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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Community college alumni share their experiences
    A woman with light skin tone and long dark hair is standing in front of large brick pillars that spell out ELAC. She is clad in a cap and gown, holding up a sign that says "ON TO THE NEXT."
    Tammy Carrillo graduated from East Los Angeles College in 2021. Growing up, she didn't know she had a learning disability.

    Topline:

    Across California, tens of thousands of students with learning disabilities are navigating higher ed. But not all of them are getting the support they need, and many have to learn to advocate for themselves.

    Who we talked to: Two local community college alumni described to LAist their journeys from continuation school to becoming the first in their families to earn college degrees.

    Why it matters: Growing up, neither student was encouraged to pursue higher ed. Before they were assessed and given the resources they needed, these students struggled academically. But once they had the right accommodations, they thrived in community college and beyond.

    The bigger picture: Nationally, about 21% of undergraduates have a disability, including learning, physical, or psychological disabilities.

    Christopher Elquizabal, dean of student accessibility and wellness services at Cerritos College, says campus leaders need to recognize that students with disabilities are “one of the largest minority communities on campus” and create programs to help them feel that they belong.

    Our guide: Here’s What Students With Learning Disabilities Need To Know Before Enrolling In Community College

    Across California, tens of thousands of students with learning disabilities are navigating higher ed. But not all of them are getting the support they need, and many have to learn to advocate for themselves.

    Listen 0:45
    Learning Disabilities In Higher Ed: Community College Alumni Open Up About Getting The Services They Needed

    The first time Tammy Carrillo enrolled at East Los Angeles College (ELAC), she didn’t know she had a learning disability. She also hadn’t thought of herself as college material.

    At her continuation school in Montebello, most teachers “looked down” on her and her classmates, she said. “It was kind of like: We were going to school, but we were expected to fail.”

    Carrillo grew up in poverty, watching her single mother struggle to make ends meet. By the time she enrolled at ELAC, she was also traumatized after witnessing two friends get killed. She was timid, and she had no idea what to major in. Students around her proudly declared: “I'm a nursing major,” or, “I'm going into business.” Carrillo just felt overwhelmed.

    “It didn’t make sense to me,” she said. “So I just figured: It’s me. I’m the one who’s lacking something. I’m the one who’s not smart enough to be here.”

    She grew tired of struggling aimlessly. Then, she quit.

    A second try, with help this time

    Fifteen years later — and with three children of her own — Carillo decided to re-enroll at ELAC.

    But despite being highly motivated, Carrillo was terrified. She didn’t want to return to school just to quit all over again.

    She wanted to earn more money to give her children a better life. She wanted to follow in her aunt’s footsteps, who graduated from USC. She also wanted to honor her friends. They’d all been shot at during a drive-by when they were teenagers, but only Carrillo survived.

    “We were all kids, and they never got a chance to have what I have,” she said.

    But even with a light course load, she struggled again, especially in math.

    She described her experience to a mentor. Her mentor listened closely and recommended that she look into ELAC's Diverseabilities Student Program and Services (DSPS), which provides support for students with learning, physical, or psychological disabilities.

    After speaking with DSPS office personnel, Carrillo agreed to be assessed for a learning disability — but she was initially hesitant.

    “What does this mean?” she wondered. “Does this mean I can’t learn properly? Does this mean I can’t graduate?”

    Through the assessment, Carrillo was diagnosed with a processing deficit. “That just means it takes me a little bit longer to get to where I need to,” she said.

    Learning Disabilities In Community College

    If you’re a high school senior with a learning disability — or if you’ve struggled in school despite trying your best — you might benefit from specialized academic support when you’re in college. The same can be true for adults returning to school after years away.

    An LAist Guide: Here’s What Students With Learning Disabilities Need To Know Before Enrolling In Community College

    ELAC provided her with a note-taker and a personal counselor. She also qualified for priority registration, more time to finish exams, and the option of taking them in an alternate space with a proctor. When Carrillo didn’t have a note-taker, she used an electronic smartpen, which pairs audio notes to written notes, so she could “go back and just hear what I needed to hear and maybe redo my notes if I missed something.”

    Her academic experience transformed. “It was a totally different ball game for me,” she said. “I loved going to ELAC.”

    She graduated from ELAC in 2021, then went on to earn a bachelor’s degree in psychology at Cal State L.A. Come fall, she’ll be starting a master’s program in rehabilitation counseling. Her goal is to help students with any kind of disability.

    On her graduation day, Carrillo paused to take it all in. She was in her car, clad in a cap and gown, with her mom and children in tow. “Knowing where I've come from, it was a huge accomplishment,” she said.

