Sponsored message
Logged in as
Audience-funded nonprofit news
radio tower icon laist logo
Next Up:
0:00
0:00
Subscribe
  • Listen Now Playing Listen
  • Listen Now Playing Listen

The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Could increase after new climate rules are enacted
    Gas prices are pictured with numbers ranging from a 5.79min to 6.09max
    The prices for fuel at a gas station in Oakland on March 7, 2022. The average price in California is substantially lower today — $4.52 a gallon. Changes to a new climate program that gives incentives to low-carbon fuels could raise the price of gas and diesel.

    Topline:

    Experts don’t know how much gas prices may rise from the revised California climate program, which tightens standards and gives incentives for low-carbon fuels. The board ordered an annual review of the cost impacts.

    The backstory: In one of its most controversial decisions, the California Air Resources Board approved major changes to its Low Carbon Fuel Standard. It is a program aimed at encouraging use of cleaner transportation fuels with financial incentives as the state moves toward phasing out gasoline and diesel.

    At the heart of the controversy: the question being asked is how do you wean Californians off gasoline and diesel — which is critical for cleaning the state’s dirty air and reducing its role in the climate crisis — without substantially raising the cost to consumers?

    Why it matters: This could increase already steep gas prices and the possible impact on gas prices could harm working class Californians. Environmentalists and consumer advocates opposed the new rules, warning the changes will boost alternative fuel that may have limited environmental upsides, and will allow oil companies to stay in business.

    In one of its most controversial decisions, California’s air board voted tonight to revamp a key climate change program, which could increase gas prices in a state already facing some of the nation’s steepest costs at the pump.

    The California Air Resources Board approved major changes to its Low Carbon Fuel Standard, a program aimed at encouraging use of cleaner transportation fuels with financial incentives as the state moves toward phasing out gasoline and diesel.

    The board’s 12-2 vote tonight followed about seven hours of comments from more than 100 people and four hours of discussion by board members at its meeting, held in Riverside.

    State Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican from Palmdale, told the board during public comments that the possible impact on gas prices will harm working class Californians.

    “We’re the hard working men and women here in the state of California. We build homes, we fix roads, and we serve you when you dine out,” Lackey said. “To do this, we must drive hours each day to work to put food on the table for our families. This measure before you will cause us financial pain.”

    At the heart of the controversy is the question: How do you wean Californians off gasoline and diesel — which is critical for cleaning the state’s dirty air and reducing its role in the climate crisis — without substantially raising the cost to consumers?

    Many air board members referred to an urgency to push for cleaner fuels in California because of the outcome of the Tuesday election, which gave Donald Trump, who has denied the existence of climate change and targeted California environmental programs, the presidency and Republicans control of the U.S. Senate.

    The new rule’s potential effects on California fuel prices are largely unknown. The air board said today that oil companies typically already pass 8 to 10 cents per gallon of costs on to consumers because of the state’s fuel standard.

    The board also passed a resolution tonight requiring an annual review of the rule’s impact on gas prices. If the changes “ultimately accelerate cost burdens on California consumers,” the board said in the resolution that it will consider amending them.

    Eric Guerra, a Sacramento city council member who was appointed to the air board by Gov. Gavin Newsom, said the air board must prioritize public health but that support of working families is equally important, so he called for frequent monitoring of the possible impact on gas prices.

    Concerns about gas prices have fueled the debate surrounding the board’s proposal since its release last December. But much of the agency’s revamp of its fuel rules focuses on intricate disputes among environmentalists, oil companies, dairy farms that use manure to produce fuels, biofuel companies and other low-carbon fuel providers.

    Environmentalists and consumer advocates opposed the new rules, warning the changes will boost alternative fuels — such as biofuels made from cow manure or soy beans — that may have limited environmental upsides, and will allow oil companies to stay in business because they can buy credits or switch to producing those fuels.

    “It is not based on science, and it will undermine environmental justice and the rapid transition to zero emissions that we need more than ever today,” Nina Robertson, a senior attorney with Earth Justice told the board. “It represents a grab bag of giveaways to polluting special interests that have turned what once was a program for climate progress into a piggy bank for their false climate solutions.”

    Electric car advocates and a variety of biofuel company representatives supported the new rules, saying they will provide billions of dollars in funds and incentives to move California toward eliminating carbon that warms the planet.

