The Brief

Homeowners in Los Angeles have started the long process of rebuilding after the destructive wildfires in January. Some are constructing homes that are much less likely to burn when the next wildfire hits. That's because California is one of the few states with building codes that require using fire-resistant materials in places prone to wildfires.

Still, thousands of other homeowners in the urban center of Altadena are about to rebuild without wildfire-resistant materials, because they live outside a state-designated wildfire zone.

For some of those people, the rebuilding requirements are about to change in the coming months.

California fire officials just released long-awaited maps that expand the areas where wildfire building codes apply and that show fire risk is only increasing. Under the new maps, an additional 1.4 million acres statewide is now considered at high or very high risk on land for which local governments are responsible.

In the footprint of the Eaton Fire that hit Altadena, the expanded zone for wildfire building codes now includes more than 500 additional homes and buildings, according to an analysis by NPR. Los Angeles County must adopt the new zones by late July, which means those property owners have roughly four months before the more stringent rules take effect.

The move is a rare example of a community strengthening rebuilding rules after a disaster, in the hope of preventing similar destruction in the future. Governments often loosen construction and permitting rules after disasters, facing immense pressure to speed up the rebuilding process.

Patrick and Ruth Fong's home burned home still shows signs of the toys their kids used to play with. After late July, rebuilding it will require meeting wildfire building codes, based on new state regulations.

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Research shows fire-resistant construction can dramatically improve the chances that a house survives. Many of the building materials are commonly available, like fiber cement siding, and overall, construction costs can be roughly the same as a standard house.

Still, even with the newly expanded zones, more than 7,800 buildings in the area burned by the Eaton Fire fall outside those zones and won't have to follow the more protective wildfire building codes. Wildfire experts say with so many houses to rebuild, Los Angeles is facing a critical moment to ensure communities are better prepared for future disasters. Wildfires are getting more intense and are spreading faster as the climate gets hotter, and across the Western U.S., many homes rebuilt after fires aren't constructed to withstand future ones.

"If homes are being rebuilt, they should be built with wildfire in mind because unfortunately we do know that risks are increasing," says Kimiko Barrett, senior wildfire researcher at Headwaters Economics, a non-profit think tank. "History repeats itself. This will not be the only time that L.A. experiences a catastrophic wildfire."

Weighing how to rebuild

When Patrick and Ruth Fong look over the charred debris that used to be their Altadena home, they still see where their three kids used to play. The burned frames of the kids' bikes are visible under the crumbled garage door. A blackened, metal ring in the backyard shows where the trampoline once was.

"This is the only house our kids remember," Ruth says. "We were only able to recover some mugs and the kids' clay objects they made in art class at school."

Now, two months after the disaster, they're also starting to envision what could be. They've met with a contractor to plan what they'll rebuild and are now finalizing the floorplan.

"There's been so much grief and sadness, but then you have some glimmers of hope," Ruth says.

Ruth and Patrick Fong debated whether to stay in Altadena after they lost their house in the Eaton Fire. It's the second time a wildfire has burned the property.

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Just after the fire, the Fongs weren't sure they wanted to stay. Altadena sits next to the dry shrubland of the San Gabriel Mountains and this was the second wildfire to hit their property. Before the Fongs owned it, the Kinneloa Fire also destroyed the home in 1993.

"We had in our heads, we have to build it and sell it, because what if it happens again?" Patrick says. "You know, all these terrible things we're thinking about."

But like many Altadena residents, the Fongs feel connected to their community and especially close to neighbors on their cul de sac. So, they've started talking to their contractor about ways to make the house better able to withstand a wildfire by using fire-resistant building materials. That cost has to be balanced with the other financial constraints of rebuilding, as the Fongs figure out how far their insurance settlement will go.

"With fireproof construction, how much more is that going to be and how much can we really afford?" Patrick says. "Because we're already maxing out our policy."

