The Brief

Los Angeles Unified students will be banned from using their smartphones and social media during the school day starting in February 2025.

The LAUSD Board voted to expand the district’s existing technology restrictions in June, citing rising concerns about the impact of the technologies on youth mental health, bullying and distraction from classroom instruction.

California lawmakers voted in August to require all districts to ban student smartphone use by July 2026.

“It is clear that our students, our youth’s addiction to their cellphones and the content that cellphones bring into their lives needs to come to an end,” said superintendent Alberto Carvalho. “The impact on their mental health is real.”

LAUSD officials unveiled full details of the policy at a meeting Tuesday. The school board does not need to vote on it. District officials said the policy is final; now it’s up to individual schools to decide how they’ll enforce it.

What’s the new policy?

Implementation will vary from campus to campus, but at a minimum:

• Students may not use cellphones, smartwatches, and earbuds on campus during school hours.
• Devices must be turned off and stored. 

Students can use devices before and after school and there are exceptions during the school day for students who need their phones for:

• Health-based reasons, i.e. to monitor blood sugar 
• Translation

Students with disabilities who use a cellphone or other technology as part of an Individualized Education Program or 504 plan will also not lose access to their devices.

Schools must also provide students access to their phones in case of an emergency.

The district’s expectation is that when students come back from Presidents’ Day weekend in February, new policies will be in place at every school.

LAUSD Chief of School Operations Andrés Chait said the policy is based on:

• a review of existing research on youth cellphone and social media use; 
• feedback from parents, students and educators via in-person and virtual meetings; and
• consultation with unions, other districts, researchers and media professionals.

Chait said there are at least 50 LAUSD schools that already have strict cellphone policies.

What is an ‘emergency’?

Chait, who oversees school safety among other responsibilities, said there isn't a formal definition of an “emergency.”

“When all else fails, apply common sense," he said.

For example: If students have to leave campus because of an incident, or maybe there's an earthquake, that might constitute a time when staff members will let students have their phones to text their families.

A lockdown in and of itself is not necessarily going to constitute an emergency, however. District officials said they're trying to balance student safety and mental health with the need to try and communicate with family at home.

In terms of basic communication — like if a student forgets their lunch at home — Chait said front offices exist to help bridge parents and their children during the school day.

So I can have a say in my school’s plan?

Schools will be expected to come up with their own rollout plan based on community input.

Options on the table for storing phones include:

• pouches (students put their devices in, and those devices are sealed with a special key); 
• lockers; 
• an honor system (phones in backpacks)

LAUSD will offer schools several options for storing smartphones.

(

Courtesy LAUSD

)

The district has made a one-time allocation of $7 million to cover costs.

Parents should expect schools to begin communicating the policy and its timeline, and that schools reach out to gather thoughts on how to implement the policy, if they haven’t already.

That communication may come through the Local School Leadership Council (LSLC), which includes parents, community members, school staff, and students.

Chait said the district has “common expectations,” about how the new policy will be enforced, but schools will have discretion over incidents.

“For example, one school may say that the second time that there's an incident, the student may be referred to a dean,” he said. “Another school may say they're referred to a counselor. But in general, the expectation is consistent that there's a lot of dialogue, there's a lot of opportunities for changes to behavior before there's any confiscating of a phone.”

What do charter schools have to do?

The district’s traditional, magnet, and affiliated charter schools will be expected to follow the policy. Unaffiliated charter schools located on the campus of district-run schools are also expected to follow the policy, but they have more leeway, Chait said. For instance, they can use different products than what the district plans to make available to its own schools.

“But at the end of the day,” Chait said, “they have to ensure, one, that cellphone use is restricted for the school day and, two, they're in compliance with state law so that kids still have access to those phones in the case of an emergency.”

Read the policy

Share your opinion

Senior editor for education Ross Brenneman contributed to this story.

President Donald Trump suspended the green card lottery program on Thursday that allowed the suspect in the Brown University and MIT shootings to come to the United States.

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said in a post on the social platform X that, at Trump's direction, she is ordering the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services to pause the program.

"This heinous individual should never have been allowed in our country," she said of the suspect, Portuguese national Claudio Neves Valente.

Neves Valente, 48, is suspected in the shootings at Brown University that killed two students and wounded nine others, and the killing of an MIT professor. He was found dead Thursday evening from a self-inflicted gunshot wound, officials said.

