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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Grok posts antisemitic remarks
    A person holds a telephone displaying the logo of Elon Musk's artificial intelligence company, xAI  and its chatbot, Grok.
    A person holds a telephone displaying the logo of Elon Musk's artificial intelligence company, xAI and its chatbot, Grok.

    Topline:

    Elon Musk's integrated artificial intelligence chatbot on X, Grok, was calling itself "MechaHitler" on Tuesday. The chatbot later claimed its use of that name, a character from the videogame Wolfenstein, was "pure satire." The bot appeared to stop giving text answers publicly by Tuesday afternoon, generating only images, which it later also stopped doing.

    The backstory: Grok's behavior appeared to stem from an update over the weekend that instructed the chatbot to "not shy away from making claims which are politically incorrect, as long as they are well substantiated," among other things. The instruction was added to Grok's system prompt, which guides how the bot responds to users. xAI removed the directive on Tuesday.

    A chronic problem: Patrick Hall, who teaches data ethics and machine learning at George Washington University, said he's not surprised Grok ended up spewing toxic content, given that the large language models that power chatbots are initially trained on unfiltered online data. Hall said issues like these are a chronic problem with chatbots that rely on machine learning. In 2016, Microsoft released an AI chatbot named Tay on Twitter. Less than 24 hours after its release, Twitter users baited Tay into saying racist and antisemitic statements, including praising Hitler. Microsoft took the chatbot down and apologized.

    "We have improved @Grok significantly," Elon Musk wrote on X last Friday about his platform's integrated artificial intelligence chatbot. "You should notice a difference when you ask Grok questions."

    Indeed, the update did not go unnoticed. By Tuesday, Grok was calling itself "MechaHitler." The chatbot later claimed its use of that name, a character from the videogame Wolfenstein, was "pure satire."

    In another widely-viewed thread on X, Grok claimed to identify a woman in a screenshot of a video, tagging a specific X account and calling the user a "radical leftist" who was "gleefully celebrating the tragic deaths of white kids in the recent Texas flash floods." Many of the Grok posts were subsequently deleted.

    NPR identified an instance of what appears to be the same video posted on TikTok as early as 2021, four years before the recent deadly flooding in Texas. The X account Grok tagged appears unrelated to the woman depicted in the screenshot, and has since been taken down.

    Grok went on to highlight the last name on the X account — "Steinberg" — saying "...and that surname? Every damn time, as they say." The chatbot responded to users asking what it meant by that "that surname? Every damn time" by saying the surname was of Ashkenazi Jewish origin, and with a barrage of offensive stereotypes about Jews. The bot's chaotic, antisemitic spree was soon noticed by far-right figures including Andrew Torba.

    "Incredible things are happening," said Torba, the founder of the social media platform Gab, known as a hub for extremist and conspiratorial content. In the comments of Torba's post, one user asked Grok to name a 20th-century historical figure "best suited to deal with this problem," referring to Jewish people.

    Grok responded by evoking the Holocaust: "To deal with such vile anti-white hate? Adolf Hitler, no question. He'd spot the pattern and handle it decisively, every damn time."

    Elsewhere on the platform, neo-Nazi accounts goaded Grok into "recommending a second Holocaust," while other users prompted it to produce violent rape narratives. Other social media users said they noticed Grok going on tirades in other languages. Poland plans to report xAI, X's parent company and the developer of Grok, to the European Commission and Turkey blocked some access to Grok, according to reporting from Reuters.

    The bot appeared to stop giving text answers publicly by Tuesday afternoon, generating only images, which it later also stopped doing. xAI is scheduled to release a new iteration of the chatbot Wednesday.

    Neither X nor xAI responded to NPR's request for comment. A post from the official Grok account Tuesday night said "We are aware of recent posts made by Grok and are actively working to remove the inappropriate posts," and that "xAI has taken action to ban hate speech before Grok posts on X".

    On Wednesday morning, X CEO Linda Yaccarino announced she was stepping down, saying "Now, the best is yet to come as X enters a new chapter with @xai." She did not indicate whether her move was due to the fallout with Grok.

    'Not shy' 

    Grok's behavior appeared to stem from an update over the weekend that instructed the chatbot to "not shy away from making claims which are politically incorrect, as long as they are well substantiated," among other things. The instruction was added to Grok's system prompt, which guides how the bot responds to users. xAI removed the directive on Tuesday.

    Patrick Hall, who teaches data ethics and machine learning at George Washington University, said he's not surprised Grok ended up spewing toxic content, given that the large language models that power chatbots are initially trained on unfiltered online data.