    Tonight’s vote was the culmination of a debate over changes in a fuel standard that has roiled the air board for longer than a year, becoming a political flashpoint in recent weeks.

    The program, which has existed since 2011, is a $2-billion credit trading system that requires fuels sold in California to become progressively cleaner, while giving companies financial incentives to produce less-polluting fuels, such as biofuels made from soybeans or cow manure.

    The amendments approved today will require gasoline, diesel and other fuels in California to meet stricter standards for greenhouse gases while changing how credits are awarded for specific lower-carbon fuels.

    The program “represents a grab bag of giveaways to polluting special interests that have turned what once was a program for climate progress into a piggy bank for their false climate solutions.
    — Nina Robertson, Senior Attorney with Earth Justice

    Air board Chair Liane Randolph told CalMatters in an interview last month that the low-carbon fuels program is “one of California’s most significant and most effective climate programs.”

    At the meeting today, Randolph suggested the new rules are critical, given how California’s climate and air pollution programs could come under strain from the new Trump administration.

    “We know that in order to be successful in addressing climate change, we must continue to reduce our fossil fuel consumption and invest in low-carbon energy,” said Randolph, who was appointed to the board by Newsom. “Let’s be realistic, the tools in our (climate) toolbox may become much more limited going forward.”

    But the debate resulted in two rare public defections among the 14 voting members of the Air Resources Board, who often unanimously approve major rules for cleaning up air pollution and cutting greenhouse gases.

    Air board members Dean Florez, a former state senator from the Central Valley, and Diane Takvorian, an environmental justice advocate, voted no.

    “Obviously, I’m a no, mostly about the environmental issues that were brought up, but also this whole discussion about gas,” Florez said.

    Takvorian criticized how large dairy farms, which often pollute low-income farm communities, will benefit from the state’s low-carbon fuel credits for their manure digesters for 30 years.

    Let’s be realistic, the tools in our (climate) toolbox may become much more limited going forward.
    — Air Resources Board Chair Liane Randolph

    Florez said he is concerned that oil companies support the program and “that should give the board a little bit of pause.” Their products are a main cause of climate change.

    “I listened to the testimony today, and I’ve been watching most of the industry tweets, and they all seem very giddy about the current program … that kind of worries me, because they kind of get to play both sides in some sense,” he said.

    Florez warned in a CalMatters opinion piece earlier this week that the program is flawed, that it could impose financial hardships on people, and that the air board was not transparent about the costs.

    “Such increases would affect essential goods and services, as transportation costs ripple through the economy, impacting food prices, housing affordability and more. For Californians already stretched thin by escalating rents and inflation, these additional costs could become overwhelming, pushing many into deeper financial insecurity,” wrote Florez, who is the state Senate-appointed member of the air board. His current term ends next month.

    Air board member Hector De La Torre said oil companies are dishonest when they blame rising gas prices on the climate program. He said it was “a false narrative period” and blamed oil companies for price fluctuations.

    “We’re not wildly fluctuating … we project out for many years. We let them know what we’re going to do, we let them know how it’s going to play out,” said De La Torre, a former Assembly member who was appointed to the board by the state Assembly. “So let us be clear about why we have the wild fluctuations in California on gas prices. It is not us. It is not the Legislature.”

    Florez, however, disagreed. “How we can, in all good conscience, say that it’s all these other factors and somehow we’re not a cause.”

    A gas price fight

    Energy experts and air board staff say the fuel standard raises the cost of producing high-polluting gasoline and diesel for the California market because oil companies must buy credits from lower-carbon fuel producers, or produce the fuels themselves.

    Those costs can drive up prices at the pump when companies pass them on to customers, although it’s difficult to predict by how much. Some companies might produce cleaner fuels themselves, potentially profiting from the incentives, while others may buy credits on the market.

    In an initial assessment released last year, the air board projected that the proposed new standard could potentially raise the per-gallon price of diesel by 59 cents and for gasoline, 47 cents, in 2025. Air board officials have since disavowed that estimate, writing last month that the analysis “should not be misconstrued as a prediction of the future credit price nor as a direct impact on prices at the pump.”

    A separate report, released last month by the University of Pennsylvania’s Kleinman Center for Energy Policy, predicted that the program’s changes could increase the cost of gas by 85 cents a gallon through 2030.

    The fight over the fuels standard has shown how the state’s ambitious agenda for addressing climate change can be the subject of ire if it threatens to make fossil fuels more expensive. Californians paid an average of $4.52 a gallon today, second only to Hawaiians.

