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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Pomona hospital offers discounted screenings
    breast-cancer-awareness-ribbon.jpg
    Pomona Valley Hospital Medical Center offers $50 3D mammograms every October and April to increase early detection for breast cancer.

    Topline:

    Pomona Valley Hospital Medical Center is offering discounted preventative breast cancer screenings throughout the month of October, regardless of your insurance status.

    Who’s eligible?: If you’re due for a breast cancer screening, you can take advantage of this program if you:

    • Are over 40 and haven't had a mammogram in the past year
    • Do not have breast implants
    • Do not have a history of breast cancer in the past five years
    • Are not currently experiencing breast problems

    What about insurance?: You don’t need insurance or a physician’s referral to take advantage of the hospital's promotion. You just need $50.

    Why is it important?: “ Early screening, early detection and treatment save lives,” said Dr. Tiffany Le Endo of Pomona Valley Hospital Medical Center. She also pointed out that about one in eight women will be diagnosed with breast cancer at some point in their lives. The hospital offers 3D mammography, which is more accurate than traditional mammograms.

    What if I’m on the fence?: Endo said there’s no shame if you haven’t been screened for breast cancer in a while — the important thing is to get screened as soon as you can. If you can’t make it to the doctor by the end of October, the hospital also offers $50 mammograms every April.

    Where can I get screened?: The screenings are available at the PVHMC Breast Health Center in Pomona and at Pomona Valley Health Center locations in Claremont, Chino Hills and La Verne.

    How to sign up: Call the hospital at 909-469-9395 to set up an appointment. You also can visit the hospital’s website for more information on the services. Endo said hospital staff can assist you if you have any questions.

  • He distinguished truth from truthiness
    Stephan Colbert, a man with light light skin tone wearing a gray suit, striped tie and glasses, smiles as he looks out of frame to his left.
    Stephen Colbert during a taping of Comedy Central's The Colbert Report in December 2014.

    Topline:

    After more than 3,000 episodes of television stretched over 20 years and two TV networks, this critic believes Stephen Colbert's greatest legacy as a host and performer comes down to a single word. Truthiness.

    Why now: And now, as his Late Show ends an 11-year run Thursday — canceled by CBS despite top ratings in a move some suspect was rooted in silencing a high-profile critic of President Donald Trump — it seems Colbert may have been felled by his stance against such thinking.

    His backstory: Raised in South Carolina, Colbert learned the early basics of sketch comedy and satire at Second City in Chicago, serving as understudy for a guy named Steve Carell, who eventually joined him in the pair's first real break, serving as writers and performers for Saturday Night Live alum Dana Carvey's self-titled sketch comedy show in 1996.

    Read on... for more on the upcoming final show.

    After more than 3,000 episodes of television stretched over 20 years and two TV networks, this critic believes Stephen Colbert's greatest legacy as a host and performer comes down to a single word.

    Truthiness.

    Colbert highlighted it on the very first episode of his Colbert Report, a spinoff of The Daily Show which featured him as a blown-up parody of TV pundits like original Fox News Channel star Bill O'Reilly — championing the idea of believing something because it feels true, regardless of the facts. "I don't trust books," he says in a segment from that first show. "They're all facts and no heart."

    And now, as his Late Show ends an 11-year run Thursday — canceled by CBS despite top ratings in a move some suspect was rooted in silencing a high-profile critic of President Trump — it seems Colbert may have been felled by his stance against such thinking.

    "Stephen Colbert has shown, more so than anyone else of this modern era of late night, the power of sticking to the truth," says Roy Wood Jr., a former correspondent on The Daily Show and host of CNN's satire program, Have I Got News for You.

    "It's pretty dope that he didn't blink," Wood adds. "In fact, he went harder. This is by far the most sensitive administration we've ever had to deal with as comedians. … He didn't bat an eye."

