Topline:
A new study that looked at wildfires around the world says climate change likely made L.A.'s January fires worse. The how is complicated.
A number of factors: Strong winds, high temperatures and dry brush all played a role in driving the fires.
Read on ... to learn more about how climate change came into play.
Strong winds, warm weather, dry brush and a lack of rain: All of those factors and more came together to make L.A.’s January wildfires some of the worst on record.
But were those conditions made worse by climate change?
Authors of a new study published in Earth System Science Data try to quantify the answer, writing that climate change probably made the Eaton and Palisades fires more likely and could have resulted in the burned area being 25 times larger than it would have been without climate change (though there’s a large range of uncertainty in that estimation).
“Those fires in January were just so much more difficult to control because it was so dry, because it was warmer,” said Crystal Kolden, professor and director of the Fire Resilience Center at UC Merced and a co-author of the paper. “And that is where that climate change signal is really strong.”
There’s a clear scientific consensus that climate change is associated with hotter temperatures, which can cause plants to dry out faster than they otherwise would.
However, there’s less certainty around other factors that played a role in January, according to Park Williams, a professor in the Department of Geography at UCLA, whose work was cited in the study but who did not participate in it.
It’s unclear if climate change is causing our rainy seasons to be delayed more often (as was the case in January), though models suggest a trend in that direction, Williams said.
There’s also uncertainty around whether climate change is exacerbating the whiplash between wet and dry years in Southern California — lots of fuel grew in the two wet years prior to a dry 2024.
And how it may be changing the Santa Ana winds, which normally do blow in January.
“These are all things where the effect of climate change is just much murkier,” Williams said.
Modeling our fire future here is further complicated by the highly variable fuel types, the weather, the homes and the vegetation across Southern California’s topographically complex terrain.
Some models may work well in wildlands like forests, where the main thing that’s burning is natural vegetation, Kolden said. But many hard-to-predict human factors are present in the wildland urban interface — places like the Pacific Palisades, where homes are built right up against open natural areas. Those variables can make the models less confident.
“ I think that it's important that people who are living in Southern California understand that actually in the greater L.A. area, coastal Southern California, we have not seen an increase in the number of fires or the area burned,” Williams said.
Northern California is another story, he said.
“The fingerprint of climate change is just unmistakable” with fires in the Sierra Nevada and North Coast.
What humans do next is perhaps the biggest X factor, Kolden said.
“What we always say is we can't model human adaptation,” Kolden said. “We don't model humans adapting to these changes and saying, ‘Yeah, you know what? We actually don't like having our houses burned down, so we're going to start hardening our homes.’”
If you’d like to do just that with your landscaping, we've got some tips here.
Topline:
From Sallie Reeves’ backyard in Rancho Palos Verdes, you can see Catalina Island on a clear day. You can also spot whales in the Pacific Ocean, neighborhood peacocks and red-tailed hawks. It’s the type of idyllic retirement the 82-year-old envisioned when she moved into her ranch style home in the Portuguese Bend area in 1982. But she has had to rethink what her retirement looks like after a 6-foot fissure developed through her property.
Why it matters: It’s a predicament dozens of RPV residents have had to grapple with as their properties also slowly rip apart.
About the land movement: Reeves lives in an area of the city that sits on an ancient landslide. Movement was minimal for decades. But above average rainfall in 2022 and 2023 set off a rapid increase in land movement, which prompted Southern California Edison and SoCalGas to shut off utilities for hundreds of residents, including Reeves.
What happened to Reeves' house: Reeves' three-bedroom, two-bath home is now a hollowed out shell, raised from the slab on wooden platforms. The only thing that remains intact are some of the walls, beams and floor to ceiling windows. It’s now red tagged as she awaits a FEMA buyout.
Where does she live: Reeves has since had to downsize. She now lives in a converted garage, with a modest bathroom, a bedroom and a living space that also doubles as a dining area and kitchen. Her furniture has been distributed to her nieces and nephews, and most of her belongings are in storage, packed into containers parked on her driveway.