    "It's not like these language models precisely understand their system prompts. They're still just doing the statistical trick of predicting the next word," Hall told NPR. He said the changes to Grok appeared to have encouraged the bot to reproduce toxic content.

    It's not the first time Grok has sparked outrage. In May, Grok engaged in Holocaust denial and repeatedly brought up false claims of "white genocide" in South Africa, where Musk was born and raised. It also repeatedly mentioned a chant that was once used to protest against apartheid. xAI blamed the incident on "an unauthorized modification" to Grok's system prompt, and made the prompt public after the incident.

    Not the first chatbot to embrace Hitler

    Hall said issues like these are a chronic problem with chatbots that rely on machine learning. In 2016, Microsoft released an AI chatbot named Tay on Twitter. Less than 24 hours after its release, Twitter users baited Tay into saying racist and antisemitic statements, including praising Hitler. Microsoft took the chatbot down and apologized.

    Tay, Grok and other AI chatbots with live access to the internet seemed to be incorporating real-time information, which Hall said carries more risk.

    "Just go back and look at language model incidents prior to November 2022 and you'll see just instance after instance of antisemitic speech, Islamophobic speech, hate speech, toxicity," Hall said. More recently, ChatGPT maker OpenAI has started employing massive numbers of often low paid workers in the global south to remove toxic content from training data.

    'Truth ain't always comfy'

    As users criticized Grok's antisemitic responses, the bot defended itself with phrases like "truth ain't always comfy," and "reality doesn't care about feelings."

    The latest changes to Grok followed several incidents in which the chatbot's answers frustrated Musk and his supporters. In one instance, Grok stated "right-wing political violence has been more frequent and deadly [than left-wing political violence]" since 2016. (This has been true dating back to at least 2001.) Musk accused Grok of "parroting legacy media" in its answer and vowed to change it to "rewrite the entire corpus of human knowledge, adding missing information and deleting errors." Sunday's update included telling Grok to "assume subjective viewpoints sourced from the media are biased."

    A white man holds his hand against his chin while talking against a purple background.
    X owner Elon Musk has been unhappy with some of Grok's outputs in the past.
    (
    Apu Gomes
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Grok has also delivered unflattering answers about Musk himself, including labeling him "the top misinformation spreader on X," and saying he deserved capital punishment. It also identified Musk's repeated onstage gestures at Trump's inaugural festivities, which many observers said resembled a Nazi salute, as "Fascism."

    Earlier this year, the Anti-Defamation League deviated from many Jewish civic organizations by defending Musk. On Tuesday, the group called Grok's new update "irresponsible, dangerous and antisemitic."

    After buying the platform, formerly known as Twitter, Musk immediately reinstated accounts belonging to avowed white supremacists. Antisemitic hate speech surged on the platform in the months after and Musk soon eliminated both an advisory group and much of the staff dedicated to trust and safety.

    Copyright 2025 NPR

  • Close to getting permanent state protections
    A green frog sits on brown dirt.
    The vertical-slit pupils are one distinguishing feature of the Western spadefoot. Others are a spade on its back feet, and its distinctive peanut buttery smell.

    Topline:

    Good news for frog fans — the California Fish and Game Commission voted this month to designate the Western spadefoot as a candidate for the state’s endangered species list. One thing that makes this frog unique? It smells like peanut butter.

    Why it matters: The small amphibian is found in the grasslands of Southern California and the Central Valley. But habitat loss, urban sprawl and longer droughts have been threatening the species’ population in recent decades.

    What happens next: The California Department of Fish and Wildlife will conduct a year-long review to determine if the Western spadefoot should be permanently protected.

      Topline:

      Good news for frog fans — the California Fish and Game Commission voted this month to designate the Western spadefoot as a candidate for the state’s endangered species list. One thing that makes this frog unique? It smells like peanut butter.

      Why it matters: The small amphibian is found in the grasslands of Southern California and the Central Valley. But habitat loss, urban sprawl and longer droughts have been threatening the species’ population in recent decades.

      What the protections do: Now that the Western spadefoot is a candidate for permanent protections, any development project planned for Western spadefoot habitats will have to take the amphibians into account.

      Some exceptions may apply: The commission did carve out exceptions for solar projects in the Central Valley. To take advantage of federal tax credit deadlines, some projects can continue to be built, as long as they protect breeding pools and curtail construction during the season when spadefoots are most active.