    Hasan Minhaj, another Daily Show alum who hosted his own topical program for Netflix called Patriot Act, says Colbert showed how satirists could evolve while developing a relationship with their audience over decades — going from a top Daily Show correspondent to playing a character on the Colbert Report to revealing more of himself as host of the Late Show.

    "What Stephen did, is he was constantly meeting the moment," Minhaj adds. "When you're hosting a nightly program, every day is a new moment. … I think Stephen will be known as one of the most brilliant minds to meet the moment in every way he possibly could."

    A sketch comic destined for more

    Raised in South Carolina, Colbert learned the early basics of sketch comedy and satire at Second City in Chicago, serving as understudy for a guy named Steve Carell, who eventually joined him in the pair's first real break, serving as writers and performers for Saturday Night Live alum Dana Carvey's self-titled sketch comedy show in 1996.

    But it wasn't until he landed with Carrell on The Daily Show a few years later that Colbert developed the persona he would later call a "high status idiot," who poked at the absurdity of cable news pundits — especially on the emerging, conservative-oriented Fox News Channel — by simply amplifying their behavior.

    Minhaj says Colbert's work as a Daily Show correspondent was so successful, later contributors passed around an email from him outlining how to do the program's "field pieces" filmed outside the building.

    "It really was almost like basketball fundamentals, but for performing political satire," he adds. "He is fully committed and in character the whole way through. … Stephen Colbert's field pieces became the cornerstone and benchmark for what a great correspondent performance is."

    Working with longtime host Jon Stewart, who took over the Daily Show in 1999, Colbert, Carrell and the show's other correspondents honed a focus on news-driven satire and politics which spread across television, influencing a generation of programs and performers.

    And the satire only expanded when he and Stewart spun off Colbert's character in a program airing after the Daily Show in 2005, called The Colbert Report — creating a figure so indelible, he testified in character before a Congressional subcommittee hearing on the issue of farm workers and immigration and roasted then-President George W. Bush during an iconic appearance at the White House Correspondents Dinner.

    Stephen Colbert, a man with light skin tone, wearing a dark blue suit, red tie, and glasses, speaks into a microphone as he gestures with his hand pointing his index finger up.
    Comedian Stephen Colbert testifies during a hearing before the House Judiciary Committee on Capitol Hill in September 2010.
    (
    Alex Wong
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Former House Republican leader Tom DeLay even seemed to think Colbert was a real pundit, using footage from one of his interviews in a mass email to supporters.

    "I always thought his maximum impact came in [The Colbert Report]," says Bill Carter, who covered TV for decades at The New York Times, creating books and a CNN docuseries on late night television. "That's when he was an entire original, like no one has ever seen, doing a character for nine years … He had to tell his guests, 'You know, I'm going to be a jerk.'… It was really a change in the form."

    Carter wrote in an essay for CNN that Colbert's character was a "vain, narcissistic conservative true believer who was frequently given to spouting far-fringe ideas that politicians on the right might have been thinking in their gut, but were not willing, until Donald Trump, to speak out loud."

    Besides testing the limits of satire, it was also a change which mirrored the times, as cable news pundits rose in prominence and power – especially on Fox News. "I think at the end of the day, he's always been trying to hold a mirror up to the country," Wood says. "Especially, you know, it started with Republicans."

    Colbert comes to Network TV

    David Letterman originally created CBS' The Late Show back in 1993, after he was passed over for the job of succeeding Johnny Carson as host of NBC's powerhouse Tonight Show. When Letterman retired from network television in 2015, Colbert was tapped as a successor, facing a serious challenge.

    How to be himself on TV.

    Stephen Colbert, a man with light skin tone, wearing a tuxedo and glasses, holds two Emmy trophies while standing in front of a backdrop that reads "65th Emmy Awards."
    Stephen Colbert poses during the 65th Annual Primetime Emmy Awards in September 2013 in Los Angeles.
    (
    Jason Merritt
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    "One of [Colbert's] lasting impacts, was his ability to be an absolute brilliant master of both satire and sincerity," Minhaj says.