From Sallie Reeves’ backyard in Rancho Palos Verdes, you can see Catalina Island on a clear day. You can also spot whales in the Pacific Ocean, neighborhood peacocks and red-tailed hawks.
It’s the type of idyllic retirement the 82-year-old envisioned when she moved into her ranch style home in the Portuguese Bend area in 1982. But she has had to rethink what her retirement looks like after a 6-foot fissure developed through her property. It’s a predicament dozens of RPV residents have had to grapple with as their properties also slowly rip apart.
Reeves lives in an area of the city that sits on an ancient landslide. Movement was minimal for decades. But above average rainfall in 2022 and 2023 set off a rapid increase in land movement, which prompted Southern California Edison and SoCalGas to shut off utilities for hundreds of residents, including Reeves.
Her three-bedroom, two-bath home is now a hollowed out shell, raised from the slab on wooden platforms. The only thing that remains intact are some of the walls, beams and floor to ceiling windows. It’s now red tagged as she awaits a FEMA buyout.
“We got snake bit, that’s all,” she said, adding that the damage to some of her neighbors’ homes is much worse.
Reeves has since had to downsize. She now lives in a converted garage, with a modest bathroom, a bedroom and a living space that also doubles as a dining area and kitchen. Her furniture has been distributed to her nieces and nephews, and most of her belongings are in storage, packed into containers parked on her driveway.
“ I can live here a long time. We've got a full bath and we don't have cupboards or anything, so it's pretty ugly looking at it, but I'm functioning just fine,” she said about her new home.
When Reeves moved into her home in the 80s, land movement wasn’t a concern. She used to be able to walk to the bottom of the canyon behind her home. Now, that’s all washed away and it’s a 30-foot drop.
Storms at the end of 2022 leading into 2023 were the turning point.
”We just started noticing thresholds coming apart, cracks here and there,” she said.
And pretty soon it wasn’t just a crack in the bedroom wall.
“One night we had animals come in through the walls,” Reeves said, describing how the bedroom wall separated from the home during a storm, “It was like the fire hose was right on our bed.”
In response to wildlife incursions, they decided to convert the garage. It was a 33-day process. During that time, plumbing and electricity was put into the garage and she downsized her belongings, putting most in storage.
In 2024, Rancho Palos Verdes announced a buyout program — with the help of federal funds — for residents whose homes were made inhabitable by land movement.
Reeves was a reluctant applicant.
”Tearfully, I went to the city and filled out the application on the very last day, down to the last hour,” she said.
She still doesn’t know if she’ll accept the buyout money: doing so will mean she has to move and the property will be converted to open space.
It could take years before she has to make that decision, so the two-time breast cancer survivor spends some of her time raising money for the disease and enrolling in 60-mile walks across the country to raise awareness for breast cancer. The rest of the time, she tends to her native plants and spends time with her dogs.
“ I think half the world thinks that I am bat shit crazy and you gotta be a little that way. But I've been privileged in the sense that I know how valuable this is to me,” Reeves said.
Topline:
On the campaign trail, President Donald Trump promised to cut Americans' energy bills in half — cheaper gasoline, cheaper electricity. He also said he'd "unleash" American energy production, often repeating the catchphrase "Drill, baby, drill."
Why it matters: One year in, the price of gasoline is down about 20%. But the U.S. oil industry is definitely not drilling, baby, drilling. The price of oil is just too low to justify more of it — although within the last year, companies have won major lobbying victories that soothe that sting. Meanwhile, electricity costs are rising and expected to rise more.
Electricity costs are rising: Electricity prices have been increasing for years now, and 2025 was more of the same. "Across most states and in most markets, what we see is that prices have gone up," says Helen Kou, an analyst with BloombergNEF. Based on trends in wholesale power markets — where your local electric company buys its power, an expense they pass on to you — that's likely to continue.