    Being told 'school is not for you'

    Like Carrillo, Christopher Elquizabal attended a continuation school in Southern California. He was removed from his home when he was a teenager. At school, a counselor told him college was not for him, and Elquizabal believed her.

    “I never thought I was a good student,” he said. “I always struggled academically.”

    Instead of college, Elquizabal’s counselor encouraged him to go to night school and earn a certificate. Soon after, he signed up for a medical billing program.

    But one of Elquizabal’s friends had pushy parents, and they were forcing her to go to college. “I'm not going by myself,” she told Elquizabal. The next thing he knew, he was enrolled at Fullerton College.

    He signed up for courses in Chicano studies, Africana studies, and social psychology and found himself captivated. The college’s Disability Support Services office also diagnosed him with an auditory processing disorder and provided him with services. Suddenly, school wasn’t so hard.

    After transferring to Cal State Long Beach, he began to focus on students with disabilities, in part because of his coursework.

    “I started noticing that a lot of Black and brown students, in particular males, tend to be funneled into special education programs, and they have a high propensity to also be diagnosed with — or at least qualify for services — under ‘emotional disturbance,’” he said.

    Elquizabal then went on to earn a master’s degree at Harvard, where he focused on the school-to-prison pipeline. There, he thought about all the times he was forced to miss recess or placed in detention, usually after “shutting down” when struggling in class.

    A man with short dark hair and medium-light skin tone smiles. He is clad in a cardinal red cap and gown with a light blue hood.
    After getting the accommodations he needed, Christopher Elquizabal went on to earn a doctoral degree in education at USC.
    (
    Courtesy of Christopher Elquizabal
    )

    He also learned that “if you’re Black and brown, you're more likely to end up in special education, which then leads to behavioral interventions, which then leads to the likelihood that you're going to end up in prison.”

    Ultimately, Elquizabal earned a doctoral degree in education at USC, where his dissertation focused on students with disabilities in higher ed. Today, he is the dean of Student Accessibility and Wellness Services at Cerritos College.

    He encourages prospective students with learning disabilities to visit campuses and ask about the services and programs that might be available to them. He also encourages campus leaders to recognize “the disability community is one of the largest minority communities on campus.”

    “We tend to sort of slice up students into identity pieces,” he added. “But the reality is our students are also undocumented. Our students are also LGBTQ. Our students are also Black. Our students are also part of foster care, they’re parents. We see every population in our office.”

  • A state initiative for low-income residents stalls
    GRID Alternatives employees install no-cost solar panels on the rooftop of a low-income household on October 19, 2023 in Pomona, California.
    Workers install solar panels on the rooftop of a Pomona home in 2023.

    Topline:

    Solar developers say they’re facing crippling losses and potential bankruptcy amid a stall in a state-funded solar power program.

    Who is affected: It isn't just the developers waiting on reimbursement. Low-income households in the hottest and most fire-prone areas of the state stood to benefit from free installation of solar and battery storage. Now they're in limbo, waiting months for the bill savings and energy reliability they were promised.

    Why it matters: The issue highlights the challenges to expanding access to clean energy as fossil fuel pollution continues to accelerate climate change. It's also another hit to an industry that has faced significant setbacks at the state and federal levels in recent years.

    Read on ... to learn why the program stalled and what could happen next.

    Solar developers say they’re facing crippling losses and potential bankruptcy amid a stall in a state-funded solar power program.

    California’s “self-generation incentive program,” or SGIP, was reworked in 2024 to help low-income households install solar and battery-storage systems for free.

    But SGIP has been plagued by delays, bureaucracy, poor communication and stalled payments, according to five developers LAist spoke with. Small developers say they’ve been hit especially hard by a lottery system that they argue favors larger developers.

    And customers who stood to benefit the most from free installation of solar and battery storage — low-income households in the hottest and most fire-prone areas of the state — are in limbo, waiting months for the bill savings and energy reliability they were promised ahead of what is expected to be a record-hot summer.

    The issue highlights the challenges to expanding access to clean energy as fossil fuel pollution continues to accelerate climate change and is another hit to an industry that has faced significant setbacks in recent years from changes to state-level rooftop solar programs and the Trump administration’s cuts to clean energy incentives.

    How we got here 

    The state has offered incentives to large electric customers to install battery-storage systems since the energy crisis of the early 2000s. The latest version of the SGIP program aims to prioritize qualifying low-income residents.