    But being himself on camera didn't come immediately to Colbert, who admitted recently to the New York Times that he initially avoided being overtly topical, newsy or political in The Late Show's early days.

    By the time I visited his program at the end of 2016, it had been energized by live shows during the Republican and Democratic conventions and the hiring of Chris Licht — who would go on to an ill-fated tenure as president of CNN — to handle non-comedy production decisions as showrunner.

    "He didn't have time to find his voice before I got here," Licht told me back then. "[Colbert] really was running the show and every element of it."

    Colbert's turn toward revealing more of himself personally on the show mirrored a turn in media generally toward voices which seem more authentic, especially on podcasts and cable TV. Beyond his criticism of Trump and MAGA Republicans, Colbert showed his love for his longtime wife, Evie McGee Colbert, his passion for The Lord of the Rings and his strong connection to Catholicism on The Late Show.

    And while some critics have theorized that part of the slide in ratings among network TV late night shows might be attributed to the hosts' increasingly intense political stands, Carter disagrees. He says modern media consumers often operate in an information silo where online algorithms push content at them, which reinforces what they already believe – making it tough for anyone to craft comedy which speaks across a wide swath of consumers.

    Unlike late night legend Johnny Carson, Carter says this era's late night hosts have a hard time appealing to an audience across political lines. "Everybody has to take a point of view," he says. "You're forced into it. You're asked to stand up and say something now. I think, clearly, the events of the world demand that."

    Wood agreed, noting that the best satire pokes at those in power in a way that speaks to the concerns of average viewers. "It's an unspoken pledge that you take as a performer to honor the truth of what's out there," he adds.

    "People who believe these late night show are anti-Trump have not stopped to ask themselves, 'Is this administration completely perfect?'" Wood says. "Should we not point out its imperfections? If pointing out its imperfections makes you run for the hills and change the channel, so be it. It doesn't change what's happening on the ground."

    Colbert's next act

    As Colbert's final Late Show episode approaches, the question arises of what he might do next. Already he has announced a project close to his heart — writing a new Lord of the Rings movie with his son — while insisting he doesn't yet have the mental energy to seriously consider what his next chapter might be.

    But Minhaj and Carter both have the same suggestion for his next project: A one-man show on Broadway, perhaps featuring the return of his old Colbert Report character.

    "I'm talking this kind of Billy Crystal meets Steve Martin meets Martin Short meets John Leguizamo personal storytelling," Minhaj adds. "Song, dance, he can do it all … improvise, do comedy and be deep and sincere. He's an electric live-wire act."

    While cancellation of The Late Show — and CBS' decision to lease the time period to mogul Byron Allen for his often not-topical program Comics Unleashed — may look like the beginning of the end for late night television, Carter expects Colbert's departure to boost others, particularly Jimmy Kimmel's show.

    "I wouldn't be surprised if 30% to half of [Colbert's] viewers go over to Kimmel," says Carter, who has noticed Kimmel gets an uptick in viewers whenever he has a new episode while Colbert is in reruns. (This week, Kimmel and Tonight Show host Jimmy Fallon return the favor, airing reruns on Thursday to reduce competition with Colbert's swan song.)

    With any luck, Colbert, who turned 62 last week, will find a way to evolve his style yet again to meet the newest form of satire and television. At a time when the world seems more absurd than ever, the need has only grown for a deftly incisive voice with the courage to decry truthiness to power, regardless of consequences.
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Sponsored message
  • Candidates float bigger CA role
    Firefighters inspect a burnt home while smoke comes out of it. A burnt tree is in the center in the foreground.
    Firefighters look over a home after the Eaton Fire burns in Altadena on Jan. 9, 2025.

    Topline:

    From a public wildfire authority to a state backstop, California insurance regulator candidates propose greater state involvement.

    Why it matters: Their proposals run the gamut: Create a public insurer and do away with private insurers altogether. Implement a state-run natural disaster insurance system that would complement the private market. Provide a state backstop for insurance for insurance companies, also known as reinsurance. Form public-private partnerships that would theoretically give insurers confidence to keep doing business in California.

