Aaron Schrank
has been on the ground, reporting on homelessness and other issues in L.A. for more than a decade.
Published January 21, 2026 4:01 PM
A neighbor shows Kristina Ross and Henry Wilkinson where she has often seen people living on the street during LAHSA's annual homeless count on Jan. 20, 2026.
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Jordan Rynning
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LAist
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Topline:
The Greater L.A. Homeless Count takes place this week. The yearly count of the local unhoused population has become increasingly consequential and controversial in Los Angeles County.
The trend: L.A. County is home to the largest unhoused population in the U.S., estimated at more than 72,000 last year. But it’s also one of the few places where homeless population estimates are shrinking. For the past two years, homelessness declined slightly in both the city and county of Los Angeles — even as homelessness surged 18% nationally in 2024, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.
Challenges: Whether that trend will continue is far from certain. This year's count comes amid a major transition period for L.A.’s homelessness response system. Serious funding shortfalls threaten homeless services across the region. Meanwhile, questions are mounting about whether the count can be trusted, with some local officials openly expressing doubts about its accuracy and usefulness.
LAHSA's role: The federally-mandated count is conducted by the region's lead homelessness agency, the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, or LAHSA. At an event Tuesday, LAHSA’s interim CEO Gita O’Neill said this year’s homeless count comes at a pivotal time.
Thousands of volunteers are out on streets and sidewalks this week tallying people, tents, vehicles and shelters as part of the annual Greater Los Angeles Homeless Count.
The yearly count of the local unhoused population has become increasingly consequential and controversial in Los Angeles County. The area is home to the largest unhoused population in the U.S., estimated at more than 72,000 last year.
But it’s also one of the few places where homeless population estimates are shrinking. For the past two years, homelessness declined slightly in both the city and county of Los Angeles — even as homelessness surged 18% nationally in 2024, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.
Whether that trend will continue is far from certain. This year's count comes amid a major transition period for L.A.’s homelessness response system. Serious funding shortfalls threaten homeless services across the region.
Meanwhile, questions are mounting about whether the count itself can be trusted, with some local officials openly expressing doubts about its accuracy and usefulness.
The 2026 results are expected to be released in late spring or early summer.
Here are five key facts about the L.A. homeless count this year:
1. Stakes are high
Last year's count found homelessness dropped for a second consecutive year, down 3.4% in the city of Los Angeles and 4% countywide. Local officials touted those results as evidence the region’s investments in shelter and homeless services were paying off, after years of increasing homelessness.
At an event in July, L.A. Mayor Karen Bass took credit for the numbers going down.
“ For the first time in our city's recent history, homelessness has gone down two years in a row,” Bass said. “ This lasting change was only possible because we chose to act with urgency and reject the status quo.”
Now, local homelessness officials warn the L.A. region’s unhoused population may be growing again, as some state and local funding for homeless services and housing is disappearing.
The L.A. region’s lead homeless agency, known as LAHSA, is responsible for conducting the count. At an event Tuesday, LAHSA’s interim CEO Gita O’Neill said this year’s homeless count comes at a pivotal time.
“Across Los Angeles, the homeless services system is undergoing major changes, from funding shifts and program transitions to the way outreach, shelter, and housing are delivered,” O’Neill said. “Those changes, combined with ongoing economic pressures, may put the progress we’ve made over the last couple of years at risk.”
Thousands of Angelenos are set to lose federal housing vouchers this year as pandemic era emergency grant funding expires. A large number of homeless services and programs are facing cuts, because of shortfalls in state, county and city budgets.
Officials and service providers say this year’s count will be crucial for understanding the impacts of cuts.
“This year’s homeless count is more important than ever,” said Amber Sheikh, chair of the LAHSA Commission. “With looming funding cuts at all levels of government, this will give us critically needed data to allow us to advocate effectively.”
There's also a new concern this year: Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez's office said heightened activity by federal immigration enforcement officers might add challenges, if more people meant to be counted are laying low.
“Regardless of what the topline numbers show, the urgency remains the same,” Naomi Roochnik, a spokesperson for Hernandez, told LAist. "We need sustained investments in permanent housing, tenant protections, and mental health care to actually reduce homelessness over time."