    In 2024, the state allocated $280 million in state funds to install solar and batteries for free on qualifying homes and apartments. The program is administered through the state’s investor-owned utilities and the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power. It officially launched last summer.

    Here’s how it’s supposed to work: Developers identify projects they can take on, then apply for funding via a first-come-first-served reservation system. If requested funds exceed the total funding, then a lottery is triggered. If their project is approved, the developer does the work and covers the upfront costs of the installation with the understanding they’ll get paid back through SGIP within a year.

    What’s happening in LADWP territory?

    A view of solar panels arrayed in the foreground and a tall building in the background.
    Solar panels dot the parking area at the DWP building in downtown Los Angeles.
    (
    Lawrence K. Ho
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    As soon as the SGIP program launched last June, large developers quickly flooded the application system.

    Sunrun, one of the nation’s largest solar developers, submitted applications requesting as much as 97% of the total funds available in Los Angeles Department of Water and Power territory, according to public data reviewed by LAist. (Sunrun declined to be interviewed for this story. LADWP didn’t agree to be interviewed about the breakdown of applications.)

    LADWP said it is in the process of reviewing the 451 applications it received. So far, DWP officials have approved one: $28,000 for a single-family home project, the utility told LAist.

    Smaller developers told LAist they’re concerned that there is no cap on how much any single developer can receive through the program. General market versions of SGIP not targeted for low-income properties have developer caps of 20% of the incentive funds, according to the program’s handbook.

    “The purpose of the program, I believe, is not to just enrich the biggest players or to allow them to have free project financing,” said Aaron Eriksson, owner of Escondido-based Solar Symphony Construction, which applied for projects in LADWP territory. “We all got kind of left out in the cold on that one.”

    Robert Cudd, a research analyst with UCLA who has studied SGIP, said the program does incentivize developers lining up as many projects as possible ahead of time to “claim the largest possible share of that rebate pool.”

    That’s often the case for similar programs that aim to serve low-income customers.

    The state “is agnostic about who is doing this work,” Cudd said. “They just want to accelerate the energy transition.”

    Only a few large companies — including Sunrun and GRID Alternatives, as well as growing startup Haven Energy — have developed specialized expertise in these kinds of complex programs that have higher upfront costs.

    Small companies on the brink 

    Delayed reimbursements have developers worried about projects in the works and about new paperwork requirements.

    In February, the California Public Utilities Commission — five governor-appointed regulators who oversee the program — abruptly paused SGIP. In their ruling, they said that projects submitted varied widely in costs, with many exceeding incentives “significantly.”

    The ruling flagged discrepancies such as the same wall battery reportedly costing as low as $8,600 and as high as $21,000. So the CPUC decided to require developers to submit additional receipts and documentation of their costs.

    But developers LAist spoke with said only a fraction of applications were at the state’s predicted costs. The developers argue costs have gone up due to inflation, tariffs and cuts to clean energy tax credits. Projects serving low-income households also often require upgrades because of the buildings’ age.

    Joshua Buswell-Charkow, deputy director of California Solar and Storage Association, a trade organization that represents more than 70 companies that participate in the SGIP program, said work is already underway in some cases.

    “Some of our contractors are out literally millions of dollars right now,” he said. “ I'm worried that we're going to have folks go out of business because of this.”

    That could be the case for Eriksson’s company, Solar Symphony. More than 100 of the company’s applications to install solar and battery systems at no cost to qualifying customers were approved by Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric. Now, Eriksson said, they don’t know if they’ll be paid for projects they’ve already installed.

    “We were very excited by the potential to deliver truly no-cost, home-sited solar and batteries to California ratepayers,” Eriksson wrote in a statement to the public utilities commission. “The regulators effectively induced us to commit under one set of rules; we accepted and delivered — and now the terms are changing.”

    Eriksson told LAist he could be out of business by June if the state doesn’t release the payments.

    Other companies have indefinitely paused installing systems approved by program administrators.

    “We've signed contracts with hundreds of low-income families. We've purchased the equipment,” said Vinnie Campo, co-founder of Haven Energy, one of the state’s largest SGIP installers, at a Public Utilities Commission meeting in late April. “Our crews are ready to install, but systems sold in good faith to customers … are sitting in warehouses instead of on homes.”

    Seven representatives of solar companies, including a lawyer representing multiple companies in Southern California, expressed their concerns at that meeting.

    Lionel Rodriguez of Glendale-based Solar Optimum was one.

    “Many people are hurting,” Rodriguez said, “and it's destroying the integrity of our company and also the customer's trust.”