    The backstory: In April, the California Earthquake Authority released a report analyzing different levels of state involvement in catastrophic risk. One option: a state backstop that would provide reinsurance for catastrophe, which Sen. Ben Allen said could “help to absorb wildfire loss… an analogy, I suppose, is the (Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation) — they stabilize the banking system when it’s under major stress.”

    Read on... for more on the proposals.

    A few of the candidates vying to be California’s next insurance commissioner want to address the insurance crisis by having the state take a bigger financial role.

    Some of the problems they’re trying to solve include:

    • Not all insurance companies will write new policies in areas at high risk for wildfires, driving many homeowners to the FAIR Plan, the fire insurer of last resort. 
    • Policyholders’ rates are rising because Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara has addressed insurance availability issues by implementing new regulations that allow insurers to use new additional factors when setting premiums. 
    • Many of those who are insured and have submitted claims after a disaster — such as last year’s deadly Los Angeles County fires — have been frustrated by delays, denials and dissatisfaction with insurers’ handling of their claims. The Insurance Department recently took legal action against State Farm over such issues.

    Their proposals run the gamut: Create a public insurer and do away with private insurers altogether. Implement a state-run natural disaster insurance system that would complement the private market. Provide a state backstop for insurance for insurance companies, also known as reinsurance. Form public-private partnerships that would theoretically give insurers confidence to keep doing business in California.

    State coverage for major fires

    More state involvement might help, said David Russell, a professor of insurance and finance at Cal State Northridge who co-authored a report for the National Association of Insurance Commissioners published last December. The report recommends creating a public-private partnership called the California Wildfire Authority, which would leave most coverage to private insurers and shift coverage of major wildfires to the state, including by providing additional reinsurance.

    “It’s an amalgamation of compromises,” Russell told CalMatters. “The government will end up bailing people out anyway. Why not plan it in advance? Give everybody the playbook now and fund it properly.”

    The idea sounds a little bit like what commissioner candidate Jane Kim, a Democrat, is proposing: a state-run authority for wildfire and flood funded by a portion of policyholders’ premiums.

    Similarly, Republican candidate Merrit Farren has proposed a state-run reinsurance authority funded by a fee insurers charged their customers. Kim and State Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat, have told CalMatters they are also interested in state reinsurance but have not included it in their platforms like Farren. Steven Bradford, a former Democratic state lawmaker, wants to explore a public-private partnership that he said could help insurance companies with liquidity.

    California has tried this before — sort of

    In April, the California Earthquake Authority released a report analyzing different levels of state involvement in catastrophic risk. One option: a state backstop that would provide reinsurance for catastrophe, which Allen said could “help to absorb wildfire loss… an analogy, I suppose, is the (Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation) — they stabilize the banking system when it’s under major stress.”

    The earthquake authority itself may offer some clues for California moving forward.

    Created by the Legislature in 1996 after insurers retreated from California in the wake of the 1994 Northridge quake, the authority is a public-private partnership that critics say does not cover enough of the residential market. Moreover, the critics continue, the authority’s approximately $20 billion in claims-paying capacity is inadequate.

    “It was a terrible deal,” said Jamie Court, president of consumer advocacy group Consumer Watchdog. He said coverage through the authority is thin, deductibles are high and premiums are expensive. Court said that because quake insurance was carved out of homeowners insurance, the premiums policyholders have paid over the past three decades have mostly gone to reinsurance and bureaucracy as opposed to building up enough reserves.

    On the other hand, Russell said, the authority has yet to be tested by a major earthquake, and “what (its creation) shows is that in California, we can do this because we’ve done it before.”

    California and reinsurance 

    Some insurance industry representatives questioned why the commissioner candidates think California would want to take on financial risk now largely borne by the FAIR Plan, which is required by law to offer policies to property owners who can’t get them from private insurers and is run by an industry alliance.