Read on... for more on energy bills a year into Trump's term.
On the campaign trail, President Donald Trump promised to cut Americans' energy bills in half — cheaper gasoline, cheaper electricity. He also said he'd "unleash" American energy production, often repeating the catchphrase "Drill, baby, drill."
One year in, the price of gasoline is down about 20%. But the U.S. oil industry is definitely not drilling, baby, drilling. The price of oil is just too low to justify more of it — although within the last year, companies have won major lobbying victories that soothe that sting. Meanwhile, electricity costs are rising and expected to rise more.
The U.S. benchmark price for oil is down about 20% from where it was a year ago, and the average retail gasoline price — the price drivers pay at the pump — is down nearly 10%.
Now, presidents — whoever they are — do not get to decide the price of gasoline. The price of crude oil is the biggest factor, and crude prices are set in a complex global marketplace that responds to a number of factors.
In the past year, cheaper crude has been largely driven by a global oversupply of oil, which in turn was largely driven by a series of decisions by the oil cartel OPEC+. The cartel repeatedly put more barrels on the market, depressing global prices but seizing more market share for its members.
However, Dan Pickering, the chief investment officer at Pickering Energy Partners, says the president also put significant pressure on OPEC to bring down global crude prices. As a result, he gives Trump partial credit for today's low prices.
"I think if we look at oil down 20% in 2025, that you have to say that political dynamics drove at least half of that," he says. "And as we go into 2026, I think those dynamics will still be at play."
Moving forward, the president's push to produce more oil from Venezuela could also help keep global crude prices lower for longer — if he persuades companies to invest.
Analysts with the gas prices app GasBuddy found that U.S. households spent, on average, $177 less on gasoline in 2025 than 2024, thanks to lower prices, and they predict that expenditures will continue to fall in 2026, saving Americans a collective $11 billion next year.
Those lower oil prices are exactly why "Drill, baby, drill" didn't happen.
The number of active drilling rigs in the U.S., the largest oil producer in the world, has dropped by more than 6% year-over-year, at last count. That means fewer new wells are being drilled. And that's true even as the Trump administration has made it easier for companies to start new projects, including by making more federal lands and waters available for leases.
With U.S. oil prices under $60 a barrel and the global market generally oversupplied with crude, it's just not profitable for companies to drill a bunch of new wells right now.
The Trump administration has many close allies in the U.S. oil industry. But this is a perennial point of disagreement between them: The president loves cheap oil, while companies would prefer prices to be higher than they are today.
This disagreement was actually called out by Secretary of Energy Chris Wright — a former fracking executive. Speaking to CBS News' Face the Nation this month, he called President Trump "no helper to the oil and gas industry" because "he's driven down the price of oil."
It's true that many U.S. oil workers wince every time the president talks about $50 crude or pushes for more production from OPEC. But it's not quite fair to call the administration "no helper."
The American Petroleum Institute, or API, is the most powerful lobbying arm of the U.S. oil and gas industry. Before Trump was reelected, the group laid out a dozen different policy priorities — a wish list. Tax policy changes that would help oil companies; more access to drilling in the Gulf; a boost in exports of liquefied natural gas; the repeal of requirements for cleaner and more efficient cars, which would have pushed down oil demand over time; the elimination of a fee for releasing planet-warming methane.
"By our count, every single one of them was completed in 2025, with the exception of legislative permitting reform," Mike Sommers, the president and CEO of API, said on a recent call with reporters. ("Permitting reform" refers to a series of changes to federal laws that would make it easier for companies to build things like pipelines and other large projects that often face local opposition. It's been a hot topic in Congress for years.)
Sommers says U.S. companies can weather low oil prices in the short term and make business decisions with an eye toward the future.
And in the long term, the administration's policy changes support higher oil demand for years to come by doing things like slowing down the shift toward electric vehicles, while also cutting the costs of oil production, including by easing environmental rules.