    In early May, in response to such concerns, the Public Utilities Commission released another ruling saying administrators can start paying developers when certain documentation has been submitted but that they still could audit any company that receives funds. Meanwhile, utilities have until the end of June 2028 to spend the funds, or else they’ll be returned to the state’s general fund.

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  • LA school teaches the 'nitty-gritty' of democracy
    A man with light skin tone and short brown hair wearing a gray hoodie stands in front of several large pieces of paper tacked to a white board. The center sheet reads "What tools do we have individually to repair our democracy? What tools do we have collectively to repair our democracy?"
    Joel Snyder teachers government and economics at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School in L.A.'s Florence-Firestone neighborhood.

    Topline:

    Many schools struggle to teach civics in an increasingly partisan political environment and in a way that captures students attention. One South L.A. charter teacher says the key is to focus on the “nitty-gritty work of democracy.”  

    Why it matters: Researchers who study youth civic engagement point to a lack of related education as one factor in persistently low youth voter turnout.

    The backstory: Joel Snyder has taught at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School for nearly two decades. His government class has included visits from local elected officials, researching candidates and ballot measures during elections and opportunities to register to vote and become a poll worker. “I think about how to make the pitch to [students] that democracy is important in their lives and is a public good,” Snyder said.

    What students say: When Eduardo Mira started his senior year at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School, he thought politics was a “fool’s game.” “All I saw from the media was just negativity and division and, like, political violence,” Mira said. But after taking Snyder’s class, Mira pre-registered to vote and signed up to be a student poll worker. “Now's my chance to intertwine with politics because eventually politics will intertwine with your life,” Mira said.

    When Eduardo Mira started his senior year at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School, he thought politics was a “fool’s game.”

    “All I saw from the media was just negativity and division and, like, political violence,” Mira said. “Nothing good, but now I do see the beauty in it.”

    Mira credits government and economics teacher Joel Snyder with helping connect the problems he sees in the Florence-Firestone neighborhood surrounding the school, including pollution and sidewalks littered with dog feces, to potential solutions in local government.

    “We focus on some of the nitty-gritty work of democracy that's not as election-focused,” Snyder said of his curriculum. “Then hopefully we are able to turn those skills into an argument for why their legislators matter, which translates to voting in the future.”

    For example, Snyder asks local elected officials and their representatives to visit his class and his students have traveled to the State Capitol. Last school year, his classes participated in a program where community members 16-and-up got to vote on how Los Angeles County spent $500,000.

    However, research on civics education indicates classes like Snyder’s are the exception, not the norm at many schools.

    Researchers who study youth civic engagement, including Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at USC, point to a lack of related education as one factor in persistently low youth voter turnout.

    “[Students] turn 18, and all of a sudden we magically expect them to not only know how to vote, but to think it's important and want to vote,” Romero said.

    Schools struggle to teach civics

    American schools are struggling to teach the basics of democracy.

    One indication is that students' proficiency on the National Assessment of Educational Progress civics test is dropping— only 1 in 5 eighth-graders met the standard in 2022, the most recent results available. Students’ civics understanding is also declining globally.

    California requires students to take a one-semester American government and civics course to graduate, but the quality of the class and student engagement varies. For example, schools that enroll low-income students are less likely to offer related extracurricular activities, including student media and government.

    In 2020, the California State Board of Education created an award for students who “demonstrate excellence in civic learning,” in response to legislation signed in 2017.

    In L.A. County, about 3.7% of graduating seniors earned the State Seal of Civic Engagement in the 2024-2025 school year compared to about 5% of graduates across California.

    “We somewhere along the line disconnected the notion of high schools and K through 12 schools as like, bedrocks of teaching democracy and democratic practice,” said Snyder, the social studies teacher in South L.A. “I think a lot of that nationally is a real fear of folks looking or feeling like they're being partisan.”

    More than a third of teachers who responded to a recent survey by nonprofit iCivics reported changing or removing lesson plans because of the current political climate and 1 in 5 have considered leaving their job.

    “Whatever we can do to support teachers to feel comfortable and safe to prioritize talking about civics period … I think is really important,” said Romero, of USC.

    Even Snyder, who's been a teacher for more than two decades and written publicly about his approach to civics education, paused during our interview to consider whether to share that as part of his class, students register to vote. He estimated about 1,000 students have registered to vote in his class since California started allowing students as young as 16 to sign up to be automatically added to the voter rolls at 18. An LAist review of the state’s preregistration program found relatively few eligible teens participate.

    School as a ‘primary connector of American democracy’

    Snyder said the 2016 election marked a shift in his approach to teaching civics.