    “It’s easy for people to propose solutions for government involvement that no one wants to fund down the road with taxpayer dollars,” said Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California. “We’re not asking for that, by the way.”

    But Farren said he developed his plan with the help of the insurance industry, including executives at Acrisure, a big insurance broker and financial services company based in Grand Rapids, Mich. If disaster strikes and funds in the proposed state reinsurance authority are insufficient to pay claims, it could raise funds by issuing bonds, which would have the same status as municipal bonds, Farren said. His idea was inspired by public reinsurance programs in Florida for hurricanes, the United Kingdom for floods and the U.S. federal government for terrorism risk.

    A couple of consumer advocacy groups are more receptive to the reinsurance concept. Court said it might be a good idea if the state or U.S. government provided some sort of backstop for insurance companies. (U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, the Democrat from California, has proposed federal legislation to establish a federal reinsurance fund for insurance companies, which the insurance industry opposes.) Amy Bach, executive director of United Policyholders, told the state Senate Insurance Committee this week that she was in favor of “some kind of a backstop like Florida's hurricane catastrophe fund.” Bach told CalMatters later that she thinks the state helping “take a bite” out of what’s driving higher premiums could help.

    A slightly arial view of homes under construction with empty lots and charred remains of trees around them. Mountains and other homes can be seen in the background.
    Home construction on Hartzell Street in the Alphabet Streets neighborhood of Pacific Palisades on Aug. 30, 2025.
    (
    Myung J. Chun
    /
    Los Angeles Times via Getty Images
    )

    Florida is different from California, though, said Carolyn Kousky, an economist who studies climate risk and disaster finance. Kousky said that Florida’s insurance market is dominated by small players that need help with reinsurance, while “big national players are still writing quite a bit in (California).” Those national companies are diversifying their risk and can buy reinsurance based on their national portfolio, so those insurers have less need for a state backstop, she said. She questioned whether establishing a state reinsurer would make a significant difference in consumers’ insurance premium rates.

    Kim said critics of her proposal to create a public disaster insurance fund that would split off wildfire and flood coverage from homeowners insurance — inspired by New Zealand’s program — ignore that California’s “current system doesn’t work, it’s too expensive and doesn’t cover enough.” She pointed to Los Angeles fire victims who have found that they are underinsured and don’t have enough coverage to rebuild their homes. She has not provided specific numbers for how much capitalization her proposed system would need; it’s something that would need to be studied, she said. She envisions that her plan would create a revenue stream that the state could invest into reducing fire risk.

    “At least some of our dollars will be stewarded by the public,” Kim said.

    Another candidate, Lalo Vargas of the socialist Peace & Freedom Party, wants to go further: He is calling for investigating the 10 largest insurance companies in California and eventually replacing them with a public insurer run by the state.

    “Insurance works better when everyone is in the same pot,” Vargas said. That pot, he said, could be filled by taxing utilities and fossil fuel companies, “so billionaires could pay for the costs associated with the climate crisis.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • Craft community hosts bi-weekly gatherings
    Young people knitting
    Groups of knitters and crocheters attending Knitting Tree LA's Gen Z Knit Night.

    Topline:

    Gen Z Knit Night is Arden Siadek’s brainchild. She noticed a gap in programming for younger crafters and set out to fill it. Since its launch, the event has drawn between 40 and 50 attendees.

    Background: Before joining the Knitting Tree, Siadek had been crafting for about 15 years, a practice introduced by her grandmother. Her interest ebbed over time, including a long break after struggling through her first project — a scarf.

    Read on ... for more on how Gen Z has taken to knitting.

    Knitting and craftwork may once have been viewed as hobbies for older adults, but some Gen Zers are challenging that stereotype and carving out their own spaces. Enter Arden Siadek, a Gen Z crafter who found her way to Inglewood’s craft community, The Knitting Tree,  and now works there while hosting its new and rapidly growing Gen Z biweekly Knit Night gatherings.

