.

The curries consist of Gang Kieaow Waan Gai, the green curry recipe they learned from their grandmother, made with chicken, a coconut curry base, fresh herbs, Thai eggplant and Thai chili.

Mae's Nam Ya Trout is made with tender bits of trout in a Southern Thai coconut curry, built on house-ground red curry paste, and is the most labor-intensive of the three, taking about five hours to complete. The Nam Prik is a roasted chili curry with smoky herbs and nutty undertones from peanuts. The layered flavors are savory, but when mixed with rice noodles, fresh vegetables, and dried chilies, they take on a new dimension — silky smooth at first, then leaving your lips burning the next.

A selection of Ping Ping skewers at Chao Krung, including roasted eggplant, lemongrass chicken, beef satay, and shrimp, alongside Isaan-style pork sausage.

(

Sydney Yorkshire

/

Courtesy Chao Krung

)

"Curry is so important in Thai culture, it's part of our tradition," Maneesilasan said. On the trout curry specifically: "I can guarantee you can't find this anywhere else."

The skewers range from house-made Isaan-style sausage to a surprisingly spicy eggplant, glazed with roasted chili, garlic, and makrut lime leaf — a welcome kick from a vegetable so often relegated to the sidelines.

In addition to taking over the family restaurant, the sisters have also built their own ventures over the years — Tuk Tuk Thai, a street-food-driven spot now on Sawtelle, and Ban Ban Burger, a Thai-inflected smashburger concept located next door.

This fall, a second Ban Ban Burger location opens next door to Chao Krung on Fairfax, with the wall between the two restaurants coming down to make way for an archway connecting them. It's a literal and symbolic union of the family's two generational concepts under one roof.

It’s been nearly 600 days since the L.A. fires became one of the most destructive in U.S. history, yet the federal government has still not appropriated more than $15 billion in long-term recovery funds to help survivors get back home. That’s longer than the previous record of 500 days survivors of the Maui fires had to wait, according to After the Fire USA.

“ It's really like nothing we've ever seen before,” said Jennifer Gray Thompson, the nonprofit’s founder and CEO.

Deep partisan divides and repeated government shutdowns under the Trump administration have been major causes for the delays, officials say.

“Disaster relief should not be a political bargaining chip — but that’s exactly how the Trump administration has made it out to be,” Sen. Alex Padilla said in a statement.

The state has also lagged, with $2.5 billion in recovery funds only just starting to be released, according to reporting by NBC4.

Meanwhile, L.A fire survivors are facing massive financial gaps to rebuild, on average between $200,000 and $500,000, even with insurance. And as temporary housing insurance dissipates, many are now being forced to decide whether they can afford to rebuild at all.

“ The community is struggling and is fighting to come back — and determined to come back — but we are really lacking the state and federal support that is necessary to help get us there,” said Sam James, a sixth-generation Altadenan whose family lost multiple generational homes in the Eaton Fire.

James founded the Altadena Recovery Team to support fellow survivors in lieu of reliable government and insurance-funded safety nets. Multiple local creative financing efforts are also cropping up more quickly feed that gap.

“The delay is just really hard to rationalize given how much need there truly is on the ground,” she said.

In recent months, delegations of local officials as well as Eaton and Palisades fire survivors have traveled to Washington, D.C. to speak with lawmakers about the much-needed federal funds, which experts say can often be used to fill such gaps in finances.

In June, the White House requested more than $85 billion in supplemental funds, primarily to support the war on Iran. The next month, L.A. Mayor Karen Bass and L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger sent letters to the Senate Committee on Appropriations urging disaster needs be included in such requests.

“It's on D.C. to begin to move the narrative from an ask to a make it happen,” Barger told LAist.

Four U.S. senators from states affected by recent disasters — including two Republicans from Utah and North Carolina, as well as California senators Padilla and Adam Schiff — sent a letter in July expressing their concern that no disaster funds were included in the White House’s supplemental appropriations request.