Neves Valente had studied at Brown on a student visa beginning in 2000, according to an affidavit from a Providence police detective. In 2017, he was issued a diversity immigrant visa and months later obtained legal permanent residence status, according to the affidavit. It was not immediately clear where he was between taking a leave of absence from the school in 2001 and getting the visa in 2017.

The diversity visa program makes up to 50,000 green cards available each year by lottery to people from countries that are little represented in the U.S., many of them in Africa. The lottery was created by Congress, and the move is almost certain to invite legal challenges.

Nearly 20 million people applied for the 2025 visa lottery, with more than 131,000 selected when including spouses with the winners. After winning, they must undergo vetting to win admission to the United States. Portuguese citizens won only 38 slots.

Lottery winners are invited to apply for a green card. They are interviewed at consulates and subject to the same requirements and vetting as other green-card applicants.

Trump has long opposed the diversity visa lottery. Noem's announcement is the latest example of using tragedy to advance immigration policy goals. After an Afghan man was identified as the gunman in a fatal attack on National Guard members in November, Trump's administration imposed sweeping rules against immigration from Afghanistan and other counties.

While pursuing mass deportation, Trump has sought to limit or eliminate avenues to legal immigration. He has not been deterred if they are enshrined in law, like the diversity visa lottery, or the Constitution, as with a right to citizenship for anyone born on U.S. soil. The Supreme Court recently agreed to hear his challenge to birthright citizenship.
Copyright 2025 NPR

By law, the Justice Department has until Friday to release files related to the life and death of Jeffrey Epstein.

Under the Epstein Files Transparency Act signed by President Trump last month, the attorney general is directed to "make publicly available in a searchable and downloadable format all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials in the possession of the Department of Justice, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation and United States Attorneys' Offices" related to Epstein and his associate Ghislaine Maxwell.

More specifically, the law targets the release of information about individuals affiliated with Epstein's criminal activities, any decisions not to charge Epstein and his associates and "entities (corporate, nonprofit, academic, or governmental) with known or alleged ties to Epstein's trafficking or financial networks."

The files include "more than 300 gigabytes of data and physical evidence" in the FBI's custody and internal Justice Department records from criminal cases against Epstein. Some files include photos and videos of Epstein's accusers, including minors, and other depictions of abuse that will be withheld.

The text of the law that passed Congress with near-unanimous support also reads that "no record shall be withheld, delayed, or redacted on the basis of embarrassment, reputational harm, or political sensitivity, including to any government official, public figure, or foreign dignitary."

Ahead of the release, some members of Congress have expressed concern about what may be shared and when. Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., a co-sponsor of the bill pushing for the release of Epstein files, shared a 14-minute video online Thursday explaining his expectations.

Massie said that he spoke with lawyers for some of Epstein's victims who allege that "there are at least 20 names of men who are accused of sex crimes in the possession of the FBI."

"So if we get a large production on December 19th and it does not contain a single name of any male who's accused of a sex crime or sex trafficking or rape or any of these things, then we know they haven't produced all the documents," he said. "It's that simple."

While the law gives the Justice Department 30 days after Trump signed it to publish the files, there is notably no mechanism to enforce the deadline or seek punishment if the deadline is not met or if lawmakers argue some redactions are improper.

There's also language in the law that allows redactions for classified national security or foreign policy purposes as well as anything "that would jeopardize an active federal investigation or ongoing prosecution."

Politics at play

But in recent weeks, Trump called on the Justice Department to investigate Democrats and financial institutions that have been mentioned in Epstein's private communications that have been released by the House Oversight Committee, complicating potential disclosures.

The attorney general is supposed to submit to the House and Senate a report listing the categories of records released and withheld, a summary of redactions made and "a list of all government officials and politically exposed persons named or referenced in the released materials" without redactions.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., told reporters Thursday that Democrats "expect compliance" with Friday's deadline.

"But if the Department of Justice does not comply with what is federal law at this point, there will be strong bipartisan pushback," he said.

In the meantime, there has been a steady drip of releases by Democrats and Republicans on the House Oversight Committee of documents from Epstein's private files, handed over by his estate under a subpoena.

The way the Trump administration has handled the Epstein files — including downplaying the information for much of the year — means that this release likely won't be the end of the story.