    Craftwork has seen a recent surge as people look for offline spaces disconnected from social media. The event, which launched in February, has steadily gained popularity.

    A woman holds a knitted chicken.
    Arden Siadek poses with one of the shops emotional support chickens.
    (
    Jennifer Stavros
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Gen Z Knit Night is Siadek’s brainchild. She noticed a gap in programming for younger crafters and set out to fill it. Since its launch, the event has drawn between 40 and 50 attendees.

    The LA Local attended a recent gathering and spoke with Siadek about its success.

    Before joining the Knitting Tree, Siadek had been crafting for about 15 years, a practice introduced by her grandmother. Her interest ebbed over time, including a long break after struggling through her first project — a scarf.

    That changed when she was preparing to leave for college and rediscovered yarn in her closet. The find, combined with the unexpected free time during the pandemic, reignited her interest.

    “Something just clicked for me in a way that you’re still making something artsy and creative, but you’ve got a structure that you can rely on, so it feels really comfortable and meditative,” Siadek said.

    A collection of chickens made of yarn.
    Knitting Tree’s collection of emotional support chickens.
    (
    Jennifer Stavros
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Nearly two years ago, she began spending more time at the Knitting Tree and eventually joined the staff. She saw an opportunity to build a “third space” where people could connect offline and step away from the constant noise of social media and the news.

    “I was looking for a space like a club where I could knit and craft with other young people,” Siadek said. While the Knitting Tree has hosted potluck meetups for years, the gatherings were not specifically geared toward younger crafters. “I really wanted something specifically for younger people because yarn shops can skew a little older. We wanted an additional space — a ‘yes, and.’”

    She pitched the idea to owner Annette Corsino-Blair, who supported it.

    A knitted sign outside a storefront.
    The outside view at night of The Knitting Tree LA.
    (
    Jennifer Stavros
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    During a recent Knit Night, the shop buzzed with conversation as young crafters worked on projects ranging from sweaters and scarves to socks, flowers, Dungeons & Dragons-themed crochet and even “emotional support chickens.”

    Attendees mingled, debated the merits of knitting versus crochet and formed new friendships. Some arrived with friends; others came alone and quickly connected with others. The event offered a welcoming alternative to bars, clubs and digital spaces — a place to disconnect and create.

    Knitting Tree’s own brand of Locally Produced Yarn.
    (
    Jennifer Stavros
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Participants said the gathering provided a sense of relief and community.

    “This is getting me off my phone,” said Gemma Chao, a knitter in her 20s, as she worked on a crocheted flower.

    Another participant told The LA Local that they loved that they could disconnect from the heaviness of the world in a place where the responsibility of life and work — and mean girls — could not reach her.

    Groups of knitters and crocheters attending Knitting Tree LA’s Gen Z Knit Night.
    (
    Jennifer Stavros
    /
    The LA Local
    )

  • Org expands on CA campuses, stoking tensions
    A person with a red Trump hat with their hands raised and holding a USA flag in an auditorium seated with people.
    An attendee raises their arms during a Turning Point USA event at the University of California, Berkeley on Nov. 10, 2025. Two months after Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk was killed, the tour made a stop in California at UC Berkeley.

    Topline:

    Turning Point chapters continue to grow on California campuses months after Charlie Kirk’s assassination.

    Why it matters: Campuses are seeing tensions rise as conservative students become more vocal both in and out of the classroom.

    The backstory: While conservative students say they’ve felt hesitant to speak aloud in the past, they now say emerging Turning Point chapters have helped them break out of their shells in California, with one student even describing them as a “safe space.”

    Despite being a political junkie and longtime fan of conservative commentator Charlie Kirk, Shasta College senior Raymond Randolph hesitated to speak up about politics on campus. But Kirk’s assassination during a Turning Point USA event at a Utah university in September 2025 changed that.

    “God was calling me up to the plate,” said Randolph.