Gita O’Neill, interim CEO of LAHSA, speaks ahead of the annual homeless count on Jan. 20, 2026.
In addition to conducting the count, LAHSA has been responsible for administering most homeless service programs across the region, but that’s in flux.
Recent audits and reports found LAHSA mismanaged funds and failed to collect accurate data on its vendors or properly hold them accountable for providing services.
Last April, L.A. County leaders redirected more than $300 million in funding away from LAHSA and formed a new county homelessness department to oversee the funding itself. The county’s Department of Homeless Services and Housing launched Jan. 1.
LAHSA will continue conducting the annual count with a reduced budget. The agency’s former CEO once warned those funding declines could jeopardize this year’s count.
“ Our team is working to reduce costs for next year's count given this situation,” Va Lecia Adams Kellum said last May. “But even with cost saving adjustments, we anticipate that the current allocations will not provide enough funding for LAHSA to conduct an unsheltered count in 2026.”
This year's count will help determine how much money each of Los Angeles County's 88 cities receives from Measure A, the voter-approved half-cent sales tax expected to generate about $1 billion annually for homeless services and affordable housing.
About $96 million from Measure A goes into a Local Solutions Fund divided among all cities. The funding formula is based 90% on each city's homeless count results from the past two years and 10% on the number of extremely low-income households.
That means the homeless count now affects city budgets in a way it never has before.
Based on its unhoused population estimates, the city of Los Angeles got roughly $55 million in the current budget year, 57% of the entire local fund. Smaller cities with fewer unhoused residents are getting far less. Rancho Palos Verdes is allocated about $38,000 and Manhattan Beach $41,000.
Some cities have argued the funding formula is unfair and should be more proportional to a municipality’s tax contributions.
The mayor of Torrance told LAist that the city expects to generate about $26 million annually through the Measure A sales tax and received about $559,000 in local funding. There were 355 unhoused people living in Torrance in February, according to last year’s official estimate.
Kristina Ross navigates for her team of volunteers during LAHSA's annual homeless count on Jan. 20, 2026.
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Jordan Rynning
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LAist
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4. Organizers made some technology updates
LAHSA has made several changes to this year's count following volunteer complaints about the mobile app, which has been plagued by glitches since its introduction in 2023.
“The app as it has been particularly glitchy over the years,” a spokesperson for L.A. City Councilmember Bob Blumenfield told LAist. “We tend to always do a paper count, as well as count through the app, just in case there are any discrepancies.”
For the 2026 count, LAHSA says it has simplified volunteer training, created improved maps in partnership with community stakeholders and assigned more staff to provide technical support at deployment sites.
The agency is also coordinating with county health services and emergency response teams to better count hard-to-reach areas like river embankments, deserts and parks. For example, the Sepulveda Basin in the San Fernando Valley is counted during a specialized daytime operation.
5. Concerns about the annual count’s accuracy
Even with improvements, some remain skeptical about the count's accuracy and usefulness.
L.A. City Councilmember John Lee told LAist the count “falls short of accurately portraying the situation on our city streets” and cautioned against “relying too heavily on a single annual snapshot that may not reflect day-to-day reality.”
“Rather than focusing on a single set of numbers once a year, we should be working year-round to gather consistent data that tracks outcomes like housing placements, retention, and system capacity," Lee said. “That kind of information would be far more valuable in evaluating what's actually working.”
A RAND Corporation analysis released in October found that the annual LAHSA tally has been increasingly inaccurate in recent years. RAND found LAHSA undercounted more than 30% of the population in Skid Row, Hollywood and Venice last year. The analysis was based on RAND’s own professional counts of those neighborhoods.
An LAist investigation last year found that LAHSA used inconsistent data processing methods, without clear documentation or written policies. This led to volunteer app observations being excluded from the data at a higher rate than the year before — and at a higher rate within L.A. city limits than in the rest of the county.
“There have been results in prior years that didn't make sense,” Blumenfield’s spokesperson said, referencing a recent example when count results showed way more RVs in a Reseda corridor than the office’s staff had observed during regular outreach.
Several representatives from smaller cities said they don’t rely solely on the count to understand the crisis on their sidewalks and streets. Santa Clarita officials called the count “one of the many tools used to guide local and regional responses to homelessness.”