    “The last decade has been a lot of thinking of myself as the primary connector of American democracy to not only my students, but to their families in our broader community,” Snyder said.

    Residents of the Florence-Firestone neighborhood are primarily Latino and Black and about 40% were born outside the United States. More than half of adults have not graduated from high school, according to data compiled by L.A. County.

    About five times a year Snyder asks students to start conversations with family members about class topics from the principles of democracy to the three branches of government and the legal immigration process.

    Mira, the graduating senior, said as a result he’s talked about politics with both conservative and liberal members of his family.

     ”You'll be surprised by how much Democrats want the economy to get better and how much Republicans want to increase education too,” Mira said. “It's really engaging. It shows that we really do care for the same issues, but we're just divided. We're not united.”

    Mira, and another senior Jacky Hernandez, said discussions about current events are part of what makes Snyder’s classes so interesting.

    “ I feel like sometimes in certain classes, we just get, like, packets or books and just told, ’Oh, just read it and look over it,’” said Hernandez, who’s taking AP government. “But we're not getting told about, like, what's actually happening in the current times that does affect our future.”

    Both remembered talking about the No Kings protests and Charlie Kirk’s killing in class. The latter topic contributed to the investigation of hundreds of educators nationwide, including in California.

    “It really did get me engaged and really made me realize, like, ‘wow, politics really is everywhere,’” Mira said.

    He and Hernandez also signed up as student poll workers for the upcoming election.

    “Honestly, I didn't care about voting [before],” Hernandez said. “I didn't see the importance of it. I just thought it was like, ‘oh, you find a candidate, you pick what you like, and that's what you do.’”

    Now she feels differently. Hernandez said homelessness and expensive rent will be top of mind when she votes for the first time in June’s primary.

    “We do make a difference,” Hernandez said. “Eventually we are gonna take the role of the older people and our voice does matter.”

    Civics education resources

    The California Secretary of State promotes several voting-related initiatives for students including:

    The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), is a Tufts University institution focused on youth. They regularly publish research on youth civic engagement, education, activism and voting.

    The Civics Center, a national non-profit focused on high school voter registration, offers workshops and information on how to run school-based voter registration drives.

    iCivics, a nonpartisan organization founded by late Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor that provides resources, curriculum and educational games related to government, law and civics.

  • Forum focuses on homelessness, Inside Safe
    An aerial view of a street with the downtown L.A. skyline in the distance. A set of red buildings are to the left, in front of a line of tents, canopies and shelters in a homeless encampment. Large piles of trash can be seen on the other side of the encampment along train tracks.
    Large trash piles and a sprawling homeless encampment in downtown Los Angeles on Sept. 25, 2025.

    Topline:

    Three candidates for the job of leading Los Angeles laid out competing visions this week for how they would handle the city’s homelessness crisis and disagreed about Inside Safe — Mayor Karen Bass' program for moving people off the streets.

    Why it matters: Homelessness is a major issue for voters in the June 2 primary. More than 43,000 people remain unhoused in the city despite about $1 billion in annual city spending in recent years.

    What the candidates said: Bass defended her record, pointing to a 17.5% reduction in street homelessness over two years, while promising to build more temporary shelter and speed up payments from the city to nonprofit service providers.

    Councilmember Nithya Raman said she would scale up a cheaper rental assistance program as an alternative to Inside Safe's motel rooms.

    Tech entrepreneur Adam Miller said he would phase Inside Safe out entirely and replace it with tiny home villages.

    Who wasn't there: Candidates Spencer Pratt and the Rev. Rae Huang declined to participate. A total of 14 candidates are running for mayor.

    Go deeper ... for more on what the candidates said about homelessness in L.A.

    Three candidates for the job of leading Los Angeles laid out competing visions this week for how they would handle the city’s homelessness crisis and disagreed about Inside Safe — Mayor Karen Bass' program for moving people off the streets.

    During part of a two-day forum Monday, Bass defended her signature program, which clears tent encampments by offering motels rooms and other temporary shelter, as well as her administration's record on homelessness.

    She promised, if she won a second term, to build a larger temporary shelter system and to fix problems that have slowed payments from the city to nonprofit organizations.

    “L.A. has decreased street homelessness two years in a row, 17.5%,” Bass said, speaking to a gathering of homeless-service providers. “The only reason that happened is because of everybody in this room.”

    A day later, Councilmember Nithya Raman and tech entrepreneur Adam Miller suggested alternatives to Inside Safe, noting its cost.

    Raman said she would scale up a different city program — Time Limited Subsidies, sometimes referred to as rapid rehousing. The program provides temporary rental assistance at about one-third the cost of Inside Safe, according to the city administrative officer.