Newly expanded fire zones show homes at risk

Like thousands of other Altadena residents, the Fongs so far are not required to rebuild with fire resistant materials. That's because California's wildfire building codes, known as "chapter 7A," only apply in areas that are deemed to be at risk. Those "wildfire hazard zones," as they're known, are mapped by California's Department of Forestry and Fire Protection.

California's wildfire hazard maps are the bedrock of the state's wildfire policies. In addition to determining where wildfire building codes apply for new construction, property owners in very high risk zones must clear flammable vegetation around buildings. Wildfire hazard zones must also be taken into consideration in land use planning by local governments, including ensuring there are enough evacuation routes.

The maps were first released in 2008, putting California on the forefront of wildfire planning. Many Western states still lack statewide fire risk maps. But as wildfires have become more extreme, fire experts pushed California to update the maps, since the original maps only forecast fires under fairly weak wind speeds and don't take into account high wind conditions that can drive bigger infernos. (Insurance companies typically have their own wildfire risk maps that they use to determine rates for customers.)

The newly released wildfire zones include properties that burned in the Eaton Fire. Pacific Palisades, where the other major fire burned in January, was already in a high risk wildfire zone, so wildfire building codes apply to the more than 6,800 buildings destroyed there.

Under state law, Los Angeles County must adopt the new wildfire hazard maps by July 22nd. According to the Los Angeles County Fire Department, that means if residents in the newly expanded zones get their building permits approved after the maps are adopted, the wildfire building codes will apply.

Beginning in 2026, the requirements will expand again to include any properties in the "high" hazard category of the wildfire maps. That will mean about 1,000 additional properties in the Eaton Fire area will be required to use wildfire building codes, if their permits are approved next year.

Still, even with the new wildfire maps, the majority of homes destroyed in the Eaton Fire won't be required to be built to resist future wildfires. California's maps calculate the hazard from fires spreading in wildland areas, but don't take into account what happens when fires spread from house to house.

"I thought the very high fire severity zones were really going to reach deep, deep down into Altadena, and they haven't," says Los Angeles County Fire Department deputy fire chief Albert Yanagisawa.

The costs and benefits of wildfire building codes

The change in the maps is causing some nervousness in Altadena.

"Some people I see rushing to decide what their rebuild is before that map comes out, which puts into question whether they're thinking about the community or their bottom line," says Nic Arnzen, a member of the Altadena Town Council.

Researchers have shown that using fire-resistant materials makes homes less likely to burn, especially since most homes are ignited by tiny embers carried by the wind. Even in an extreme wildfire, fire inspectors find some houses remain seemingly untouched, like in the Los Angeles fires as well as the wildfire in Lahaina, Maui.

One study found houses built with California's wildfire building codes are 40% more likely to survive. An analysis by FEMA found using California's building codes could save $24 billion in damages to single-family residences over a 75-year timeframe.

California's wildfire building code calls for fire-resistant roofs and siding, as well as using attic vents that don't allow embers to be blown inside a house. It also calls for enclosing roof eaves so the undersides are less prone to igniting. They only apply for new construction or when houses have a major renovation.

Altadena is likely to face more wildfires, experts say, so rebuilding after the Eaton Fire is a crucial time to make the community more resilient to fires.

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"These are often materials commonly used on the market, widely available," Barrett says. "Things like asphalt roofs. Things like Hardie plank fiber cement siding. Very, very common, very affordable."

The additional cost of meeting the codes can be a few thousands dollars, according to a study from Headwater Economics and the Insurance Institute for Business & Home Safety, a research group funded by the insurance industry. Adding even more fire-resistant features, or more costly options like metal roofing, can add up to 13% to the overall construction cost.

Some Los Angeles homeowners could find the additional costs will be paid by their insurance company, if the policy specifies it covers bringing a house up to code. Still, not all policies cover those costs.

Los Angeles County officials say they're looking for funding options for homeowners who might struggle with the costs.