Electricity prices have been increasing for years now, and 2025 was more of the same.
"Across most states and in most markets, what we see is that prices have gone up," says Helen Kou, an analyst with BloombergNEF.
Based on trends in wholesale power markets — where your local electric company buys its power, an expense they pass on to you — that's likely to continue. Kou said that in New York and New England, wholesale prices are up more than 60%, and in the mid-Atlantic they're up 45%.
"Almost 1 in 3 households, or over 80 million Americans, are struggling to pay their utility bills," says Charles Hua, who runs Powerlines, a national energy consumer education nonprofit that encourages people to get more involved in their public utility commissions.
Why are costs going up? Hua points to three primary reasons: an aging power grid, the cost of natural disasters, and higher fuel costs, especially natural gas.
Kou says that for 2025, natural gas prices were the clear driver of increases. While oil and gasoline are cheap, natural gas — which is used for home heating and power plants — has gone up more than 50% from last year's annual average. U.S. exports of natural gas have increased (one of API's requests), and sending more natural gas overseas means less is available domestically.
Natural gas prices have been up and down over the past few years. They spiked in 2022, after Russia invaded Ukraine. And they were unusually cheap in 2024 before rising again in 2025. While they're far from record highs, the increase has been enough to significantly shift electricity markets.
These causes are complex and date back years before Trump's return to office. But experts say the Trump administration's electricity policy has not focused on lowering natural gas costs, improving the grid or mitigating the effects of natural disasters. Instead, it has aligned with his goal of reversing Biden-era climate policies. The White House has ordered coal-powered power plants to stay open for longer. Those power plants are typically expensive to operate, raising concerns about prices. Kou says keeping them online could hypothetically help meet rising demand, but only if those plants are located where demand is growing.
The administration is also investing in nuclear power — that, too, could potentially help with costs, but only in the long term, Kou says, because nuclear plants take so long to approve and build.
Some of the administration's moves could actually increase electricity bills in the future.
Large solar and wind projects provide more cost-competitive energy than natural gas, nuclear and coal projects, according to financial services firm Lazard. But the Trump administration has ended federal tax credits for solar and wind projects early, and canceled more than $13 billion in funds for green energy projects
Trump has also said he won't permit any new wind projects, and the administration has attempted to stop offshore wind projects that are already under construction, leading to court battles. That's been criticized not just by renewable energy advocates, but by many business groups, because it creates uncertainty and discourages investments in projects that could be supplying more energy into the grid.
"As a general matter, the thing that you can do that most clearly helps reduce prices is to remove barriers to new energy investment," says James Coleman, a nonresident senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. "And the thing that basically just increases prices is increasing uncertainty or barriers to energy."
The administration is also rolling back efficiency standards for appliances. Those standards actually cut consumer bills by reducing energy use, Hua notes.
Meanwhile, some things that could meaningfully cut costs have simply not been prioritized by this administration. "There are solutions that are available today that can be put on the grid that would meaningfully resolve a lot of these solutions," Hua says, pointing to technologies that allow more power to be moved on the existing grid, or better match supply and demand. "It doesn't solve everything, but it provides some immediate relief … and that just has not been as much of a focus" for the Trump administration, he says.
Lately, President Trump has been talking about making sure that AI data centers pay their fair share for electricity costs. Hua says there is a genuine opportunity to cut energy bills for ordinary Americans as data center demand for electricity goes up, depending on how costs are spread out.
But for now, the Trump administration's pledge to cut utility bills remains an unmet promise.
NPR's Michael Copley and Julia Simon contributed to this report.
Copyright 2026 NPR
Topline:
One year into this second Trump presidency, high level staff and Cabinet turnover is significantly lower than it was during the same period in 2017. That's according to a new analysis from Brookings Institution visiting fellow Kathryn Dunn Tenpas, shared exclusively with NPR.