    Miller said he would phase out Inside Safe entirely and replace it with tiny-home villages at a fraction of the price of Bass' program.

    Homelessness is a major issue for voters in the June primary. More than 43,000 people remain unhoused in the city of L.A. despite years of record city spending — about $1 billion annually in recent years, according to the City Controller’s Office.

    Fourteen candidates are running for L.A. mayor. The top five leading contenders were invited to the forum held in downtown L.A. and hosted by homeless shelter operator Hope the Mission.

    Candidates Spencer Pratt and the Rev. Rae Huang declined to participate.

    Woman in chair wearing salmon pants suit
    Mayor Karen Bass spoke Monday at the Original Pantry Cafe in downtown L.A. at at event hosted by homeless shelter Hope The Mission.
    (
    Aaron Schrank
    /
    LAist
    )

    Housing First?

    The candidates disagreed on “housing first,” an approach to homelessness assistance that prioritizes getting unhoused people into permanent housing without first requiring them to be sober, employed or meet other conditions.

    Bass said she believes in the policy but argued the city has applied it too rigidly for decades, leaving people unsheltered while they wait years for permanent housing to be built.

    “I agree with the notion of housing first, but I don't think people should be on the street waiting for you to build something,” Bass said.

    Raman, an L.A. City Council member since December 2020, said the question isn't what comes first but what each person needs. The biggest gap right now is mental health resources, she said.

    “When I see someone who's on the street who has deep mental health challenges, I can't get any help for them,” Raman said. “I can't get somebody out there to help them.”

    Miller, who is CEO of homelessness nonprofit Better Angels, said L.A. needs to move away from housing-first policies in favor of more temporary shelters coupled with treatment and other support.

    “Housing first doesn't work,” Miller said. “We have to stabilize them in interim housing first with services and then move them to permanent housing.

    "That's the only way we're gonna keep people off the street.”

    Woman in grey suit on stage.
    L.A. City Council member Nithya Raman spoke Tuesday at the Original Pantry Cafe downtown.
    (
    Aaron Schrank
    /
    LAist
    )

    Inside Safe

    Since late 2022, the city has spent more than $390 million on Inside Safe to clear 121 homeless encampments and place about 5,800 people into interim housing, according to the regional Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, known as LAHSA.

    About 25% of those people are currently living in permanent housing, according to LAHSA. About 30% of them reside in temporary shelters. About 40% have returned to homelessness.

    According to a February report by Los Angeles' city administrative officer, the average nightly cost of an Inside Safe motel room is about $225.81, or roughly $82,420 a year. That’s compared to $86.37 per night for other shelter options.

    Bass defended the program but said it needs to bring down costs. She said she’s exploring the possibility of building and operating shelter sites on city-owned land to reduce leasing costs.

    Raman said people are staying in temporary shelter for more than a year — comparing it to being left in an emergency room.

    “I believe in encampment resolution,” she said. “What I don't believe in is bringing people indoors and then just leaving them there with no support and no resources.”

    Miller said he would try a different approach, tiny-home villages, but acknowledged that ending Inside Safe would take time.

    “You can't turn it off Day 1 because we’d have too many people that are back on the street,” he said.

    The average construction cost of a tiny-home village is about $42,000 per unit, according to the nonprofit A-Mark Foundation.

    Man in grey suit holds microphone in front of sign that says "cashier"
    Adam Miller, CEO of homelessness nonprofit Better Angels, argues L.A. needs a political outsider to get the homelessness crisis under control.
    (
    Aaron Schrank
    /
    LAist
    )

    Ending homelessness 

    Each of the candidates expressed a desire to make big reductions in the city's unhoused population over the next few years, and perhaps eliminate it entirely.

    Bass pointed to a 17.5% reduction in street homelessness over two years and said her goal for a second term is to end unsheltered homelessness — meaning those living on the streets — not just manage it.

    “There's no reason for us to have street homelessness by the end of the next four years,” she said. “There just really isn't.”

    Raman said she shares that ambition. She had already pledged to reduce street homelessness by at least 50% before the 2028 Olympics and "eliminate long-term encampments."

    “I think we can end street homelessness in this city," she said, "but we cannot just pay lip service to it.”

    Miller’s campaign platform includes a goal to reduce street homelessness by 60% and reduce homeless encampments by 80%. Miller has not previously held an elected government office, but he argued the city needs fresh leadership more than it needs political experience.

    “L.A. has lost hope,” he said. "We need to have the belief that this is a problem that can and should be solved.”