The senators called the omission an effort by the Trump administration to punish Los Angeles and the state of California.

Gov. Gavin Newsom has requested more than $10 billion for what’s called “Community Development Block Grant Disaster Recovery,” which can help survivors finance their rebuilds, as well as help local governments rebuild infrastructure, such as water systems, community centers, roads and more.

“It's the largest bucket of money any community receives in order to recover after a disaster,” said Thompson, from After the Fire USA. “It can really help fill the gaps that people need to get home.”

On average, the wait for such funds — from appropriation to allocation — is two years, Thompson said. Yet it’s been nearly two years since the L.A. fires, and the funds have yet to be appropriated at all.

Laura Richardson pays $450 a month out of pocket for a drug that could keep her off insulin for the rest of her life. She's a California state senator — and even she can't get her own insurance to cover it.

Richardson started using a GLP-1 a year ago after learning she was pre-diabetic. Her state health plan does not cover it.

“If something is available to help you to be more healthy, to avoid comorbidities … why would we want to wait till a person became diabetic to help them?” she told lawmakers in a June hearing.

Her experience is not unusual. For many Californians, popular weight loss drugs such as Ozempic and Wegovy continue to be elusive despite their clinical promise. While prices are dropping, these drugs continue to be unaffordable for many; most insurers don’t cover them; and state programs, wary of costs, have rolled back access.

Senate Bill 1089, which would expand access to the class of drugs known as GLP-1s, is clearing its final hurdles this legislative session. The bill would direct the state to seek to partner with a drug manufacturer to increase competition and lower prices for GLP-1s under its CalRx program, a state program created to distribute popular, expensive drugs at a fraction of the cost.

It is unclear how long that could take, but it’d likely be a yearslong endeavor. It took the state three years to bring its $55 insulin into the market under CalRx. Today the state program also distributes albuterol inhalers and naloxone.

Richardson, an Inglewood Democrat, authored the bill, which is a watered-down version of its original, more ambitious form. Previously, the bill also sought to require that CalPERS, the health plan that insures 1.3 million public employees and retirees, cover GLP-1 drugs.

CalPERS opposed the bill and argued that the drug’s high cost would increase premiums by $28 per member per month.

Richardson added that she had discussed including GLP-1s in the CalRx program with the governor, and “he was very positively open to that.” State health officials have said that GLP-1s are among the drugs they are considering for the program.

A boom in GLP-1 spending

The bill follows California’s recent elimination of GLP-1 coverage for the treatment of obesity in its Medicaid program, known as Medi-Cal. The state cited growing pharmacy costs and budget pressures for cutting the benefit. The state still pays for certain GLP-1s when prescribed specifically for diabetes treatment.

GLP-1s have helped many people to better manage their obesity and chronic healthcare conditions. Obesity is a well-known contributor to conditions such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease.

State data show that the number of GLP-1 prescriptions solely for weight loss jumped from 20,000 to 700,000 between 2018 and 2023 across both Medi-Cal and commercial plans. In 2023, California spent $416.8 million on GLP-1 prescriptions for weight loss in the Medi-Cal program and commercial payers spent $405.2 million, according to state data.

An analysis by the Legislative Analyst’s Office found that during this time, California’s pharmacy spending nearly doubled, and tied that growth to drugs that treat diabetes, obesity, and inflammatory diseases.

California is not the only state feeling the burden of these drugs' popularity and cost: New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and South Carolina also recently eliminated Medicaid coverage for GLP-1s when used solely for weight loss.

Today 12 states cover GLP-1s for obesity treatment under their Medicaid programs, although Rhode Island will cease coverage in October.

Similarly, coverage of GLP-1s under private insurance varies widely; there’s no clear standard. Health plans have also pointed to costs , noting they are currently a key contributor to premium increases.