    The day after Kirk’s death, Randolph reached out to Turning Point, which Kirk had founded, to start a chapter at his college in Redding. As the chapter’s president, he said he’s not alone in feeling mobilized after Kirk’s assassination.

    “It drove a lot of people like me to get up and do something,” he said.

    While conservative students say they’ve felt hesitant to speak aloud in the past, they now say emerging Turning Point chapters have helped them break out of their shells in California, with one student even describing them as a “safe space.”

    As of March this year, Turning Point USA told CalMatters it has 1,462 active college chapters nationally. Over 70% of those were founded after Charlie Kirk’s assassination. Turning Point’s presence has nearly tripled on California campuses as of March, with 78 of the state’s 119 active college chapters founded after Kirk’s death.

    But conservative views continue to be overshadowed by more liberal voices on California campuses as tensions persist both in and outside classrooms, students and professors say.

    “Most of [the liberal students] think we’re racist, most of them think we’re fascists … especially in California,” Randolph said.

    Kameron Tessier, president of the statewide California College Democrats organization, said Turning Point’s rhetoric is “disgusting and very bigoted” and must be investigated on campuses.

    “I’m a firm believer in the First Amendment, but also the First Amendment has its consequences,” said Tessier, a senior at UC Santa Cruz. “If they are pushing actively dangerous rhetoric on campuses, then I think it’s worth it for administrations to look into that.”

    Turning Point founder Kirk was a highly controversial political figure. His organization is notorious for its Professor Watchlist, an online database identifying “radical” professors. The watchlist has been called inaccurate, and has led to threats and harassment against faculty members across the country. It was also the reason why Point Loma Nazarene University in San Diego denied a third attempt by students to establish a school-affiliated Turning Point USA chapter last November.

    Some of Kirk’s most controversial comments include calling the Civil Rights Act “a huge mistake,” spreading COVID-19 misinformation and saying some gun deaths each year were worth it to protect the Second Amendment.

    In California, Generation Z, or those under the age of 29, is 1.5 times as likely to identify as liberal compared to their grandparents’ generation, according to a 2022 statewide survey conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California.

    This lack of conservatism among young people spills onto campuses. Only three California institutions are featured on a list published last fall by college-ranking website Niche of the 100 most conservative colleges in the country. The list is based on student reviews of the political leanings of their campus communities. All three California institutions are private universities: Biola, California Baptist and National.

    Creating red spaces in blue places

    Students founded a Turning Point chapter at Claremont McKenna last spring. After Kirk’s death in the fall, college security supervised each of the chapter’s events. Several students heckled a vigil they held after Kirk’s assassination in September. And at a February campus Turning Point tabling event, dozens of partially nude bikers rode by in protest of the national organization’s viewpoints.

    Bike protest organizer Luca Davis called Turning Point’s values “un-American,” and said the national organization’s harmful rhetoric should not be tolerated on campuses. A junior at Pitzer College, which is part of the Claremont consortium, Davis said he hoped that having dozens of students laughing and blasting music as they biked by the tabling event would act as a visible “foil” to Turning Point’s values.

    “We’re living our beliefs and values while they’re working to tear them down,” he said. “It’s an active expression of everything they’re trying to destroy.”

    Despite the pushback, a Turning Point student leader said that membership has grown substantially since Kirk’s death, and most members are underclassmen.

    A die-hard Floridian, 19-year-old Gabriel Khuly said he became disillusioned by Democratic politics after he moved to California to attend Claremont McKenna for college.

    “You really only get to see how stupid and bad Democrat policies are once you get to [really] see them,” he said, citing the high concentration of homelessness on Skid Row and high food prices.

    The self-described “gadfly” and well-known conservative on campus said he noticed his right-leaning peers often don’t feel fully comfortable sharing their views, both in and out of the classroom.

    “There is still a sort of desire… to at least partially conceal those views,” he said.