Frank Stoltze
is a veteran reporter who covers local politics and examines how democracy is and, at times, is not working.
Published September 9, 2026 6:36 PM
The Jail complex in downtown Los Angeles
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Robert Garrova / LAist
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Topline:
The U.S. Department of Justice announced Wednesday that it has opened an investigation into the Men’s Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles, specifically looking into whether L.A. County has failed to provide environmentally safe, humane and habitable conditions for people held there.
The details: The jail has long been plagued by allegations of poor conditions. Monitors from the American Civil Liberties Union have documented problems including overcrowding, severe mold and mildew, and rodent infestations.
The context: The federal investigation is expected to focus on conditions within the facility and not the actions of the county sheriff’s deputies who staff it, according to the Justice Department. The new investigation is separate from a 2015 settlement between the county and federal government, which stemmed from allegations of inadequate mental health care provided at county jails.
What happens next: Investigators will determine whether the county has violated the Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which protects against cruel and unusual punishment, and 14th Amendment, which guarantees equal protection under the law.
Reaction: L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger welcomed the investigation, and said she had said for year that the jail was “antiquated, inhumane, and unfit for our workforce and those incarcerated there.”
Jason Wells
manages the daily news product that you hear and read every day.
Published September 9, 2026 5:13 PM
Smoke rises from a brush fire near the Getty Center on Sept. 9, 2026.
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CBS LA
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Topline:
Firefighters appeared to make quick progress against a brush fire the broke out Wednesday near the Getty Center.
What we know so far: As of 5 p.m., evacuation warnings had been issued for zones LFD-0895 and LF-0967, although the LAFD said no structures were immediately threatened as the water-dropping helicopters attacked the fire from above.
Read on ... for more on evacuations and weather conditions.
This story is no longer being actively updated. For the most up-to-date information about the fire you can check:
Firefighters appeared to make quick progress against a brush fire the broke out Wednesday near the Getty Center.
As of 5 p.m., evacuation warnings had been issued for zones LFD-0895 and LF-0967, although the LAFD said no structures were immediately threatened as the water-dropping helicopters attacked the fire from above. Forward progress of the fire was reported stopped shortly after 6 p.m. at a little over 20 acres.
If you're enjoying this article, you'll love our daily newsletter, The LA Report. Each weekday, catch up on the 5 most pressing stories to start your morning in 3 minutes or less.
Yusra Farzan
is covering general assignment news this week.
Published September 9, 2026 2:50 PM
Recent storm surges already have damaged Aliso Beach in Laguna Beach.
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Allen J. Schaben
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Los Angeles Times via Getty Images
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Topline:
Southern California is reeling from the destruction left behind by Tropical Storm Marie.
Damages in Dana Point: Six homes were red-tagged when high tides pummelled the coastline. Don Russel, the Capistrano Bay district general manager, said it's possible two other homes will be red-tagged (critically damaged) after high tide activity Tuesday night. Around five homes were yellow tagged (structural damage), he said. Workers are lining the shoreline with large boulders about the size of a small office desk when waters recede, but efforts to armor the beach have been hampered by the tides, Russel added.
Malibu felt the effects too: In Malibu, a large sinkhole formed on Sea Level Drive, prompting authorities to declare a local state of emergency. Five homes were red-tagged — meaning they are uninhabitable — and residents from around 30 homes were evacuated. Evacuees can find temporary shelter at the American Red Cross at Malibu High School.
Evac orders lifted: Evacuation orders were lifted in Long Beach, where the storm resulted in flooding. No homes were red-tagged, but the boardwalk between 63rd Place and 68th Place remains closed to the public.
Jared Bennett
is the watchdog correspondent covering immigration and law enforcement at LAist.
Published September 9, 2026 2:49 PM
Officers from the Long Beach Police Department responded to a March 2025 report of an armed robbery just blocks away — the arrest that followed is now at the center of allegations the department concealed one officer's assault conviction.
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Megan Garvey
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LAist
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Topline:
A prominent attorney working on a low-level criminal case in Long Beach is alleging the police department there concealed an officer’s assault conviction for years — potentially calling into question the legitimacy of hundreds of cases.