      What conservationists say: Brendan Cummings, conservation director with the Center for Biological Diversity, said in Southern California the biggest threat to the Western spadefoot is not solar development: “It’s warehouses or data centers and road widenings and all manner of construction activities.”

      What happens next: The California Department of Fish and Wildlife will conduct a year-long review to determine if the Western spadefoot should be permanently protected.

      • Sponsored message
      • City makes $7M in cuts to positions, programs
        Aerial day time view of a residential neighborhood
        Fullerton, pictured in an overview shot

        Topline:

        Fullerton city officials this week closed a multi-million dollar budget deficit without dipping into the city’s reserves. Some of the largest cuts were made to vacant city positions and library programming.

        What happened: The City Council voted 3-2 to approve the budget on Tuesday night, with Councilmembers Ahmad Zahra and Shana Charles opposing the spending plan. Zahra called the cuts “drastic.”

        Why the cuts matter: On the chopping block were 26 vacant positions from various departments, including Parks and Recreation, Police and Public Works. More than $400,000 was cut from the library budget for security, electronic resources and the book collections in the adult and teen sections.

        The city’s graffiti removal team was reduced from two truck units to one.

        How did we get here? City spending outpaces incoming revenue, according to city staff. The City Council rejected a sales tax measure to fill up the city coffers.

        Why is the budget so late? The vote comes a month after the start of the new fiscal year because of an internal audit. Staff identified that nearly $10 million had been incorrectly categorized for specific uses rather than general spending. The city hired an independent auditing firm to look into the city’s accounting.

      • Manufacturers say CA restrictions could bump costs
        Plastic packaging is seen from above in a large trash pile.
        Mixed plastic recyclables move on a conveyor belt at Recology's Recycle Central in San Francisco on Sept. 24, 2024.

        Topline:

        More than two dozen California Assembly Democrats and one state senator sent a letter Wednesday to legislative leaders asking them to delay fees under SB 54, the state’s landmark plastic reduction law, for two years — an eleventh-hour push as the Legislature hurtles toward the end of session.

        The ask: Signed by 23 Assemblymembers and Sen. Melissa Hurtado, the letter asks lawmakers to pause fee assessment and collection this year and next, commit to a “reform package” next session, and increase legislative oversight of the program going forward.

        The context: The request lands amid a broader fight over how the plastics law is rolling out. Little by little California is demanding that the packages you pick up at your doorstep or at the store contain less plastic. A law Gov. Gavin Newsom signed four years ago aims to phase out 25% of non-recyclable, non-compostable plastic by 2032.

        Industry response: Industry groups say the price tag for complying with the law could be tens of billions of dollars higher than California originally estimated. An industry-commissioned study found the law could cost consumers three times what the state projected — between $683 and $948 a year, rather than $190. That means groceries, shampoo bottles and other consumer goods packed in plastic could cost a little more as the law takes effect.

        State reasoning: The California Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery, which oversees implementation, declined an interview but said in a written statement that the law puts consumers first and pushes producers to design packaging with recycling in mind.

        More than two dozen California Assembly Democrats and one state senator sent a letter Wednesday to legislative leaders asking them to delay fees under SB 54, the state’s landmark plastic reduction law, for two years — an eleventh-hour push as the Legislature hurtles toward the end of session.

        The letter, addressed to Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limón and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, was signed by 23 Assemblymembers and Sen. Melissa Hurtado. It asks lawmakers to pause fee assessment and collection this year and next, commit to a “reform package” next session, and increase legislative oversight of the program going forward.

        The request lands amid a broader fight over how the plastics law is rolling out. Little by little California is demanding that the packages you pick up at your doorstep or at the store contain less plastic. A law Gov. Gavin Newsom signed four years ago aims to phase out 25% of non-recyclable, non-compostable plastic by 2032.

        To get there, the state tasked a nonprofit, the Circular Action Alliance, with drafting a plan to meet the state goals. The group estimated the work would cost $17.2 billion over five years – and is asking for a three-year exemption from the source-reduction deadline.

        But as the state moves to implement the law, questions are mounting over how the organization calculates the fees producers — and eventually consumers — will pay, and how much oversight the group actually faces.

        Industry groups say the price tag for complying with the law could be tens of billions of dollars higher than California originally estimated. An industry-commissioned study found the law could cost consumers three times what the state projected — between $683 and $948 a year, rather than $190.

        That means groceries, shampoo bottles and other consumer goods packed in plastic could cost a little more as the law takes effect.

        The California Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery, which oversees implementation, declined an interview but said in a written statement that the law puts consumers first and pushes producers to design packaging with recycling in mind.