Democrats have used the files and Trump's changing message as one of the few levers of power they have to go after the Republican Party, which controls Congress and the White House.

Before returning to office, Trump and other key figures vowed to release the Epstein files as proof that a cabal of child predators was being protected by the government and working to undermine Trump. Now, some of Trump's base believes that he himself is part of the cover-up.

Throughout all of this, Epstein and Maxwell's accusers say they're disappointed that their allegations of abuse have been used as a political cudgel wielded by politicians in Washington.

"It's time that we put the political agendas and party affiliations to the side," Haley Robson, one accuser, said in a Nov. 18 press conference outside the Capitol. "This is a human issue. This is about children. There is no place in society for exploitation, sexual crimes, or exploitation of women in society."

Copyright 2025 NPR

If you’re lucky, an L.A. Christmas means you’re unwrapping some incredible tamales.

And if you’re really savvy, you probably have your go-to tamal lady.

If you’re both, you probably already know about Yesenia Trujillo Carranza.

“December is tamales season,” Carranza tells The LA Local. “It’s much busier for me, but I love it. I love anyone who really gets joy from my tamales.”

Carranza has been feeding the Boyle Heights community hot tamales, champurrado and café de olla for 20 years.

“I have a lot of enthusiasm for feeding the community,” she said from her tamales cart, located across the road from Roosevelt High School at the intersection of South Fickett and Fourth streets.

Carranza makes her Guerrero-style corn-husk tamales fresh each day — preparing about 50 pounds of masa and offering sweet tamales, classic chicken, pork and queso con rajas.

The stand-out is definitely the tamales de pollo served with a vibrant green salsa that has just the perfect hit of spice to make you shout, “It’s a wonderful life!” this Christmas.

But Carranza isn’t alone on these streets.

Some of the best chefs and eateries in Los Angeles are elevating the portable masa meal to Michelin levels.

Don’t get us wrong, tamales like the ones Carranza and your favorite tamales lady sell do not need the glow up.

But these tamal makers offer a unique and adventurous take on the ancient masa masterpiece.

Komal

3655 S. Grand Ave., Los Angeles, Historic South Central

A tamal rojo from Komal.

(

Marina Peña

/

The LA Local

)

Komal opened in September 2024 at Mercado La Paloma and immediately made headlines for being LA’s first craft molino, which basically means it makes some of the best masa this side of the border.

That masa excellence is on full display in their pretty and plump chuchito tamal, a staple on the menu. The chuchito is a ball of masa stuffed with pork and topped with roasted peppers, tomato sauce, and pickled vegetables.

“The chuchito is from Guatemala, and it represents my team. Most of the people who work with me in the kitchen are from Guatemala, so this dish is a way to represent them,” says Komal’s chef and co-owner, Fátima Juárez. “Without them, we truly wouldn’t be what we are today.”

The flavors feel like a heartfelt nod to traditional dishes found in Mexico City and Oaxaca. The tamales are made with Indigenous corn sourced directly from farmers in Mexico and nixtamalized on site.

“In general, the masa and its consistency make the tamal very light. It melts in your mouth, almost as if you were eating a savory or sweet cake. It’s not very dense; it’s juicy and has a lot of flavor,” Juarez says. “A big part of that has to do with how the masa is made, we don’t use lard; we use olive oil and grape-seed oil.”

For the holidays, Juárez has added some beautiful seasonal tamales. There’s a rojo that’s bursting at the seams with sweet corn and calabacitas, topped with a spicy red sauce. Komal also features a tamal verde with chicken and tomatillo sauce, along with a sweet tamal de leche made with oranges and strawberry jam.

Guelaguetza

3014 W. Olympic Blvd., Los Angeles, Koreatown

A mole tamal from Guelaguetza.

(

Courtesy Guelaguetza

)

Guelaguetza’s tamales are simply stunning to look at. Opening one is as close to unwrapping a Christmas present as it gets.

Founded by husband and wife Fernando Lopez and Maria Monterrubio in 1994, this ode to Oaxacan cuisine has become one of the most lauded restaurants in the country, thanks in large part to the late Pulitzer Prize-winning food critic Jonathan Gold, who once called Guelaguetza “the most accomplished Oaxacan restaurant in the United States.”

The tamales come carefully wrapped in a large banana leaf so that there is just enough of an opening to decorate the masa with the Lopez family’s legendary black mole. Inside, you will find a treasure of juicy chicken breast meat.