Trump's first term: In 2017, Trump oversaw turnover in two Cabinet positions and 35% of senior staff posts. This time around, there's been no turnover at the Cabinet level, and senior staff turnover is at 29%. To keep consistency across administrations, for the Cabinet Tenpas only counts officials in the presidential line of succession.
Why it matters: People who served in the first Trump administration say this time is different, with Trump learning from his first presidency that he prefers loyalists. He has surrounded himself with aides who more closely align with him personally and with his political agenda.
Read on... for more about the turnover in Trump's terms.
There was a celebratory mood in the Oval Office for the November swearing-in of the new ambassador to India, Sergio Gor. One of President Donald Trump's top lieutenants, Gor had been in charge of selecting staff to serve in Trump's second-term White House. Now he was getting a promotion.
Jeanine Pirro, the former Fox News personality-turned-U.S. attorney, offered praise for Gor's loyalty, then turned to Trump.
"There is in this room, a group of people who love you, who believe in you, and who are so proud to be in this Oval Office," she said.
That lovefest reflects a real change from Trump's first term, with its rival power centers and steady flow of staff shakeups and firings by tweet. One year into this second Trump presidency, high level staff and Cabinet turnover is significantly lower than it was during the same period in 2017. That's according to a new analysis from Brookings Institution visiting fellow Kathryn Dunn Tenpas, shared exclusively with NPR.
In 2017, Trump oversaw turnover in two Cabinet positions and 35% of senior staff posts. This time around, there's been no turnover at the Cabinet level, and senior staff turnover is at 29%. To keep consistency across administrations, for the Cabinet Tenpas only counts officials in the presidential line of succession.
"For the other six presidents before President Trump, the average [high level staff] turnover in that first year is typically around 10%, so he's much higher than the average, but I will say it is less than his first term by a good margin," Tenpas said in an interview with NPR.
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Tenpas also documents the nature of the departures. In the first term, there were a lot of people unceremoniously shown the door by a president whose TV tagline was "you're fired." This time, it has mostly been promotions, such as Gor becoming an ambassador.
"There are far fewer resignations under pressure in this first year, 2025, than there were in 2017," said Tenpas.
In 2017, high-profile aides including chief of staff Reince Priebus, chief strategist Steve Bannon, White House press secretary Sean Spicer, communications director Michael Dubke and the famously 11-day-serving White House communications director Anthony Scaramucci all exited, often with an announcement by tweet.
The people leaving their jobs this time around aren't household names, says Tenpas, further dialing down the personnel drama.
"You know, I would call these positions influential, but they just weren't public figures, they weren't press secretaries. They weren't chiefs of staff," she said.
People who served in the first Trump administration say this time is different, with Trump learning from his first presidency that he prefers loyalists. He has surrounded himself with aides who more closely align with him personally and with his political agenda.
Gone are the big names he brought on because people suggested he should. Now, loyalty is the coin of the realm.
"I do think that … if you look at what is the core of the stability, it was the emphasis that they put on loyalty in hiring, and that has then subsequently paved the way for less infighting and less drama and a lower rate than in 2017," said Tenpas.
A large share of the departures so far this term were on the National Security Council staff, including national security adviser Mike Waltz, who became U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. He had been responsible for what was known as Signal-gate, the first major scandal of the term, when he inadvertently added a journalist to a group chat where secret plans for airstrikes on Houthi rebels in Yemen were discussed. But he wasn't fired. He was promoted to a position requiring Senate confirmation.
When Waltz left as national security adviser, he was replaced by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who added another job to an already long list of assignments from Trump. It was supposed to be temporary, but it's been more than eight months.
The high-level NSC staff departures Tenpas tracked reflect a much larger shedding of staff assigned to the National Security Council.
A White House official not authorized to speak on the record tells NPR there has been a significant reduction in NSC staffing over the past year to create a more top-down foreign policy process.
The official called it a rightsizing — a strategic choice rather than White House intrigue.