    The vote came three days after a presidential election marked by concerns over inflation. State Republicans, in particular, have slammed the program as misguided, saying it piles on costs at a time when affordability is a top concern.

    For Californians already stretched thin by escalating rents and inflation, these additional costs could become overwhelming, pushing many into deeper financial insecurity.
    — Dean Florez, Air Board Member

    An analysis by California’s nonpartisan legislative analyst found the average California household spent about $3,200 a year on gasoline in 2021 and 2022, but some families — typically those with below-average incomes — spent more, about $6,150 a year.

    “If gas prices would have been (10 cents per gallon) higher during the period we reviewed, the typical household’s gasoline spending would have increased by about $60 per year” and $130 per year for the households most reliant on gasoline, the Legislative Analyst’s Office wrote.

    Raising the cost of diesel could have sweeping effects on the economy, since it fuels trucks and trains that carry goods, from food to toys, that Californians rely on and buy.

    Tim Taylor, chief legislative advocate for the National Federation of Independent Business, said the state’s small business owners are concerned about that ripple effect on the economy.

    “We’re not opposed to the greenhouse gas emission goals of the state, but the choice today is not one of endorsing zero emissions…it’s one of subsidizing biofuels,” Taylor said.

    Small businesses worry about “the potentially massive gasoline price hikes, and the adverse impacts those increases will have on their businesses, and the rippling effect it will have on all Californians without actually improving the air quality of the state,” he said.

    The Western States Petroleum Association, an oil industry group, has supported the program, with many of its members producing some of the new fuels the program has spurred. However, they argued against many proposed changes because they might increase costs or disadvantage some companies. Chevron also warned against what the changes might do to costs in the state.

    “At a time when fuel prices are under significant scrutiny and demand in California frequently outstrips supply, regulators should be careful about adding new measures that restrict supply,” Don Gilstrap, Chevron’s manager of fuels regulations wrote to the board last month.

    Millions of tons of carbon eliminated

    Under the California Climate Crisis Act, the state must slash its greenhouse gases to reach net-zero greenhouse gases by 2045. Cars, trucks and other transportation are the number one source and the changes to the fuels standard are meant to prevent California from falling behind on its ambitious climate goals, which are already at risk.

    The standard has helped the state clean up air pollution and cut climate-warming gases, according to the air board. Through 2022, the program has eliminated 140 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. The air board’s changes are expected to reduce carbon dioxide-equivalent gases by 558 million metric tons through 2046, according to its initial economic assessment.

    Those predicted reductions are equal to what more than 120 million cars emit on average in a year, though experts have told CalMatters the board’s estimates could be overstatements because the carbon footprint from some renewable diesel might be more than reported.

    The program has been particularly successful in shifting the fuel market for medium and heavy-duty trucks, and over the course of 13 years, the program has displaced 25 billion gallons of petroleum fuels, according to the board’s economic assessment.

    A dynamic that has simply not gotten the attention that it deserves is what it means, ethically and morally, that California is celebrating making fuel from food.
    — Gary Hughes, Biofuelwatch

    The previous standard’s target was reducing the climate impact of transportation fuels by 20% between 2010 and 2030. The changes impose tougher “carbon intensity” targets, tightening the greenhouse gas reductions by about 30% by 2030 and 90% by 2045.

    Through the state’s fuel standard, California has become a proving ground for cleaner fuels. But so many companies are producing them now that the value of credits has nosedived, dropping to an average of $68.12 last week compared to a weekly high in February 2020 of $211.02. The credits have built up to the point where some companies can buy their way out of producing cleaner fuels. To avoid that, regulators tightened the standard so that companies have incentives to burn through their excess credits.

    Laura Renger, chair of the California Electric Transportation Coalition, emphasized the low-carbon fuel program’s importance in advancing the state’s electric car market. “It will bring critical funding,” she said. Electrify America and several car manufacturers also voiced their support.

    “We have estimated that between now and 2035, the utilities would get about $4.8 billion” from the program to invest in electrification of cars and zero-emission trucks and buses, much of it in low-income communities, air board deputy executive officer Rajinder Sahota.

    Biofuels: Are they better?