    Khuly has received a lot of flak for voicing his conservative political opinions on campus, particularly on the anonymous, campus-based social app Fizz. In late September last year, Khuly wore his MAGA cap and, alongside his friends, debated students on abortion and climate change at a table outside the campus dining hall. Later, a post on the campus app called him “the most insufferable, weird, and unf*ckable guy on the planet,” receiving over 1,500 upvotes.

    Khuly said “he could not care less” about the retaliation.

    “These sorts of people, they don’t exist in the real world,” he said. “They exist online, they exist on college campuses, they exist at bougie millennial coffee shops … they’ll block up the streets for traffic for some protest or whatever, but outside of that, they don’t exist.”

    Up north in Shasta County, voters aged 18 to 20 are more likely to register Republican than those aged 21 to 29. But Shasta College itself, according to Randolph, is still a liberal hotspot, where speaking against liberal viewpoints wasn’t really allowed — until his Turning Point chapter came along.

    “People have said that they’ve gotten a lot of relief now that they know we’re on campus.”

    In some instances, tensions have boiled over, like at Turning Point’s final tour stop at UC Berkeley in November. Fights broke out, with one man hospitalized after he was struck in the head. Police in riot gear arrested several people. In March, a heated exchange occurred at Cerritos College between Democratic congressional candidate Shonique Williams and Republican students and activists.

    Political conflict in the classroom

    Scott Waller is the chair of the Political Science Department at Biola University in La Mirada, which Niche calls the most conservative college in California — and the 24th most conservative in the nation.

    During both of Trump’s administrations, Waller said he has noticed an increased “anxiousness” in the classroom.

    “If a student expresses his or her displeasure with the current Trump administration, they will know that there are students similarly animated in a very virulent way to defend the Trump administration,” he said. “That creates some tension in class.”

    Yet, some educators relish in-classroom conflict. Stephanie Muravchik and other scholars across the Claremont Colleges analyzed millions of college syllabuses last year to see how professors teach about some of the most contentious subjects in academia, including the ethics of abortion and the Israel-Hamas war. They argued that only a small fraction of professors teach the full range of controversy in the classroom.

    Professors must build “more contention” into the classroom in order to encourage healthy intellectual debate, the Claremont professors wrote in an October online magazine op-ed.

    So, in sections of her “Introduction to American Politics” class, Muravchik runs simulations with students taking on characters across the political aisle on topics such as social media regulation and constitutional ratification.

    She builds the simulations to include prominent conservative characters such as Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton and FBI Director Kash Patel. While all of her students have fun taking on these roles, she noted that her “quietly conservative students” can choose them and feel like they have “equal play in the political conversation.”

    “They have fun fighting,” she said. “They get to argue in a civil way.”

    Freshman Ava Khansari was in Muravchik’s American Politics class last fall. She said she enjoyed the simulations, and found them eye-opening. In one simulation, as she took on the role of TikTok CEO Shou Chew in a debate on deregulating social media, Khansari said she realized her true viewpoints “went the opposite direction” to her character’s views.

    “The games were a lot of fun,” Khansari said. “I really did change my viewpoints on certain topics.”

    In a separate course on “American Jews and Liberal Democracy,” Muravchik allows a few tense class sessions where, in class discussions, students debate more right-wing perspectives as well as other views.

    “A number of students had some sort of revolution in their political thinking in all kinds of directions,” Muravchik said. After some particularly exciting debate, one student even “came out as conservative.”

    Claremont McKenna student Khuly was part of a course titled “Liberalism and Conservatism” at the college last fall, which explored political opinions over multiple centuries, and was, for the first time, co-taught by a left- and a right-wing professor.

    “I think that it allows the space for genuine, real study of politics,” he said. “You don’t get many spaces for that.”

    Despite these benefits, there is one thing Khuly would change.

    “I can’t believe I’m saying this, [but] I wish we read more [work by] liberals.”

    Kahani Malhotra is a contributor with the College Journalism Network, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. CalMatters higher education coverage is supported by a grant from the College Futures Foundation.