Alison Sexton Ward, an economist and research scientist at the University of Southern California, said that data show huge benefits for peoples’ health. Modeling projects long-term savings in healthcare spending as well as a narrowing of health disparities, but she noted it’s a tricky investment for insurers to make. There are significant upfront costs before plans may start to see savings because of the reduction of obesity-related health problems, and insurers may not capture those savings when people tend to switch health plans every few years, she explained.

“The thing about treating obesity is just because you lose weight today doesn't mean that your healthcare costs go down tomorrow,” Ward said. “There's been this unique pressure on these drugs that they pay for themselves.”

One pilot that researchers and providers are looking at is the new federal Medicare GLP-1 Bridge Program, a temporary project that seeks to bring down the cost of Zepbound, Wegovy and Foundayo to about $50 a month.

Patients seeking cheaper options 

Dr. Wayne Ho, an obesity specialist and researcher in Los Angeles, sees the consequences of patchwork access to the drugs in his patients. Patients who can pay cash or whose insurance covers the drugs tend to be able to better manage their health conditions. Those without access try other, less effective therapies.

“It's really disheartening to see because we have these wonderful innovative treatments that really are life altering,” he said.

The cost is also driving some of his patients to seek cheaper, compounded versions of the drug, which some doctors warn against because they lack FDA approval.

Compounding typically involves custom-making a drug for a specific need — removing an allergen, for example. Increasingly, compound pharmacies and telehealth platforms are offering versions of GLP-1s that swap out an ingredient or two. Ho says these compounded drugs carry higher risk because they bypass the FDA’s rigorous vetting and approval process.

Nationally, calls to poison centers related to weight loss drugs increased by 1,500% between 2019 and 2025, according to data from America’s Poison Centers. Studies and reports have shown that compounded GLP-1s are more likely to cause adverse effects and have a higher risk of preparation errors. A Binghamton University study found that the odds of hospitalization were higher for compounded products. The FDA also warns of the prevalence of counterfeit products.

Ho calls GLP-1s one of the best tools he has as a provider. He remains hopeful that affordable access to the FDA-approved weight loss drugs is on the horizon. Continued efforts by state lawmakers to expand access are a critical step, he said.

“I think there's more and more pressure to cover these medications as more and more scientific data come out to show how it affects the body in a very positive manner,” he said.

Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

UCLA is launching the nation’s first digital humanities department and bachelor’s degree this fall. The new discipline combines classical humanities with technical know-how to examine a digitized and increasingly AI-enhanced world.

The major fuses technological tools for statistical analysis, coding, 3D mapping and data visualization with traditional humanities subjects like history, literature and global cultures. It’s a multidisciplinary approach to education that capitalizes on employers’ growing desire for recent graduates to think critically while also being able to harness new technology. And the major requires a great deal of teamwork among students, another skill hiring managers seek.

Students will learn how new technologies shape culture and the human biases that enter into the use of these new tools. Top of mind is the rise of generative artificial intelligence and training students to use it ethically while also understanding how easily it can produce misleading content.

Todd Presner is a UCLA professor of European languages and transcultural studies, and co-led the effort to create the digital humanities department. He said contemporary culture has witnessed a rift between computational subjects and the traditional humanities, and both are enhanced by merging the two.

“It's actually at our own peril when scientists are not speaking to folks in the humanities with historical knowledge, ethical knowledge, cultural knowledge, right?” he said. “And at the same time, I'd say when the humanities are not understanding the technologies in the world today, they also could be seen as irrelevant.”

Presner has taught a course showing students how to get under the hood of large language models, which store the reading material generative AI tools like Claude and ChatGPT use to spit out answers. “Students can essentially upload their own training data to some of these smaller models and see how easily they can be manipulated,” he said.

New major, old discipline

UCLA students will be able to declare digital humanities as a major this year, but campus professors have taught courses in the discipline for more than two decades. It’s the second most popular minor at UCLA, which was one reason the school decided to transform it into a major, said Alexandra Minna Stern, dean of the UCLA College Division of Humanities where digital humanities is based. Last academic year 750 UCLA undergraduate students took a course in digital humanities. Stern expects 50 to 100 students to eventually declare the major, and would be thrilled if 40 signed up this year.