    The fuel standard has notably driven a surge in biofuel production, derived from plant and animal waste. In the Bay Area, two companies are shifting their refineries to biofuels: a joint venture between Marathon and Neste is repurposing the Marathon Martinez refinery, while Phillips 66 is converting its Rodeo refinery into a biofuels-focused facility.

    Bobby Thomas, general manager of the Rodeo refinery, told the board today that the program has helped “embrace and promote the production of lower carbon fuels in California.”

    However, some experts are skeptical about the benefits. The University of Pennsylvania report estimates that about 80% of the credits issued to date — worth more than $17.7 billion, have gone to biofuels. While the air board says biofuels reduce emissions compared to traditional fossil fuels, experts say the results are mixed.

    Renewable diesel fuels, like ones made from soybeans, also have unintended environmental consequences, including deforestation and food system disruptions. The board imposed limits on diesel produced from soybean oil, canola oil and sunflower oil, but some say the changes don’t go far enough.

    “A dynamic that has simply not gotten the attention that it deserves is what it means, ethically and morally, that California is celebrating making fuel from food,” said Gary Hughes, Americas Program Coordinator for the group Biofuelwatch. “This is a trend that’s particularly disturbing with all the evidence about how these products are not a climate solution.”

    The board directed the staff to convene a forum in a year to collect the latest science on the effects of biofuels and find ways to avoid any harm on resources and food supply that they may cause.

    Another debate over new biofuels has sparked tension around their effects on California’s low-income, polluted communities of color. The flashpoint is the phaseout of climate credits for dairy farms’ cow poop.

    California’s strategy has leaned heavily on dairy industry incentives, offering grants for digesters — systems that trap methane from manure — and valuable fuel standard credits for the resulting natural gas. With dairy and livestock responsible for nearly half of the state’s methane emissions, capturing these gases not only keeps them out of the atmosphere but also turns waste into renewable fuel.

    The changes will phase out these dairy credits, starting in 30 years for existing projects and in 20 years for those built before 2030. Environmental groups wanted a faster discontinuation, arguing that the credits prop up industrial dairy farms that pollute low-income, rural communities in the Central Valley.

    In response, the air board directed the staff to prepare a plan to regular methane emissions from dairy farms and other livestock.

  • US v. Bosnia and Herzegovina in World Cup knockout

    Topline:

    In today's must-win round of 32 match at Levi's Stadium in Santa Clara, Team USA hopes to get the first World Cup knockout win for the U.S. since 2002.

    What they need to do: The U.S. men's national team's hopes hang on something they have not accomplished since 2021: Beating a team from Europe.

    The odds: The Americans are the favorites. But no knockout game is a sure thing, as Germany proved Monday when it fell to Paraguay on penalty kicks.

    SANTA CLARA — The U.S. men's national team's ambitions of a deep run at the FIFA World Cup hang on something they have not accomplished since 2021: Beating a team from Europe.

    In Wednesday's must-win round of 32 match at Levi's Stadium in Santa Clara, the Americans hope to finally climb that hill with a win over Bosnia and Herzegovina. A victory would mark the first World Cup knockout win for the U.S. since 2002.

    Compared to powerhouses like France or Spain, Bosnia is a relative minnow of European soccer. Ranked No. 64 by FIFA ahead of the World Cup, the Bosnians fought their way into the tournament on an upset playoff win over Italy in March — then, they muscled into the knockout round after a 1-1 draw with Canada and a 3-1 win over Qatar.

    The Americans are the favorites. But no knockout game is a sure thing, as Germany proved Monday when it fell to Paraguay on penalty kicks.

    "For us, it's the final of the World Cup," said U.S. coach Mauricio Pochettino on Tuesday. "If we don't think in this way, we are going to struggle."

    The U.S. expects to field a fully healthy starting 11 for the first time in this World Cup, thanks to the return of star winger Christian Pulisic, who left the opening game against Paraguay at halftime after a calf injury was exacerbated when he was kicked by a defender. The U.S. went on to win that game 4-1 and their next one against Australia 2-0, with Pulisic sitting out.

    A fan holds a sign reading "Believe" in a crowd of fans in red, white and blue.
    U.S. fans have had many reasons to believe at this World Cup. The U.S. won its group and has moved on to the Round of 32.
    (
    Ted S. Warren
    /
    AP
    )

    Pulisic returned as a sub in the Americans' third group stage match against Turkey. "I felt great in the game against Turkey, so I'm feeling good this week," he told reporters on Tuesday. "I'm definitely ready to go for tomorrow."