"One of the commitments I've made is looking at grant opportunities to see where we can allow people to apply that may not be able to afford it, to harden or do things that would benefit in case of future fires, and see how we can offset the cost," says Los Angeles County supervisor Kathryn Barger.

Rebuilding Los Angeles with wildfires in mind

With a history of frequent wildfires, Los Angeles has long understood how vulnerable many neighborhoods are. Some homeowners rebuilding after the Eaton Fire aren't likely to follow wildfire building codes if they're not required to, especially given that some are underinsured.

"Even if they're not going to have to comply, we're going to be strongly encouraging it for future resiliency," says Amy Bodek, director of regional planning for the County of Los Angeles. "We've been on this trajectory to look at long range plans that will prevent future disasters from affecting so many people. We're certainly not going to prevent the disasters, but how can we minimize strategically the harm to individuals and properties?"

Los Angeles County recently limited the amount of housing that can be built in the foothills of Altadena, where wildfire risk is highest. The region is facing a massive housing shortage, but considering the fire risk, is directing development to denser urban corridors closer to public transit.

Altadena officials say they're hoping to rebuild a much safer community, including putting electric power lines underground so they pose less of a risk. Utility lines have started wildfires in high winds and are still being investigated as a cause of the Eaton Fire.

"We have an opportunity to show people how to create a community that can live in peace and harmony with the natural disasters around them," Arnzen says. "I don't want to waste the opportunity."

Brent Jones contributed to this story.
Copyright 2025 NPR

When California voters open their ballots this November, they will find 14 statewide measures on issues such as immunology research funding, voter ID requirements and billionaire taxes. Add in various city and county propositions, and it’s — a lot.

How do Californians feel about all these propositions padding out the ballot? When pollsters ask, they tend to get mixed signals. People say the measures are too complicated. There are too many. And they can’t get enough of them.

The state’s love-hate relationship with direct democracy is on full display in surveys by the Public Policy Institute of California. Seventy-seven percent of respondents said recently there are too many ballot measures, and 89% said the wording of propositions is too confusing.

But two years ago, 79% of those surveyed also said propositions are a “good thing,” and 87% agreed that they “bring up important public policy issues that the governor and legislature have not adequately addressed.”

Feeling both overwhelmed and empowered by all this decision-making is a byproduct of deeply rooted California political traditions.

Other states ask voters to weigh in on far fewer contests. About half have no initiative process. Even those that do tend to use it far less often than California does.

Between 1904 and 2024, California put 396 initiatives before voters, more than any other state.

“We set up a system where we wanted to vote on things,” said John Matsusaka, executive director of the Initiative and Referendum Institute at the University of Southern California.

“People just believe that if they think there's something wrong with what the government's doing, they have a right to bring it before their fellow citizens and get an opinion on that,” he said. “It's just in the DNA of the state.”

Where did all these propositions come from? 

Ballot initiatives have become a big business in California. Collecting signatures, producing ads, paying political consultants — an entire industry depends on this system. Between 2020 and 2024, nearly $1.9 billion was spent on California ballot measure campaigns.

But the system was initially supposed to be a check on monied interests.

California’s adoption of citizen initiatives, referendums and recalls dates back to the early 20th-century Progressive Era. At the time, states across the Western U.S. expanded direct democracy in the hopes of countering dominant political machines and corporate monopolies.

Ed Lascher, a public policy professor emeritus at Cal State University, Sacramento, said he believes Progressive Era reformers probably would not recognize their vision in today’s initiative system.

“It’s doubtful to me that they would, because of the amount of money involved, the fact that decisions are made basically through advertising and the sort of overwhelming nature of things,” he said.

Then there’s the question of whether asking voters to decide complex issues makes for good policy. Over the years, Californians have approved some dubious, regrettable and ultimately illegal initiatives. Some have a whiff of absurdity, such as 1964’s Proposition 15, which sought to ban cable television. The California Supreme Court overturned it on First Amendment grounds.