This Brookings data does not capture firings and upheaval among career officials in other areas of the Trump administration, such as at the State Department, Justice Department or the Defense Department, all of which have seen significant turnover.
Copyright 2026 NPR
Topline:
Thousands of volunteers will be fanning out across Los Angeles County this week to survey unhoused people, an annual event that determines how millions in funding is directed across the region.
Why it matters: The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which leads the count, says the data volunteers collect is essential for understanding homelessness in the region and for sending resources where they're needed most.
Why now: The Greater Los Angeles Homeless Count, which starts Tuesday, is the largest of its kind in the country, according to officials, with volunteers covering more than 4,000 square miles in three days.
The backstory: When last year's count showed a drop in homelessness for a second year in a row, many officials celebrated the region’s progress in getting people off the street and bucking the trend of years of increases. But it’s unclear if that trend will continue.
Read on ... for more on this year's count.
Thousands of volunteers will fan out across Los Angeles County this week to survey unhoused people, an annual event that determines how millions in funding is directed across the region.
The Greater Los Angeles Homeless Count, which starts Tuesday, is the largest of its kind in the country, according to officials, with volunteers covering more than 4,000 square miles in three days. Small groups in assigned areas will tally the number of people, tents, shelters and vehicles they see on the streets.
Typically, the results are released in the spring or early summer.
The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which leads the count, says the data volunteers collect is essential for understanding homelessness in the region and for sending resources where they're needed most.
“The information gathered by volunteers strengthens our data and helps our system better understand where our unhoused neighbors are, the services they need most, and what it will take to bring them inside,” Gita O’Neill, LAHSA’s interim CEO, said in a statement.
In past years, the annual count has seen a serious shortage of volunteers in some areas, an app plagued by reported technical issues and doubts about data collection, which LAHSA says it’s taken steps to address this year.
When last year's count showed a drop in homelessness for a second year in a row, many officials celebrated the region’s progress in getting people off the street and bucking the trend of years of increases.
But it’s unclear if that trend will continue.
Both the city and county are facing funding losses that are expected to affect homeless services and housing programs, including more than 4,000 Angelenos who are at risk of losing housing vouchers later this year.
The annual point-in-time count is conducted each year at the end of January, as required by the Department of Housing and Urban Development. Last year was an exception. It was moved to February because of the fires in L.A.
The 2025 count showed homelessness dropped by 3.4% in the city of L.A. and by 4% countywide, including the number of people in shelters and sleeping outdoors.
LAHSA said several factors contributed to those changes, including the clearing of encampments and nearly 28,000 people being placed into permanent housing last year — a record high.
But the accuracy of the numbers has been questioned. A RAND Corporation report released in October found that L.A.’s annual tally increasingly undercounts people on the streets and decreased in accuracy over the past two years.
"In 2022 and 2023, at least in the areas where we count, the [Point-in-Time count] was, as far as I can tell, excellent,” Louis Abramson, lead author of the RAND report, said previously. “I don't know what has happened afterwards."
On Tuesday, the count will start in the San Fernando Valley, Santa Clarita Valley and Metro L.A. area, including downtown and Skid Row. On Wednesday, volunteers will turn their attention to East L.A. and the San Gabriel Valley.
The count is expected to wrap up Thursday in the Antelope Valley, West L.A., South L.A., South Bay and Harbor region.
Teams typically head out after 8 p.m., when people experiencing homelessness are more likely to have settled down for the night, especially those living in cars or RVs.
But some are done during the day because of visibility or safety concerns, according to LAHSA. The Antelope Valley and parts of West L.A. will be counted Thursday morning like last year while the rest are counted at night.
Areas that may be heard to reach, including river embankments, parks or deserts, are assigned to special teams of outreach workers, according to LAHSA.
The count is conducted visually, meaning volunteers are supposed to tally only what they see in front of them. For example, if a volunteer does not see anyone but hears voices coming from a makeshift shelter, they’re instructed to count the shelter instead of the voices.