What the defense uncovered: Scott Sanders, who exposed the Orange County jailhouse snitch scandal, is the court-appointed attorney in a case where the defense was trying to depose a Long Beach Police Department officer.
In a series of court motions, Sanders raised questions about why the officer arrested a man who was bald when the alleged victim described a man with long dreadlocks. When the defense tried to the subpoena the officer after he left the force, an investigator discovered that the now-former officer had been convicted in an assault case in Georgia while employed with the Long Beach Police Department.
Why that matters: In a landmark 1963 case, Brady v. Maryland, the U.S. Supreme Court established that law enforcement has a legal responsibility to disclose such information to defendants. Lack of disclosure could call into question the legitimacy of other cases involving the officer and the Long Beach Police Department.
Keep reading... for the full in-depth report on this case.
A prominent attorney working on a low-level criminal case in Long Beach is alleging the Police Department there concealed an officer’s assault conviction for years — potentially calling into question the legitimacy of hundreds of cases.
Jacobs is facing felony charges after Long Beach police said they found a small bag of cocaine tucked inside his sock while he was held at a jail following an arrest in March 2025. Jacobs has pleaded not guilty to the charge of bringing a controlled substance into a jail, which could carry a sentence of up to four years in prison.
At issue is the arrest that landed Jacobs in that cell in the first place — which Sanders argues in court filings was based on misrepresentations of now-former Long Beach police Officer Erik Suarez.
According to the defendant’s motion to dismiss, Suarez resigned from the Long Beach Police Department in June.
In a filing made Sept. 8, the defense attorney said an investigator discovered that Suarez had been convicted of a misdemeanor in the beating of a man outside a Waffle House in Marietta, Georgia in 2019. He had initially been charged with felony assault.
At that time, Suarez had served on the Long Beach force for two years.
LAist attempted to contact Suarez by calling a phone number connected to him in public records. A man who answered said he was not Suarez, but asked what the story was about and said he would check with Suarez about contacting LAist.
In a recent court filing seeking more information about Suarez’s conduct, Jacobs’ defense asserts that the Long Beach Police Department knew about the conviction, but never disclosed this information to defendants or the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office.
That’s information Jacobs’ attorney argues was potentially exculpatory, and that withholding it amounts to a major violation of criminal defense laws. In the landmark 1963 case Brady v. Maryland, the U.S. Supreme Court established that law enforcement has a legal responsibility to disclose such information to defendants. In Jacobs’ case, for example, the Sept. 8 filing said information about Suarez’s arrest and subsequent conviction could have been used to impeach him as a witness, as well as in other cases Suarez touched as a police officer.
The Long Beach Police Department has not yet responded to LAist’s emailed questions.
“The actions of the LBPD demonstrate a complete disregard to the danger Officer Suarez presented to the community and to the due process rights of defendants,” according to the motion to force disclosure. “The concealment of Officer Suarez's arrest and prosecution enabled [LBPD] to hide mandated discovery related to Officer Suarez’s conduct from what have likely been hundreds of defendants during the nearly seven-year period between the time of Officer Suarez’s August 2019 arrest and June 2026.”
Jacobs’ attorney alleges in the filing that Long Beach has an “unwritten policy” to keep information that could be used to impeach its officers in personnel files protected from public disclosure.
“The potential systemic consequences are enormous,” the filing argues.
“Not just to the individual,” she said, “but to the entire community.”
Lacey said the information about Suarez’s conviction should have been known to the prosecutors, so they could vet the reliability of the evidence presented by law enforcement, and turned over to the defense at the outset of the case.
A spokesperson for L.A. County District Attorney Nathan Hochman said in an emailed response to questions that they could not comment on what information they disclosed to Jacobs’ defense.
The District Attorney’s Office said it has a “collaborative relationship with the Long Beach Police Department,” and that the department does disclose material to prosecutors that is allowed under California law.
“Generally speaking, if our office had any such Brady material regarding an officer, we would have been legally obligated to turn that over to the defense.”
Lacey said if prosecutors did not have access to Suarez’s criminal record, the scope of people affected could be wide.
“We don't know how many cases are impacted by the potential unreliability of statements from the arresting law enforcement officer,” Lacey said. “This could impact people who have already pled guilty, who maybe are currently incarcerated, who are awaiting sentencing, or who are, like I said, incarcerated pretrial on other cases.”