Lugya’h by Poncho’s Tlayudas

4301 W. Jefferson Blvd., Los Angeles, West Adams

Lugya’h by Poncho’s Tlayudas features a savory amarillo sauce.

(

Erick Galindo

/

The LA Local

)

When the humble culinary genius Alfonso “Poncho” Martinez sunsetted his weekend pop-up Poncho’s Tlayudas for a six-day-a-week brick and mortar shop called Lugya’h inside the swanky Maydan Market, LA’s street food lovers both rejoiced and shed a tear. There was nothing like Friday nights feasting on Poncho’s tlayudas. But now we can get them all week long, and there are some added benefits like access to his beautiful Zapotec-inspired tamales.

“In the hills of Oaxaca, we wrap tamales with whatever kind of leaves we can find,” he tells The LA Local.

Lugya’h’s tamales are quite beautiful to look at, but they are also quite lovely to devour. They are turkey tamales wrapped in banana leaves and feature Poncho’s savory amarillo sauce, a blend of hot peppers, tomatoes and turkey broth.

A Tí

1498 Sunset Blvd., Los Angeles, Echo Park

A Tí serves a sweet dessert tamal.

(

Erick Galindo

/

The LA Local

)

Chef Andrew Ponce says he opened his fine dining-style Mexican restaurant A Tí as a tribute to his father. “My father worked his whole life and still had time to make it to my little league games,” he explained. “So this is for him.”

Ponce admits he was never great at baseball, but he hit it out of the park with his dessert tamal. Ponce uses blue masa quebrada — a crumbly, more coarse masa from Kernel of Truth Organics — whipped butter and a blend of seasonal squash from the farmers market.

“It can be from kabocha green and red squash or red curry squash and honey nut squash,” Ponce tells The LA Local. “And I season it with piloncillo and warm spices.”

The sweet tamal is topped with soft whipped cream and a pecan crumble.

Tamales La Güera

Southeast corner of Broadway and West Vernon Avenue in Historic South Central

The guajolota by Tamales La Güera.

(

Kevin Martinez

/

The LA Local

)

LA Local community engagement director Kevin Martinez swears by Elisa Chaparro Garcia’s guajolota — a hot tamal stuffed inside a bolillo, creating a thick tamal torta — because it’s the closest thing to a Mexico City tamal experience you can find in Los Angeles.

The combination creates a perfect balance between the melty ephemerality of the tamal and the sweet stickiness of the bread. The tamales are served with pork, chicken, queso con rajas, strawberry, pineapple or mole.

“The bolillo allows the tamal to linger a little longer in the mouth,” Martinez explains. “It’s not too soggy, not too dry, creating the perfect bite.”

Tamales La Güera has been serving her Mexico City-style tamales in South Central for more than 20 years and has become so popular that she opened a second stand across the street.

La Flor de Yucatán

1800 Hoover St., Los Angeles, Pico Union

The colado from La Flor de Yucatán.

(

Marina Peña

/

The LA Local

)

This family-owned fixture in Pico Union specializes in Mayan-style, banana leaf tamales.

“Our tamales come from a family recipe from the Yucatán because that’s where our specialty is. We chose bits and pieces from aunts and uncles and made it our own,” says Annie Burgos, co-owner of the bakery.

La Flor de Yucatán has been in the neighborhood for more than 50 years, serving homestyle baked goods like hojaldra — a flaky, sugar-topped pastry with ham and cheese — and regional tamales.

Her parents, Antonio and Rosa Burgos, started the business after baking in their home kitchen in Pasadena in the late 1960s, with Antonio selling the goods door to door and from his vehicle.

“Yucatán is so far down in Mexico, so our tamales have more in common with those from Central America and the Caribbean,” Burgos says. “The consistency of the dough is different, the flavoring is different because you get some of the flavoring from the banana leaf itself, and the tamales tend to be moist.”

Today, they offer three classic Yucatecan tamales wrapped in banana leaves: the colado, a moist, fluffy tamal filled with chicken and pork; the tortiado, a hand-patted tamal with chicken and pork; and the dzotobichay, a chaya leaf tamal often filled with pepper jack cheese.

“My favorite would be the tortiado, but in all the pop-ups that we do, everywhere that we go, the one that reigns supreme is the colado,” Burgos says. “You can scoop into the colado, the other tamales you have to cut into.”