    The primary is June 2. If no candidate receives more than 50% of the vote, the top two vote-getters will advance to face each other in a November runoff.

  • Group responsible for Canvas hack identified
    A black laptop on a desk with two hands touching the laptop. On the screen is an illustration of a robot and a rocket.
    The breach of online education platform Canvas hit especially hard in California, where the software is used at all 24 California State University campuses and all 116 community colleges. Tina Rocha’s laptop displays a maintenance screen as she tries to log into Canvas at her home in Stockton on May 7, 2026.

    Topline:

    Hundreds of thousands in California lost access to the all-important academic software Canvas when it was brought down by a hacker group Thursday afternoon. By Monday evening, the company behind Canvas had told customers, including the University of California, that it had struck an agreement with the hacking group.

    The hackers: A group calling itself ShinyHunters claimed to have obtained sensitive data, including billions of messages, and threatened to release the data if they weren’t paid a ransom. The CEO of Instructure has said that core “learning data (course content, submissions, credentials) was not compromised” and Cal State has said that Canvas does not store social security numbers. CalMatters asked the company, Instructure, if it paid a ransom, but did not immediately hear back.

    How the Canvas disruption affected students: Losing Canvas meant losing assignments, tests, and required reading material along with a way to communicate with instructors. The timing was especially bad for UC students, who were hunkering down for midterms or finals. Almost 9,000 colleges, K-12 schools and school districts, and offices of education around the world were reportedly affected by the Canvas outage. California seemed to be hit especially hard. The institutions relying on the system and affected by the cyberattack included Stanford, at least some campuses at the University of California, USC, all 22 California State University campuses and all 116 of the state’s community colleges.

    What now: It may be too early to identify the consequences of the hack for schools and for Canvas. It’s still not clear, for example, how the breach happened, or the full extent of data that was compromised. At minimum, schools will want to reassess how much information they’re willing to give over to third-party software companies in the name of efficiency.

    Esther Mejia and Kelly Merchant had a question Friday afternoon for their professors: Where were you?

    The UC Riverside public policy students were among the likely hundreds of thousands in California who lost access to the all-important academic software Canvas when it was brought down by a hacker group Thursday afternoon. Losing Canvas meant losing assignments, tests, and required reading material along with a way to communicate with instructors. The timing was especially bad for UC students, who were hunkering down for midterms or finals.

    “This is a very crucial time for students to be able to access their coursework. So I definitely do think that professors should reach out,” Mejia said in an interview. “And they did not.”

    Merchant heard from only one professor by Friday who addressed the downed website. She learned about the hack attack on the social media site Reddit after she was logged out of her account while finishing an assignment.

    The Riverside students’ experience underscores just how central Canvas has become to higher education in California — the outage likely affected more than 1 million of the state’s university students. The hack has raised serious questions about how schools should be vetting and balancing their use of online platforms, to what extent they may be held liable for breaches, and what role policymakers should play in protecting student data and regulating edtech.

    By Monday evening, the company behind Canvas had told customers, including the University of California, that it had struck an agreement with the hacking group. In an email shared with CalMatters by UC's systemwide Office of the President, the company's CEO stated that “we reached an agreement with the unauthorized actor involved in this incident” that returns data and assures it is no longer held by the attacker nor any other outside parties. Further, “we have been informed that no Instructure customers will be extorted.”

    CalMatters asked the company, Instructure, if it paid a ransom, but did not immediately hear back.

    The attack seems to have begun on or around April 29, when Instructure “detected unusual activity,” according to a class-action suit filed in a Texas federal court. The attack exploited a vulnerability in Canvas’s free tool for teachers.

    On May 4, some Cal State campuses experienced a brief shutdown but were operational within 20 to 30 minutes, the university system said.

    By May 7, Thursday, the platform was offline. The University of California system blocked access to Canvas the same day, and wrote on its website that it won’t “be restored until we are confident the system is secure. We understand this disruption is concerning.”

    The hackers, a group calling itself ShinyHunters, claimed to have obtained sensitive data, including billions of messages, and threatened to release the data if they weren’t paid a ransom. The CEO of Instructure has said that core “learning data (course content, submissions, credentials) was not compromised” and Cal State has said that Canvas does not store social security numbers.

    On the evening of May 7, one of Merchant’s professors, she said, shared the material students needed to complete an assignment due Friday. The professor did so using a Discord group they created for the class at the beginning of the term. Merchant appreciated the initiative, but observed that not every student checks Discord as regularly as they would their email account.