A Shelter Count and Housing Inventory Count will also be held Wednesday. The Housing Inventory Count is a point-in-time tally of projects or sites that provide beds and units for the unhoused or formerly unhoused community.
The Youth Count, an estimate of the county’s unsheltered youth population, is conducted throughout the month with service organizations. It’s a survey-based tally where young people are asked about their housing status, rather than a visual count.
A separate demographic survey is also being done by the University of Southern California to gather details like age, gender, race and veteran status, among others. The survey started last month and runs through March, according to LAHSA.
Glendale, Pasadena and Long Beach conduct separate counts on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday.
This will be the first count conducted since Measure A went into effect last spring.
The new voter-approved half-cent sales tax is expected to generate about $1 billion annually for homeless services and affordable housing in L.A. County. The specific funding formula that determines which all 88 cities get what is based mostly on each city’s homeless count results from the past two years.
LAHSA said it has made several improvements for this year’s count, including simplified volunteer training and better maps created in partnership with people in the community.
The agency will be working with additional outreach staff from the L.A. County Department of Health Services and L.A. County Emergency Centralized Response Center to boost counting efforts in hard-to-reach areas that are too dangerous or inaccessible for volunteers, according to officials.
LAHSA is again using an app made by Esri, a software company based in Redlands, to collect volunteer data for a fourth year.
Technology problems have popped up with the app before. Volunteers from the 2024 count told LAist previously that data entry errors were common, and several said they had to wait hours to start counting when they had trouble logging in.
Teams from Councilmember Bob Blumenfield’s office regularly volunteer for the count.
Representatives from that office told LAist recently that the council member has been vocal about his concerns over logistics, specifically glitches with the app over the years. Blumenfield’s team usually does a paper count in addition to using the app in case there are any discrepancies, his office said in an email.
LAHSA said more of its staff will be assigned as technical support at deployment sites this year.
Ahmad Chapman, LAHSA’s director of communications, told LAist the agency has also made several changes to the Housing Inventory count to improve data collection and make it easier to validate responses.
Last summer, LAist reported that LAHSA revised the locations of more than 400 sheltered people in the 2025 count, moving them out of the city of L.A., days before the results were released publicly.
At the time, Chapman told LAist the revisions were made because the agency discovered that its new housing inventory system had incorrectly tagged several hundred interim housing units as being within the city of L.A. The agency said it fixed the problem in July.
This time around, Chapman said, LAHSA held live training sessions for providers on how to submit data, revamped forms so information is provided by site location instead of by project and added ways to let LAHSA staff look at submissions in “near real-time.”
LAHSA says it hopes to have about 4,200 volunteers help complete the count from roughly 150 deployment sites, which are like base camps for each neighborhood.
L.A. County Supervisor Hilda Solis, chair of the Board of Supervisors, said volunteer participation is essential for capturing a complete picture of homelessness.
“These counts help us see where progress is being made, where additional resources are needed, and how we can better serve our most vulnerable residents,” Solis said in a statement.
Multiple L.A. councilmembers and their staffers are volunteering in their districts this week, including Blumenfield in Reseda, Eunisses Hernandez in Highland Park and Hugo Soto-Martínez in Rampart Village, their offices confirmed to LAist.
About 4,000 volunteers registered as of Monday, which was up from 2,200 volunteers the week before. Some deployment sites, including Westwood and Avocado Heights, had more vacancies than volunteers, according to LAHSA’s live tracker.
O’Neill said in a statement ahead of the count that LAHSA was still looking for more sign-ups, especially in East L.A., the South Bay and the San Gabriel Valley. All ages can register, but volunteers under 18 must be with an adult at all times. You can learn more here.
The agency usually sees the largest surge in registration the week leading up to the count, according to Chapman. He also said any areas not counted the next three nights will be considered a “make-up” and tallied shortly after as part of the agency’s data quality assurance process.