Others reveal a darker side of the Golden State. Now a hotbed of resistance to federal ICE raids and deportation efforts, California passed Prop. 187 in 1994. Though it was quickly ruled unconstitutional, the law sought to ban undocumented immigrants from receiving public education, healthcare and other social services.

Less than two decades ago, Californians voted to outlaw same-sex marriage through Prop. 8, an outcome many would find unthinkable just a few years later. And in 1964, nearly two-thirds of Californian voters opted to allow racial discrimination in housing sales and rentals through Prop. 14.

“Most initiatives fail,” Lascher said. “But most initiatives that have targeted minorities in the state have passed. … If you look at things like gay rights, if you look at civil rights in the early '60s, these have been, generally, better protected by the Legislature than by the ballot initiative.”

Should California have fewer ballot measures? 

There have been various attempts to rein in the initiative process. Lascher himself supported making it harder to amend the California Constitution by initiative. That proposal sought to raise the voter approval threshold from a simple majority to two-thirds support. Such a reform would’ve doomed Prop. 8.

But there hasn’t been a groundswell of support for chipping away at the power held by voters.

“Most Californians — and we know this from polls — value having this opportunity,” Matsusaka said.

Though many say the number of ballot measures is too high, research shows it’s not driving Californians away from the polls. Political scientists say initiatives typically have the opposite effect, increasing turnout by about 3% to 8% compared with states that lack initiatives.

Matsusaka said this slight boost could be the result of certain measures turning out voters who care deeply about a particular topic. “When there's an issue they care about, I think it is valuable for them to have the opportunity to vote on it,” he said.

Voters may turn out more in initiative states, but Lascher said research suggests they often feel conflicted. He co-wrote a 2019 book on this topic called Initiatives Without Engagement.

“The bottom line is, voters aren't feeling more efficacious or more ability to control things in states that make heavy use of initiatives,” he said. “They're actually somewhat less trusting.”

Critics argue that today, rather than empowering citizens to directly enact popular political changes, California’s initiative process has evolved into an expensive tool for deep-pocketed interest groups to carry out their agendas.

In some cases, interest groups don’t intend to get their initiatives on the ballot, instead using the process as leverage to get what they want from elected leaders. They’re essentially saying: Cut a deal with us, or we’ll drag you into a costly ballot measure fight.

Other measures end up on the ballot because legislators are required to put them there. Lawmakers cannot pass bonds without approval by a majority of voters. They also cannot amend the state constitution or alter previous voter initiatives without a new ballot measure.

Could technology change how Californians handle confusion?

Matsusaka said despite feeling overwhelmed, most Californians are able to cut through the confusion and make up their minds.

Voters may lack the time or expertise needed to fully research every ballot measure, but they know how to turn to ideological groups for cues on how to vote. Others consult non-partisan guides written by fact-based journalists, such as the LAist Voter Game Plan (shameless plug).

Matsusaka said he believes busy Californians could increasingly offload their decision-making to another time-saving resource: AI chatbots.

“You have an app on your phone, and it reads the text for you, and it also knows your party, and it knows your political affiliations and your issue positions, and it says, here's how you should vote,” he said. “We're not quite there yet, but I don't actually think we're very far.”

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

It’s Thursday night at Eastwood Bar in Koreatown, and the place is packed with about 300 people chatting under sparkling disco lights. Haystacks, wooden guitars and retro beer signs decorate the space. In the center, a metal stool holds a Mac laptop, and a big screen displays a visual sales presentation, or pitch deck. A beaming young woman steps to the mic and begins her slideshow pitch. But she’s not selling anything. She’s trying to get someone in the audience to date her friend.

This is Pitch-A-Friend Los Angeles, one of LA’s hottest dating events, where singles looking for a match rely on a good friend with great slideshow skills as their wingman.

The goal is to connect people to dates in real life, but the unique concept also allows singles to see their friends say nice things about them in creative ways, Pitch-A-Friend Los Angeles organizer Jackson Wise told The LA Local.