    By May 9, Saturday, UC Riverside mostly restored access to the platform, with other universities coming online in the following days. Mejia had a quiz and assignment due Monday at 2 p.m. She received a note from the professor of that class only at 9 a.m. that day through Canvas, she said. The professor granted a two-day extension.

    Merchant wants more professors with a communication back-up plan, especially since Canvas has been down before. “Whether it’s a cybersecurity thing or routine Canvas maintenance, it’s going to continue to be a risk. And we have to prepare for it.”

    “These situations are fluid and campuses and UCOP communicated as quickly and completely as feasible,” said UC Office of the President spokesperson Stett Holbrook.

    For many colleges and high schools, Canvas has become indispensable, with teachers using it to give quizzes, message students, post grades, and more.

    Almost 9,000 colleges, K-12 schools and school districts, and offices of education around the world were reportedly affected by the Canvas outage, according to the hacker group and other media, along with likely millions of students and teachers. California seemed to be hit especially hard. The institutions relying on the system and affected by the cyberattack included Stanford, at least some campuses at the University of California, USC, all 22 California State University campuses and all 116 of the state’s community colleges.

    The number of students ultimately affected by the breach could be staggering. The Cal State system alone enrolls more than 400,000 students. The UC system, where hackers claimed to hit six of 10 campuses, enrolls about 300,000. The hacker group listed the Los Angeles Unified and Fresno Unified school districts as among their targets — they too enroll more than 400,000 students combined.

    Deputy chancellor of the LA Community College District, Nicole Albo-Lopez, told CalMatters that Canvas was being used by students in thousands of courses, including as a “repository for gradebooks, sharing of course materials, and messaging.” The district is among the largest community college districts in the country, with nearly 200,000 students annually.

    Canvas, she said Friday, still hadn’t informed them of what’s been exposed in the hack. “We’re supposed to receive specific information about what was accessed in our specific system, but we have not received that yet,” she said.

    ‘Eggs in one basket’

    One expert said the incident highlights the problem of relying on “all-in” solutions for online education tools.

    The attraction of software like Canvas is that it allows institutions without technical expertise to easily manage everything on a single platform. But the hack shows the danger of relying on such centralized systems, where a breach of one company exposes the data of the countless institutions that rely on it.

    “The beauty of these software as a service systems and what they sell is, ‘Hey, your staff members don't need to run this, we'll just handle it,’” said Jake Chanenson, an education technology researcher and PhD student at the University of Chicago.

    In the best case, those companies have diligent cybersecurity teams protecting student data.

    Many schools without tech departments, by contrast, may only be equipped to give any new tools “a cursory, at best, privacy and security assessment,” Chanenson said. Small schools, especially, may then struggle to recover from a breach or outage.

    But a centralized system also means that only a single point needs to be hacked for every school that uses the software to be affected.

    Chanenson, who is currently researching “critical infrastructure" in schools, said that “when you put all your eggs in one basket across schools, it makes these targets very attractive.”

    One state lawmaker wants a legislative audit into California's heavy reliance on Canvas. “The Canvas breach exposes the growing risks of concentrating massive amounts of student records, academic systems and institutional operations into a single platform," said Sen. Melissa Hurtado, a Democrat from Bakersfield, in a written statement.

    What now?

    It may be too early to identify the consequences of the hack for schools and for Canvas. It’s still not clear, for example, how the breach happened, or the full extent of data that was compromised.

    At minimum, schools will want to reassess how much information they’re willing to give over to third-party software companies in the name of efficiency. Those companies, Chanenson said, should also take a look at their policies around data collection and retention to minimize how much sensitive information they store.

    “You think in your head that any data set that you have has a non-zero probability of being leaked or breached or some sort of privacy loss, then you want to start thinking about things like data minimization,” he said.

    Past data breaches have led to legal consequences for the companies and institutions involved, including action by state attorneys general. There are federal legal protections for data belonging to children under 13, through the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, as well to students, under the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act. In California, the Student Online Personal Information Protection Act protects data for K–12 students. Lawmakers in the state are also actively considering additional data protections.

    The state has grappled with previous compromises of school data. Los Angeles Unified School District has faced a series of class-action lawsuits related to data privacy breaches. Most recently, the district disclosed last year that a telehealth vendor it worked with experienced a breach.

    Chanenson points out that schools are prime targets for hackers since they hold immensely sensitive data but often lack the technical prowess of other large institutions, like banks.

    “They’re happening with enough of a frequency that it’s more of a when, not an if,” he said.

    CalMatters reporter Adam Echelman contributed to this story.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.