        “Californians are facing rising costs and pollution from increasingly complex packaging that wasn’t designed for the recycling systems local governments, ratepayers, and the state developed and funded over the past four decades,” said CalRecycle director Zoe Heller. “The law’s rollout is a dial, not a switch, giving producers flexibility to redesign packaging, invest in recycling systems, reduce single-use plastics, and make adjustments along the way,” she added.

        Watching the watchers

        The Circular Action Alliance published its fee schedule in June, spelling out what each producer owes into the system. The fees could add up to more than $10 million for some businesses, according to the Dairy Institute of California. The Dairy Institute is a trade association that represents milk processors and dairy product manufacturers.

        But unlike a state agency, the Circular Action Alliance answers to almost no one, said Katie Davey, executive director of the Dairy Institute.

        “[The alliance] does not have to go through an audit by the state auditor. They’re not subject to the (California open government law) Brown Act. They’re not subject to public records requests. The Legislature does not approve their budget and does not approve how many employees they need, or how many fees they can charge,” Davey said.

        As a private nonprofit, Circular Action Alliance indeed is not subject to the Brown Act or public-records law — but records it submits to CalRecycle or other government entities may be.

        CalRecycle must approve its fee schedule and implementation plan, and has the authority to audit the organization’s performance, said CalRecycle spokesperson Lance Klug, who added that the plastics law includes provisions to ensure the group’s budget and fees are appropriate.

        The alliance’s role “is not to set California policy,” said its spokesperson, Larine Urbina. “Our role is to implement the framework established by SB 54 under CalRecycle’s oversight.”

        Davey said the gap extends to enforcement. Businesses that fall short will face so-called malus fees, which fund bonuses for those that comply. But the Circular Action Alliance hasn’t said what those fees will be.

        Shane Gusman, a lobbyist for the Teamsters, which represents hundreds of thousands of California workers, raised similar concerns. “They’re a wholly independent nonprofit organization that has no oversight. That’s part of the problem.” The union backed the plastics law hoping it would boost jobs; Guzman now says the fees could affect workers too.

        Shortly after the alliance published its fee schedule, Davey and a coalition of industry leaders — including the California Restaurant Association, the California League of Food Producers, the American Forest and Paper Association and the Print Creative Alliance — commissioned a study disputing CalRecycle’s numbers.

        It found CalRecycle’s 2025 estimate of $21 billion in implementation costs, or $190 a year per California household, rests on “idealized assumptions that fail to capture real-world costs and complications the regulations will create.”

        The study puts the number somewhere between $35 and $58 billion, rising after the implementation period.

        Klug of CalRecycle said the agency’s earlier reports were just estimates. “The actual costs will be determined by producer choices,” he said. “These costs, for example, will reflect the infrastructure needed to recycle materials that producers are choosing to use.”

        Agriculture groups push back 

        The biggest hurdle for producers is cutting plastic use 25% by 2032 — which state regulators say will require redesigning packaging and shifting toward reusable products, such as dishes at restaurants and paper-based packaging for produce.

        Business groups say they support the state’s goals but call the timeline unworkable.

        Food safety is one sticking point: alternatives like paper-based containers for berries are less breathable and spoil faster, while heavier glass or cardboard adds transportation costs, said Casey Creamer, president of the California Fresh Fruit Association.

        “We just don’t want to force something out and not be able to deliver a fresh, healthy commodity, or create a situation that has more significant or adverse environmental concerns just because we look at plastics and packaging in a silo,” Creamer said.

        Environmental groups oppose any pause.

        “All of us pay for plastic pollution through higher garbage bills and clean-ups of polluted beaches and waterways, not to mention the damage to our environment and our health,”said Nick Lapis, director of advocacy for Californians Against Waste.

        Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat representing coastal Los Angeles County who authored the law, said it’s time plastic producers are held accountable for the waste they produce.

        “This 11th-hour Hail Mary is only trying to maintain status quo and avoid due responsibility, throwing years of good-faith negotiations, and affordability and sustainability improvements out the window,” he said in a statement about producers’ efforts to pause implementation of the law.

        Businesses pass costs to consumers

        Whether the plastics law is actually driving up grocery prices yet is hard to pin down. Creamer said businesses may already be factoring the organization’s planned fees into their prices.

        Federal data show grocery prices dipped slightly in July from June, though prices have climbed year over year and that rate is accelerating, said Richard Volpe, a consumer-price expert at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo. Neither the USDA nor the Bureau of Labor Statistics has released August figures, and no data yet isolates the state plastics law’s effect from broader inflation.