    Playing for Bosnia is the American-born winger Esmir Bajraktarević, a 21-year-old native of Appleton, Wis., born to Bosnian parents who came to the U.S. in 2001 after fleeing conflict in their home country during the 1990s.

    In Bosnia, Bajraktarević's parents and their families lived near Srebrenica, where some 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were killed in July 1995 in one of the only events in history formally deemed a genocide by the International Court of Justice. Multiple members of their families were killed.

    Bajraktarević grew up speaking Bosnian at home, he has said, and stayed close with relatives who remained in Bosnia. Although he came up through MLS academies and U.S. Soccer youth national teams, Bajraktarević formally switched his national team to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2024.

    Bajraktarević scored the game-clinching penalty that sent Bosnia to the World Cup in its March upset of Italy, which was then ranked No. 13 in the world. After his kick found the net, Bajraktarević tore off his jersey and held up the back of it, with his family name across the top, to the fans and cameras.

    "He can feel the jersey he's wearing. It means very much to him," said Bosnian coach Sergej Barbarez on Tuesday. "He knows where he belongs. He knows which team he plays for. He knows where his parents come from."

    It is Bosnia's second World Cup appearance after being eliminated in the group stage in 2014.

    Watch parties in L.A.

    Time: 5 p.m.
    Locations:
    Ken Malloy Harbor Regional Park
    25820 Vermont Ave., Harbor City

    Sheldon-Arleta Park
    12455 Wicks St., Sun Valley

    Taper Auditorium (Central Library)
    630 W. Fifth St., Los Angeles

    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Sponsored message
  • Pilot program launching soon
    A dark grey drone with four propellers and a camera hovers in mid-air.
    File photo: A DJI Mavic Pro Quadcopter drone is seen on flight at a 2017 convention in Germany. The LAPD purchased Mavics in 2019.

    Topline:

    The West Hollywood City Council is one step closer to launching a program that would allow law enforcement to use drones to act as first responders. Officials in a meeting on Monday said the program will launch by the end of July.

    The backstory: The City Council has considered the program for years. West Hollywood is the first and only city so far to contract with the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department to use drones as first responders.

    Read on... for more on how WeHo is integrating drones into policing.

    West Hollywood will allow law enforcement to deploy drones as first responders under a new pilot program. As part of an update to the City Council on Monday night, officials say the program will launch by the end of July.

    Under the program, the drones will be sent out ahead of law enforcement officers and will be used to gather information, including whether a suspect is on the move, changes clothes, and other details that could aid in an investigation.

    West Hollywood, which does not have its own police department and contracts with the L.A County Sheriff’s Department for police services, is the first and only city so far to contract with the county to use drones as first responders.

    The Los Angeles Police Department launched their own program in the city of L.A. in 2025.

    The backstory and timeline  

    • In February 2023, the West Hollywood City Council directed staff to explore a partnership with the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department for the development of an “advanced public safety technology” pilot program.
    • In August 2023, the council and the city’s Public Safety Commission held a joint meeting where they reviewed different public safety technology options, including the potential use of drones as first responders.
    • In July 2024, the council greenlit drone use for policing as a part of a $750,000, one-year pilot program, among other safety items aimed at faster response times and real-time crime detection.
    • In June 2025, the council received an update from city staff regarding the need to pause the pilot program due to conflicts with L.A. County’s drone policy. The primary point of contention was that the city’s approved plan required West Hollywood personnel to record all missions, which contradicted the sheriff department’s existing policy. Council directed city staff to comply with the department's current policy while awaiting policy revisions.

    Now, West Hollywood is set to move ahead with its pilot program, which will launch at the end of July.

    How the program will work

    Under the latest approved policy, the drones will only respond to calls of service, where police presence is requested from a caller.

    The drone will not record when flying to and from said location, but instead record from when it arrives to when it leaves, similar to body-worn cameras, according to Captain Fanny Lapkin of the West Hollywood Sheriff's Station.

    The program will also have a public-facing dashboard where the public can see information including the number of calls for service and types of calls the drones responded to.

    What the community says

    Stephen Post, a resident and member of West Hollywood’s Public Safety Commission, spoke during public comment on Monday.

    Post said he was concerned about the program’s use of data.

    “In multiple cities, we have seen improper access and use of this data,” Post said. “In this moment of heightened ICE and DHS enforcement, we should not be a city leading the push for creating the digital infrastructure that an authoritarian leader could use to harm our communities.”