“I get to see best friends kind of hype each other up and talk about their friends’ characteristics and sometimes that’s not always spoken,” Wise said. He added that he often notices the friend being pitched sitting in the audience and getting teary-eyed from all the encouragement.

Wise began the LA offshoot of Pitch-A-Friend nearly two years ago. The original event began in Philadelphia. After spending several years struggling in LA’s notoriously difficult dating scene, Wise scrolled past the Instagram account for a Philly-hosted event of Pitch-A-Friend. “I reached out to them, and they said I should start it in Los Angeles,” Wise recalled.

He said his LA offshoot was not very successful early on, drawing small crowds. But he kept at it, relying on social media and word of mouth to grow the event, which now draws crowds in the hundreds.

Pitch-A-Friend Los Angeles leader Jackson Wise opens the night at Eastwood Bar in Koreatown.

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What is Pitch-A-Friend?

The concept is simple: Instead of single people promoting themselves on a dating app, their friends do it for them, live, in front of a room full of strangers. Each presenter gets four to five minutes and a slide deck, usually made in Canva or Google Slides, to show off a single friend’s best qualities, quirks and what they’re looking for. Singles in the crowd who like what they see can find that person afterward, in the room or through the Hooked Up app.

The LA Local got a front-row seat to an LGBTQ+ singles event at Pitch-A-Friend Los Angeles. Here’s how it went down.

Half an hour before presentations, Wise made sure all participating friends were signed up. He checked that their five-minute Canva or Google Slides decks were good to go. Soon after, he energized the crowd with lively announcements like: “At the end of every presentation, I get, ‘Hey, I didn’t meet anybody.’ My first question is, ‘Did you talk to anybody?’ It’s usually no.”

Then he encouraged everyone to scan the QR code for the Hooked Up app or to break out of their circles, mingle and help their friends connect. He introduced stickers to help direct singles on queer night: green for women or friends, red for men and white for both or nonbinary.

Among the crowd was Elektra Armenta. “We don’t really get many mixers or dating events for queer folks in LA. So, I was really excited to be here, to experience all of us,” Armenta said.

The first presenter used colorful and playful multimedia slides to hype up her 23-year-old gay male roommate as someone who is intelligent, supportive and attentive and, above all, has a gift for listening.

Next, two young women took to the stage to introduce their accomplished friend, a 35-year-old retired three-time Olympian now thriving in tech at LA28. “Lauren is looking for something serious,” one of them declared. Someone in the crowd shouted back, “Yeah, we don’t play.”

As the night went on, each presenter was greeted with cheers and applause for their creativity, thoroughness and appreciation of their friends’ achievements. More importantly, singles were finding potential matches.

“Getting to know people through their friends is actually a really special experience,” first-time attendee Brex Garay told The LA Local. “It’s been really impressive to see people’s creative sides on pitching their friends.”

Jacaranda. Jacaranda. Jacaranda. We love those purple canopies across Los Angeles.

But have you seen the Chinese flame tree — sporting happy yellow blooms that brighten everything around them in the fall, before giving way to pink or reddish capsules that are reminiscent of paper lanterns?

“The genus for that group of plants is Koelreuteria,” said Donald Hodel, a landscape horticulture adviser with UC Cooperative Extension, part of the University of California’s Division of Agriculture and Natural Resources.

Two species of the tree flower this time of the year. Hodel said that despite their varied origins, they’re almost visually indistinguishable. Koelreuteria bipinnata is from China, and Koelreuteria elegans is from Taiwan.

The golden yellow phase of the Chinese flame tree.

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Pinkish, reddish capsules of seeds emerge after the yellow flowers.

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The genus, according to the UC Cooperative Extension, was introduced to the United States in 1763 — most likely by an arboretum or botanical garden, Hodel said. From there, they entered the nursery trade.