In an interview with LAist, Sanders said the case raises three troubling issues: There’s the concealment of evidence leading to Jacobs' initial arrest, Suarez’s 2019 assault that was never disclosed, and the question of whether the Long Beach Police Department has concealed Brady material in other cases.
“If that's your modus operandi, we've got an enormous problem here,” Sanders said.
The underlying arrest that led to allegations about concealing an assault
Long Beach police responded to the intersection of 52nd Street and Atlantic Boulevard after a man reported being held at gunpoint, with the robber driving away in the van he was repossessing.
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Megan Garvey
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LAist
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Just after 7:45 p.m. on March 18, 2025, Suarez and his partner Dylan Kelley responded to a call reporting a person with a gun at the intersection of 52nd Street and Atlantic Boulevard in Long Beach.
The alleged victim, identified in the filing by his last name, Ochoa, told the officers that he was attempting to repossess a black Dodge Sprinter van when someone threatened him with a gun, took the keys and drove off with the van.
Police later tracked down the van and detained Lonnie Jacobs and his brother, Lamar Jacobs.
According to court records, at the scene officers only presented Lonnie Jacobs to Ochoa.
Before seeing him, Ochoa stated that the suspect had braids, and body camera footage detailed in the court filing shows him gesturing to show long hair around his shoulders.
While looking at photos of the suspects in the van, Ochoa identified Lamar Jacobs. “That’s him! With the dreads!,” Ochoa is recorded saying on body camera footage.
Body camera footage shows Suarez confirming this description. “You said he had dreads? Can you remember if he has dreads?,” Suarez asks. The footage shows Ochoa nodding to confirm.
But Ochoa then identified Lonnie Jacobs in person, telling officers he recognized Lonnie Jacobs’ chain and ripped jeans as matching the person who pulled a gun on him earlier that night.
Jacobs’ court filings state that body camera footage shows both he and his brother wore the exact same chain, and they both wore ripped jeans that night.
In an interview with a detective for the District Attorney’s Office in August 2026 that is included in court filings, Ochoa said he was positive he identified a man with braids during the show-up.
Lonnie Jacobs in a still from a police body cam on the night of his arrest.
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Long Beach Police Department
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L.A. County Superior Court filing
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Lamar Jacobs in a still from the night his brother was arrested. An officer is handing him a chain identical to one around his neck.
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Long Beach Police Department
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L.A. County Superior Court filing
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His attorney argued this fact is inconsistent with the description and should have disqualified Jacobs as a suspect, or at least warranted more questioning. Furthermore, he alleges Suarez failed to correct another officer at the scene who questioned why Ochoa didn’t see the hairstyle of the man who allegedly pulled a gun on him.
By this point, Ochoa had already described the suspect as having braids to Suarez and Kelley, according to the body cam footage, but Suarez did not correct the other officer.
“He couldn’t tell by the haircut,” Suarez said, adding he said “everything happened too fast.”
Jacobs’ defense alleges Suarez’s response was “actively misleading his fellow officers.”
Furthermore, body camera footage also shows Suarez agreeing with another officer who expressed doubts that Lonnie Jacobs was the one who brandished the firearm.
A still of officers discussing the potential suspects on the night of Lonnie Jacobs' arrest. A court filing by his defense said officers, including Erik Suarez, expressed doubts that he was the correct person.
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Long Beach Police Department
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L.A. County Superior Court
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“Yeah I think it was him, too,” Suarez said, referring to Lonnie’s brother Lamar. Lamar Jacobs was never charged in connection with the case.
In filings to the court, the District Attorney’s Office said the officers had probable cause to arrest Jacobs because he was in the van described by the witness and matched at least some of the characteristics of the suspect.
How that led to the Georgia case coming to light
Once Jacobs’ defense reviewed the body cam footage, they began attempting to depose Suarez in the case. Although Lonnie Jacobs was never charged with threatening Ochoa, the arrest led to the charges of bringing drugs into a jail. If the initial arrest was illegitimate, the drug case would go away.
The court scheduled a hearing earlier this year to discuss the evidence, but the Long Beach Police Department told Jacobs’ defense that Suarez was out of the country.