The department will launch with 23 faculty, including lecturers, plus four staff members. Stern eventually wants a few more faculty, but UCLA’s currently under a hiring freeze. No academic unit at the university was cut to make way for the new digital humanities. Faculty hail from multiple humanities fields as well as information studies and data science, so classes will occur across several campus buildings.

She said at least one museum will provide internship opportunities. Based in the Los Angeles area, the Wende Museum specializes in collecting artifacts and oral histories of refugees as well as other dissident groups and digitizing them — a key aspect of digital humanities training. She aims to secure similar arrangements with other museums so students can further apply what they learn in professional settings.

The major’s introductory courses are clustered around data networks, such as statistical reasoning, and courses on culture, such as the symbolic history of Jerusalem or film depictions of antiquity. Upper division courses can center on how contemporary technology is shaped by political, cultural, and social forces or a class on social media data analysis.

One student’s experience

Kedaar Sridhar, 26, graduated from UCLA in 2022 with a computer science major and a minor in digital humanities.

The social media data analysis course was his favorite in the minor. For a class project, he and a team of students analyzed the hashtag “facemask” on social media while much of the world was still in the throes of COVID-19. He relied on the coding language Python as well as sentiment analysis tools to classify how different countries felt about face masks in public based on the social media posts featuring that hashtag.

If he could do college all over, he’d major in the new digital humanities program because it combines the application of contemporary data software with the probing analytical questions that the humanities embody.

“I think computer science is the what, digital humanities is the how and the why, and how do you actually apply it, and why is it important to be applied,” he said.

Sridhar credits the minor with landing him an internship at Microsoft. All the applicants knew computer science, but digital humanities distinguished him, he said. An interviewer asked what the minor entailed, and he said “it’s human-centered data storytelling, working with groups, working in projects, getting a tangible outcome.”

The interviewer said that’s what they’re looking for.

In the past year he co-founded his own company, Grantlytics, an AI-based platform focused on helping nonprofits fundraise by writing proposals, finding funding opportunities and identifying promising donors.

As an employer, he’s looking for much of what the digital humanities major offers. Without it, Sridhar would prefer a candidate with a humanities and coding or math background. But digital humanities “automatically is that interdisciplinary nature because it combines those two worlds together.”

What employers want

Sridhar’s preference for someone who is well-rounded appears to be backed by recent survey data.

Hiring managers who recruit recent college graduates indicated this year that these workers are mostly employable, but with caveats. The annual survey by the National Association of Colleges and Employers shows that the skills recent graduates are most proficient in aren’t what employers prioritize most.

For example, 99% of hiring managers say oral and written communication and persuasion skills are important. But the same hiring managers indicated that just 55% of recent college graduates score well in communication skills. The same goes for critical thinking: Around 94% of hiring managers rate this competency highly but they report that just half of recent graduates are able to gather data from diverse sources and draw conclusions or work well in a fast-paced setting.

Where recent graduates do better is in technology, but hiring managers care slightly less about those. About 75% of employers place high importance on adapting to new technology or using tech to achieve company goals; they say that about 65% of recent grads are competent in that skillset.

Stern, the dean, is careful not to overstate the promise of digital humanities to halt the freefall of the broader humanities as a major students want. The share of U.S. college students majoring in fields such as literature, history, philosophy and foreign languages is at a historic nadir — just 8% of degrees conferred were in the humanities, down from nearly 15% nearly two decades ago. The trend at UCLA is similar.

She knows things are tough for humanities departments, but “an art history grad is more likely to get a job these days than a computer science grad,” she said, citing data tracked by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. “There are ebbs and flows across time” with which degrees lead to jobs and that students gravitate toward.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.