    Steve Martin, member of the Eastside Neighborhood Watch, expressed support for the program during the meeting.

    “As a person who does go out and exercises my first amendment rights freely, in some ways I would welcome having sheriff surveillance,” Martin said. “I think that we need to look at evaluating this as it goes and seeing how we can get the best possible benefit from it because I think we’re all just looking to make West Hollywood safer.”

    How to keep tabs on the West Hollywood City Council

    The West Hollywood City Council meets on scheduled Mondays. Meetings start at 6 p.m.
    Here’s how you can follow along:

  • Concerns loom over human rights plans
    Tents are erected on sidewalk next to a chainlink fence that surround a warehouse. A downtown skyline is in the distance.
    Big questions remain about where L.A.'s chronic homelessness crisis will stand when Olympic visitors arrive for the 2028 Games

    Topline:

    At a L.A. City Council committee meeting yesterday, local officials and council members questioned LA28's human rights plans, including for dealing with homelessness.

    What happened: A city-appointed civil rights expert skewered LA28's plans for protecting human rights, and some questioned the city's preparedness for how the Games might displace hundreds or potentially thousands of unhoused people.

    Reaction: Courtney Morgan-Greene, who sits on the city's Human Relations Commission, lambasted the human rights strategy, and questioned how homelessness would be handled. "Angelenos know unhoused individuals will be moved," Morgan-Greene said. "Who is in charge of relocating these Angelenos and how will their well-being be safe-guarded and prioritized?"

    Read on… for more of what city officials had to say about Olympic planning.

    At a Tuesday L.A. City Council committee meeting on the coming Olympics, a city-appointed civil rights expert skewered LA28's plans for protecting human rights, and some questioned the city's preparedness for how the Games might displace hundreds or potentially thousands of unhoused people.

    The private Olympics committee's human rights strategy was submitted to the L.A. City Council at the end of last year, but wasn't made public until months later. Its contents had largely been left alone until Tuesday, when local experts and LA28 representatives addressed the council about the plan.

    Pointed criticism

    Courtney Morgan-Greene, who sits on the city's Human Relations Commission, lambasted the human rights strategy, and questioned how homelessness would be handled.

    "Angelenos know unhoused individuals will be moved," Morgan-Greene said. "Who is in charge of relocating these Angelenos and how will their well-being be safe-guarded and prioritized?"

    LA28's strategy said it will coordinate with local officials and providers who will be supporting unhoused people impacted by the Olympics. It also pledges to notify authorities as early as possible if an unhoused person needs to be relocated due to the Games.

    Julieta Valls Noyes, LA28's senior human rights advisor, told the council that she believed the mass displacement of unhoused people that has occurred at past Olympics would not be as much of an issue for Los Angeles, because organizers are relying on existing facilities rather than building new venues.

    What we know about the plans

    But previous guidance issued by L.A. County indicates that efforts to remove people who are homeless would focus on the security perimeters around Olympic venues. City Councilmember Katy Yaroslavsky said Tuesday that clearing security perimeters could mean displacing hundreds or potentially thousands of people living on the streets.

    " Telling us that they're there isn't the same thing as helping us figure out how to get them housed," she said. "If we want this done right, we're gonna have to figure out how we pay for it."

    Yaroslavsky suggested that the city and LA28 would need to seek state or federal support to relocate unhoused people ahead of the Games and provide them with a place to stay.

    Questions about who will take the lead

    Gita O’Neill, interim CEO of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, told the council that Olympics organizers should establish an interagency task force to manage how homelessness would be handled ahead of and during the Games. Her agency has come under intense financial pressure and scrutiny, including the county's withdrawal of hundreds of millions of funding and punitive federal action. She indicated that security plans could lead to displacement in areas with prominent unhoused populations.

    "Current security maps for the Games show overlaps with large swaths of high-need areas, such as Skid Row, MacArthur Park and South L.A," she said.

    O'Neill also warned that if local authorities did not take control of addressing homelessness around Olympic venues, the federal government could intervene.

    "If the city does not address the encampment issues, there is no doubt in our mind that the federal government will come in and address it for the city on its own procedures and protocols," she said. "L.A. should retain control over the process as much as possible."

    2028 Games loom over other discussions

    The specter of the federal government's role in the 2028 Games loomed over other council discussions, including the role of the Department of Homeland Security, which is overseeing security for the Games.

    Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martinez asked for an update about the potential presence of Immigration and Customs Enforcement at the Olympics, provoking a frustrated response from LA28 CEO Reynold Hoover, who is known for keeping his cool.

    " I don't know what to tell you. You were yelling at me at the time, very disrespectful," Hoover said, referencing the last time Soto-Martinez asked him about ICE. " I fully expect that the federal government is going to be supportive of these games and will deliver the games and respect human rights in the process."

    As the two continued to spar, Hoover said he'd seen the Olympics be pulled off successfully the other times the U.S. hosted, including 1996 in Atlanta and 2002 in Salt Lake City.

    " Well, the difference is that this year it's Trump's Olympics, not a sane person in the White House," Soto-Martinez said. "Trump's Olympics are coming into the city of Los Angeles."

    The meeting highlighted one shift in LA28's human rights plans. Hoover pledged to create a grant program to fund certain human rights-related initiatives, a move that some advocates have been pushing for. He did not say how much money LA28 would provide.

    Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson said the committee would continue to discuss human rights plans down the road. He wanted to wrap the meeting ahead of the much-anticipated Mexico-Ecuador World Cup match.

  • A resident's guide to breakfast, lunch and dinner
    A selection of powdered sugar-dusted beignets, sitting on a marble surface. One is cut in half, showing the custardy inside.
    Papillon Bakery's ponchiks, akin to a beignet.

    Topline:

    Patricia Tumang, LAist Senior Marketing Manager and Glendale resident, gives her recommendations for breakfast, lunch and dinner in our ongoing series Ask A Local

    Why it matters: If you think Glendale is just shopping, you're missing some of L.A.'s best food. It's the neighborhood institutions and family-run restaurants that keep Tumang coming back.

    What’s on the menu: Armenian ponchiks and bread boats, fresh poke bowls and Filipino fried chicken with banana ketchup.

    Growing up in Los Angeles, I spent plenty of time sitting in traffic and driving across town. I remember taking the 60 to the 10 from Walnut to Mid-Wilshire for elementary school and, later, when I lived in Burbank, spending weekends as a teenager hanging out by the clock at "The Gal" in Glendale, what my friends and I affectionately called the Glendale Galleria.

    Today, Glendale is my home, where I’ve been for nearly a decade. And while much has changed, the sense of community is what keeps me rooted here.

    I remember a time when Glendale was mostly tree-lined streets filled with Craftsman homes, mid-century apartment buildings and strip malls with mom-and-pop shops. There was Virgil's Hardware, where we'd get supplies and have our keys copied (it's now an Erewhon), and quaint Honolulu Avenue in Montrose, which still feels like a village in the way Larchmont does, with its boutiques and charming restaurants.

    Since then Glendale has developed, and we now have The Americana at Brand, trendy restaurants and national retailers and even an AMC theater with an IMAX screen. But beyond the flashy lights are the places that keep me coming back: neighborhood institutions, family-run businesses and restaurants that tell the story of Glendale's many diverse communities.

    Here's how I'd spend a day eating across Glendale for breakfast, lunch and dinner.

    Breakfast: Papillon Bakery

    An oval shaped pastry contains two fried eggs. It sits on a marble surface.
    Papillon's bread boat, covered with two over-easy eggs and cheese.
    (
    Courtesy Papillon Bakery
    )

    One of the things I love most about Glendale is its vibrant Armenian community, which has shaped the city in countless ways. For breakfast, I'm heading straight to Papillon Bakery. The beloved Armenian bakery has since expanded to five locations, but I keep coming back to the one on Central Avenue.

    Some of the best Armenian pastries I've ever had come from Papillon, which specializes in perashkis, borek, bread boats, churros, empanadas, Georgian khachapuri, Armenian pizza and ponchiks. In fact, I love their ponchiks so much that I named one of my cats Ponchik.

    A light skinned hand holds up a pastry cut in half; it shows the insides, an oozy mixture of nutella and fruit jam.
    Tumang's love for ponchiks is so strong she even named her cat after the Armenian pastry.
    (
    Courtesy Papillon Bakery
    )

    If you've never had one, a ponchik is like the Armenian cousin of a beignet: fried, dusted with powdered sugar and filled with everything from custard and Nutella to fruit jam and dulce de leche. They're made fresh to order and arrive piping hot, crisp on the outside and pillowy inside.