The defense subpoenaed Suarez through the Police Department again and on June 15, the department told the team that Suarez had resigned.
An investigator for Jacobs’ defense searched for his address to subpoena him at home. That search, according to the court filing, uncovered the assault charges in Georgia in 2019, two years after he joined the police force in Long Beach.
In the motion to dismiss the charges against Jacobs, his defense argues it is “plausible” that Suarez resigned from the police force out of concern he may have been questioned about his alleged misconduct that led to Jacobs’ arrest.
“However, it is also now apparent that Officer Suarez has been living with another secret that may also have propelled a decision to abandon his police officer position,” the defense wrote.
Through discovery, Jacobs’ attorney said in court filings they learned that Suarez had traveled to Georgia where he watched the Atlanta Braves beat the Los Angeles Dodgers 4-3 on Aug. 17, 2019.
According to an incident report attached to court filings, a witness saw Suarez wearing a Dodgers jersey in a Waffle House, “talking shit” and arguing with the victim.
“Suarez then walked up to the table where the victim was seated and began punching him in the face until the victim was left unconscious on the ground,” the filing describes. According to the incident report and other filings from that case, Suarez continued to punch the victim while he was unconscious.
The most recent filing from Jacobs’ defense says Suarez was arrested walking away from the restaurant.
According to a description of the crime by Barry Morgan, a Cobb County assistant solicitor general, Suarez “caused the victim significant injuries, including orbital fracture, fracture of the maxillary sinus, traumatic orbital hematoma, and concussion.”
A memo details injuries caused by Erik Suarez in a 2019 assault. A grand jury indicted him on two felony counts. He later pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor and served a year of probation.
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Cobb County Superior Court
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via L.A. County Superior Court filing
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“Defendant beat the victim while the victim was on the ground, apparently unconscious,” the description explains. “This should be aggravated battery.”
On April 1, 2021, a grand jury indicted Suarez on two felony counts of aggravated battery, accusing him of “seriously disfiguring” the victim and rendering his right eye useless.
Right before trial, Suarez pleaded guilty in November 2022 to reduced misdemeanor charges of battery, was ordered to stay away from the victim and Cobb County, and was ordered to take anger management classes. He was sentenced to 12 months, which he was allowed to serve on probation.
According to Jacobs’ defense, “Suarez’s actions in Georgia triggered immediate reporting responsibilities related to his employment” with the Long Beach Police Department.
The court filing explains that the Long Beach police manual requires officers to inform their watch commander when they are arrested by another department or under a criminal investigation.
It’s not yet clear when the department learned about Suarez’s arrest. But Jacobs' defense argues that if the department learned of the arrest between 2019 and 2026, “this would have clearly triggered Brady responsibilities in this case and numerous others.”
That information is relevant to the case against Jacobs, the filing argues, because “it is entirely logical that the same officer who beat a victim into unconsciousness and then cavalierly walked from the scene would just as thoughtlessly arrest a man for whom no probable cause existed — concealing that the victim previously identified another suspect who possessed features irreconcilable with the defendant’s culpability.”
When does law enforcement need to disclose misconduct?
While law enforcement has a legal requirement to proactively disclose Brady material that could help defendants build their case, California law exempts most police personnel records from disclosure, except under certain circumstances including findings of unnecessary use of force and misconduct while on the job.
Jacobs’ defense attorney, in the Sept. 8 filing, alleges Long Beach police purposefully placed evidence related to Suarez’s conviction in his personnel file, where it could be protected from disclosure.
He wrote this “enabled the agency to hide mandated discovery related to Officer Suarez’s conduct from what have likely been hundreds of defendants during the nearly seven-year period between the time of Officer Suarez’s August 2019 arrest and June 2026.”
Furthermore, the filing argues “there is every reason to believe that the hiding of Brady evidence extends far beyond Officer Suarez’s conduct and is the product of a long-established undisclosed policy designed to conceal Brady evidence.”
The filing points to a June 2021 news article wherein a spokesperson for the LBPD told reporters that it does not maintain a formal list of officers whose case involvement triggers Brady disclosures, but that it “continues to comply with its obligations to share such information.”
By that time, Suarez’s assault case was nearly two years old and, according to Jacobs’ defense, had never been disclosed.
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