They are popular trees in greater Los Angeles — and can be found in El Sereno, Long Beach and Culver City — with a couple of knocks against them.

“They aren't water hogs by any means; [but] they can't really be considered drought-tolerant,” Hodel explained.

Close-up of a capsule from the Chinese flower tree.

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And they sprout easily if their seeds find a water source. “Which means you have to take them out, 'cause eventually they'll get too big,” he said.

No tree is perfect — he stressed — not even SoCal’s beloved jacaranda.

“If I could only have one or the other, I'd probably pick a Koelreuteria,” he said. “It's a good-looking tree.”

The post appeared first on LA Local.

Go past the dog walkers and strollers up the hilly street with the massive refinery. You’ll see an aerospace company’s moon buggy mural. Head toward a classic dingbat apartment and you’ll find a surfer-themed bar in a WWII-style Quonset hut.

Shh. There’s a secret comedy show happening in there where a comic is revealing secret techniques to make babies fart.

Don’t Tell Comedy shows like this one at Boardroom Brewery in El Segundo last month are happening all around Los Angeles County. They are stand-up shows where the crowd is only given venue clues ahead of time and only told where to be just hours before. The sites vary from parking lots, furniture stores, wine shops and other unconventional settings for stand-up comedy.

How to find a secret comedy show

• The first step is fairly simple. Visit the Don’t Tell Comedy website and look for a show in a city you don’t mind driving to.
• You’re going to have to buy tickets without knowing anything about the show. That means you won’t know who is performing or where the show is being held.
• The morning of the event, you will receive a text message or email with the address to the secret location.

What a typical show looks like

Go past the dog walkers and strollers up the hilly street with the massive refinery. You’ll see an aerospace company’s moon buggy mural. Head toward a classic dingbat apartment and you’ll find a surfer-themed bar in a WWII-style Quonset hut.

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Don Perez

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The LA Local

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Boardroom Brewery bartender Rick Mathiesen told The LA Local that the night started with folks “getting out of their Ubers with confused looks on their faces.” They were trying to figure out if they got the right place, especially when the beach town bar rolled down its see-through hangar door.

The secret comedy show organization started in 2017 with backyard and living room pop-up shows. It has expanded its clandestine comedy format to more than 200 cities, including areas across LA such as downtown, Los Feliz, Silver Lake and Pasadena.

Griffin James, the emcee of the night and a local producer for Don’t Tell Comedy, was seen putting 80 chairs away by himself — hey, legendary comic Sam Kinison got his start as The Comedy Store’s doorman.

The 26-year-old Griffin said the gigs are still as competitive as landing a stage at The Laugh Factory, where he’s performed. There’s an added benefit for the audience: There is no mandatory two-drink minimum, which makes it more affordable than a night at a traditional comedy club.

Go past the dog walkers and strollers up the hilly street with the massive refinery. You’ll see an aerospace company’s moon buggy mural. Head toward a classic dingbat apartment and you’ll find a surfer-themed bar in a WWII-style Quonset hut.

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Don Perez

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The LA Local

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Most comics at Don’t Tell Comedy shows are up-and-coming locals, but a few big names like Ali Wong, Nikki Glaser and Michael Che have appeared.

Jenna Lewanda told The LA Local that she and her boyfriend, Manny Aguilar, decided to take a trip from their West Hollywood home to the mystery spot in El Segundo. Their usual haunts for live comedy are the Hollywood Improv and a friend’s show, Hambone Comedy.

Lewanda received a message at 9 a.m. that Saturday with the location details. She looked it up and committed the odd curved building to memory. She was happy that night’s headliner was a famous stand-up: Brad Williams. 

Williams — a comedian with dwarfism who has two Showtime specials and a Netflix stand-up episode under his belt — closed out the seven-comic show that night.

He got a lot of laughs recalling a camping incident where a park ranger told him to “get big” when confronted by a bear. The 4-foot-4-inch Williams’ response: “How?”