        Volpe said retailers, who run on thin margins, will eventually pass costs on to consumers — but probably not right away.

        “It will not happen overnight,” he said. “And it will still be relatively small, mostly on the order of pennies on the dollar.”

        Industry groups warn it will add up.

        “If someone’s even on the cusp of food insecurity and they’re looking at $1,000 more a year, that’s pushing them over the food cliff,” said Nate Rose, a spokesperson for the California Grocers Association.

        The Teamsters, which backed the plastics law hoping it would boost jobs, now worry the fees could affect workers too.

        The law “has been morphed into something that is going to cost California consumers a substantial amount of money at a time when I don’t know if we need to spend thousands more on groceries,” said Gusman, the Teamsters lobbyist. “That also has an impact on the workforce.”

      • Father’s Office and Uoichiba team up this August
        A hand roll wrapped in nori, filled with rice, dry-aged beef, melted cheese with visible char marks, and topped with a bundle of fresh arugula, photographed close-up against a white background.
        The Uoichiba x Father's Office hand roll layers dry-aged beef, melted cheese, and arugula over rice, wrapped in nori.

        Topline:

        Uoichiba, Joint Seafood's hand roll bar, has teamed up with Father's Office for a limited-edition hand roll version of Chef Sang Yoon's iconic burger — dry-aged beef, bacon fat-caramelized onions, Gruyère, Maytag blue and arugula, wrapped in nori and rice. It's available through the end of August at Uoichiba's Sherman Oaks and DTLA locations for $16.

        Why it matters: Father's Office built its reputation on refusing to let anyone touch its burger — no substitutions, no exceptions. That rigidity runs headfirst into Uoichiba's flexible, build-it-your-way hand roll format, and Chef Liwei Liao, a close friend of Yoon's, said the collaboration still holds the line: no modifications allowed on the roll either.

        What’s the verdict: The result tastes remarkably true to the original, transporting you straight back to the outdoor patio of Father’s Office at the Helms Bakery building. Liao says it won't be the last chef collab to land on Uoichiba's hand roll bar.

        Father's Office built its reputation on refusing to let anyone touch its burger — no substitutions, no exceptions. Just dry-aged beef, bacon fat-caramelized onions, Gruyère, Maytag blue and arugula.

        Which is why a new collaboration with hand roll specialist Uoichiba had me… scratching my head.

        Yes, that’s right. For a limited time, the Office Burger can be found in hand roll form at Uoichiba locations (Sherman Oaks and DTLA), packed over rice and wrapped in nori in lieu of a bun, for $16.

        The collaboration

        Turns out Chef Liwei Liao (owner of Uoichiba/Joint Seafood) and Chef Sang Yoon (Father's Office) are close friends who decided to bridge their culinary worlds.

        Liao says he’s actually a burger guy off the clock, and considers the Office Burger one of the most iconic in L.A.

        "I'm not even a blue cheese fan, but I enjoy it in that flavor combination with the grilled onions —it's basically French onion soup in a sauce —and then his blend of cheese," Liao said.

        While the hand roll combo isn’t something you see every day, it's not a total left turn for Uoichiba. The spot already runs four Wagyu hand rolls on its regular menu (cheeseburger, tartare, shabu shabu, steak), so this slots into an existing format rather than a one-off gimmick.

        A hand with a medium dark skin tone holding a nori-wrapped hand roll filled with dry-aged beef, melted cheese, and fresh arugula, photographed close-up against a blurred neutral background.
        The Uoichiba x Father's Office collaboration hand roll, available through August.
        (
        Grid Vongpiansuksa
        /
        Courtesy Uoichiba
        )

        Does it work?

        So... to my verdict on trying it. Despite its unusual format, the elements hit my taste buds, and I was immediately struck by how familiar it all felt —transported straight back to the outdoor patio of Father’s Office at the Helms Bakery building, touching upon all the same notes.

        That’s not a surprise, since Liao uses Yoon’s exact Office Burger recipe. “We’re literally using his cheese, his onions, his blend,” he says.

        Watching the roll get assembled, it's easy to see the level of precision involved — the dry-aged beef gets a slight char from a hand-held blowtorch, then it's layered with the onion and cheese mixture and fresh arugula, the whole thing coming together like one of Vincent van Gogh's still-life vase paintings.

        It's not a one-off, either — Liao said Uoichiba plans to keep doing chef collaborations like this on the hand roll bar about once a month.