To those barreling through city streets: Your days of speeding are numbered.

Automatic speed cameras will start issuing tickets along Long Beach’s most nefarious roadways next year, in a bid to curb rising traffic fatalities and injuries.

This comes after the Long Beach City Council on Tuesday approved two plans that outline the locations for the cameras, explain their placement, chart the expected cost of the program and govern how data will be collected.

Officials expect to install the cameras in the spring and begin issuing warning citations for 60 days through the summer. Speeding drivers will begin receiving fines in the fall.

How will it work?

The 18 camera locations were chosen for their high rates of street racing, speeding and pedestrian collisions. Most locations are also in or near a school zone.

Cameras had to be placed within either a federally designated safety corridor, school zone or an area that has received calls for enforcement for four separate incidents within the last two years.

A screenshot from a City Council presentation shows the locations for speed cameras.

There is some overlap. Long Beach Boulevard, for example, will have cameras installed at three locations, each for different reasons: one between E. San Antonio Drive and 45th Street, due to being a high-injury network and a bustling truck route; another between Victoria and Market Street for its rampant street racing despite being a school zone; and a third one covering Artesia Boulevard to 70th Street, due to having the highest rate of street racing in the city. It is also a common route for trucks.

There will be warnings you’re approaching a speed camera, said Public Works Director Josh Hickman. Signage will be posted within 500 feet of the pole-mounted devices with “Photo Enforced” in bold below, with other signage posted further back to allow drivers a chance to decelerate.

The only data collected will be a photograph of a driver’s rear license plate. Using that, Public Works employees will issue tickets to their registered owners, who could be a different person than the driver. Cameras will not photograph people’s faces, and license plate data will not be shared with any law enforcement.

Drivers will have time to adjust. Tickets issued in the first 60 days will come only with a warning. Afterwards, owners of any car speeding over 11 mph face a fine of $50, with a cost escalator up to $500 for those driving 100 mph.

Tickets can be paid, negotiated down as much as 80% based on income level or swapped for community service. Data is erased once the ticket is resolved.

The program will cost $835,000 in the first year, with an annual operating cost of about $1.6 million. Over the five-year period it’s expected to run, officials estimate it will cost a total of $8.9 million, covered wholly by citations issued.

Any additional profits from citations will be used to pay for traffic calming improvements, like speed bumps, flashing beacons and lane narrowing.

How’d we get here?

This comes two years after the city was approved to join a state pilot for speed cameras alongside six other cities. But so far, only one, San Francisco, has launched the program, while others continue to lag behind.

Since the bill authorizing the pilot was signed in October 2023, there have been more than 3,200 crashes in Long Beach — of those, more than 20% resulted from speeding, according to state collision data. Of the nearly 3,000 people injured in traffic collisions in 2024, speed was the leading factor in a quarter of the crashes.

According to a 2025 report released last week by the Southern California Association of Governments. The city from 2014 to 2024 saw more than 400 people killed and another 40,000 injured by collisions.

Long Beach’s 55 traffic fatal collisions this year have outpaced homicides and exceeded last year’s total of 36 killed in crashes.

Erin Hoops, with the pro-street-safety group Carlite Long Beach, said this has been “the deadliest year since before the 1990s.”

What’s next?

The pilot will be deemed a success if it can bring a 20% reduction in excessive speeding or repeat offenses at the chosen locations, officials said.

“I know there’s a lot of enthusiasm here, on the public side, the City Council side, I think the timing couldn’t be better,” said Mayor Rex Richardson. “The traffic safety, the incidents of vehicle fatalities have increased post-pandemic and also fluctuate wildly.”

Depending on the pilot’s success, council members said they plan to push California legislators to bring additional cameras to nearby state roads, including Pacific Coast Highway.

Recent legislation will allow Caltrans to install 35 cameras to ticket drivers speeding through construction and maintenance zones along PCH. Signed in October, it will run through 2032.

How does the public feel?

Despite the public concern over fatalities, the camera’s introduction was received with mixed results. Surveys that ran from October to November found 48% of respondents opposed the cameras, while 41% supported them. Ninety-five of the 98 responses received focused on the city’s impact report, though officials were scant on details of what was said in the responses.

No changes were made as a result of the public engagement, officials said.