    My order is usually a ponchik and a bread boat, one of Papillon's specialties. Think of it as an open-faced calzone covered with two over-easy eggs and cheese, and you can top it off with basturma, a cured beef similar to pastrami.

    Parking is limited, especially later in the day when a neighboring restaurant opens for lunch and valet service begins, so I often take my breakfast to go.

    Location: 1100 S. Central Avenue, Glendale
    Hours: 8:00 a.m. - 9:00 p.m. daily

    Lunch: Fish King

    The exterior of a restaurant which says Fish King, seafood, poultry, galley on its front. The doors and sign are in blue.
    Fish King, a staple of Glendale since 1948.
    (
    Patricia Tumang
    /
    LAist
    )

    Fish King on Glendale Avenue is almost always busy, with people lined up to order lunch or pick up seafood for dinner. That's how you know you're getting the good stuff.

    Opened in 1948 as an independent fish shop, Fish King has been a Glendale institution for generations. The late Hank Kagawa began working there in 1952 before purchasing the business a few years later. His grandfather had immigrated to the United States from Japan in the early 1900s, building a grocery and produce business before losing everything when Japanese Americans were incarcerated during World War II. Under Kagawa's leadership, Fish King grew from a small storefront into the multi-storefront seafood market it is today.

    You can have your seafood cooked to order however you like: grilled, fried, charbroiled or steamed. Get it with fries, white rice or coleslaw; as tacos, a bowl or a teriyaki plate. They're also known for their cioppino and poke bowls. For me, I'm ordering poke (I often dream about their spicy scallops and soy tuna poke).

    Just head up to the counter and place your order, then grab a seat and wait for your buzzer to go off. Service is quick, but they never skimp on quality or freshness. The market also sells gourmet and specialty dry goods, sauces, house-made marinades, sushi and more. It's the kind of place that feels like a hidden gem, even though locals have been shopping and eating here for decades.

    Location: 722 N. Glendale Avenue, Glendale
    Hours: Monday - Saturday, 10:00 a.m. - 7:00 p.m.; Sunday, 11:00 a.m. - 6:00 p.m.

    Dinner: Max’s Restaurant

    A brightly patterned red and white plate holds a slew of beautifully browned fried egg rolls.
    Max's Restaurant's lumpiang shanghai, fried pork and vegetable egg rolls.
    (
    Courtesy Max's Restaurant
    )

    Just across from the Glendale Galleria on Broadway is a building that longtime Glendale residents may remember as The Phone Company, a restaurant known for its prime rib dinners and French onion soup, or as Cattleman's Ranch Steakhouse from the TV show Fresh Off the Boat. The exterior looks much the same today, but it's now home to Max's Restaurant, the Filipino chain known as "The House That Fried Chicken Built."

    For me, Max's is more than just dinner. It’s one of the most beloved restaurant chains in the Philippines, and I grew up eating there during family visits where meals almost always included a platter of its famous fried chicken. Founded in 1945 in Quezon City, it has since expanded around the world. Seeing the Max's in Glendale always feels a little like finding a piece of home.

    My order always starts with the fried chicken paired with banana ketchup. Beyond that, it's hard to go wrong. I usually add Filipino favorites like lumpiang shanghai (fried pork and vegetable egg rolls), crispy pata (deep-fried pork knuckles) and kare-kare (oxtail in peanut sauce). Always with rice.

    Every bite takes me back.

    A whole fried chicken with thick fries next to it sits on a white plate. The plate is surrounded by bottles of sauce and small dishes of ketchup.
    Max's Restaurant, a legendary Filipino chain, is best known for their fried chicken.
    (
    Courtesy Max's Restaurant
    )

    It’s a core memory: the delight I’d get when the plate of fried chicken was placed on the table and I'd immediately reach for a chicken thigh, taking a bite of the crisp but tender meat, dipping it into banana ketchup and following it with a spoonful of rice. Decades later, that's still exactly how I eat it.

    What makes this fried chicken different is that it's slow-cooked, rubbed with patis (fish sauce) and fried without batter, leaving the skin crisp and the meat juicy. It's simple, comforting and, as their slogan goes, "sarap to the bones" (delicious to the bones).

    Location: 313 W. Broadway, Glendale
    Hours: Monday-Saturday: 11 a.m.-8:30 p.m.; Sunday: 10 a.m.-8:30 p.m.