The Brief

Homeowners in Los Angeles have started the long process of rebuilding after the destructive wildfires in January. Some are constructing homes that are much less likely to burn when the next wildfire hits. That's because California is one of the few states with building codes that require using fire-resistant materials in places prone to wildfires.

Still, thousands of other homeowners in the urban center of Altadena are about to rebuild without wildfire-resistant materials, because they live outside a state-designated wildfire zone.

For some of those people, the rebuilding requirements are about to change in the coming months.

California fire officials just released long-awaited maps that expand the areas where wildfire building codes apply and that show fire risk is only increasing. Under the new maps, an additional 1.4 million acres statewide is now considered at high or very high risk on land for which local governments are responsible.

In the footprint of the Eaton Fire that hit Altadena, the expanded zone for wildfire building codes now includes more than 500 additional homes and buildings, according to an analysis by NPR. Los Angeles County must adopt the new zones by late July, which means those property owners have roughly four months before the more stringent rules take effect.

The move is a rare example of a community strengthening rebuilding rules after a disaster, in the hope of preventing similar destruction in the future. Governments often loosen construction and permitting rules after disasters, facing immense pressure to speed up the rebuilding process.

Patrick and Ruth Fong's home burned home still shows signs of the toys their kids used to play with. After late July, rebuilding it will require meeting wildfire building codes, based on new state regulations.

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Research shows fire-resistant construction can dramatically improve the chances that a house survives. Many of the building materials are commonly available, like fiber cement siding, and overall, construction costs can be roughly the same as a standard house.

Still, even with the newly expanded zones, more than 7,800 buildings in the area burned by the Eaton Fire fall outside those zones and won't have to follow the more protective wildfire building codes. Wildfire experts say with so many houses to rebuild, Los Angeles is facing a critical moment to ensure communities are better prepared for future disasters. Wildfires are getting more intense and are spreading faster as the climate gets hotter, and across the Western U.S., many homes rebuilt after fires aren't constructed to withstand future ones.

"If homes are being rebuilt, they should be built with wildfire in mind because unfortunately we do know that risks are increasing," says Kimiko Barrett, senior wildfire researcher at Headwaters Economics, a non-profit think tank. "History repeats itself. This will not be the only time that L.A. experiences a catastrophic wildfire."

Weighing how to rebuild

When Patrick and Ruth Fong look over the charred debris that used to be their Altadena home, they still see where their three kids used to play. The burned frames of the kids' bikes are visible under the crumbled garage door. A blackened, metal ring in the backyard shows where the trampoline once was.

"This is the only house our kids remember," Ruth says. "We were only able to recover some mugs and the kids' clay objects they made in art class at school."

Now, two months after the disaster, they're also starting to envision what could be. They've met with a contractor to plan what they'll rebuild and are now finalizing the floorplan.

"There's been so much grief and sadness, but then you have some glimmers of hope," Ruth says.

Ruth and Patrick Fong debated whether to stay in Altadena after they lost their house in the Eaton Fire. It's the second time a wildfire has burned the property.

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Just after the fire, the Fongs weren't sure they wanted to stay. Altadena sits next to the dry shrubland of the San Gabriel Mountains and this was the second wildfire to hit their property. Before the Fongs owned it, the Kinneloa Fire also destroyed the home in 1993.

"We had in our heads, we have to build it and sell it, because what if it happens again?" Patrick says. "You know, all these terrible things we're thinking about."

But like many Altadena residents, the Fongs feel connected to their community and especially close to neighbors on their cul de sac. So, they've started talking to their contractor about ways to make the house better able to withstand a wildfire by using fire-resistant building materials. That cost has to be balanced with the other financial constraints of rebuilding, as the Fongs figure out how far their insurance settlement will go.

"With fireproof construction, how much more is that going to be and how much can we really afford?" Patrick says. "Because we're already maxing out our policy."

Newly expanded fire zones show homes at risk

Like thousands of other Altadena residents, the Fongs so far are not required to rebuild with fire resistant materials. That's because California's wildfire building codes, known as "chapter 7A," only apply in areas that are deemed to be at risk. Those "wildfire hazard zones," as they're known, are mapped by California's Department of Forestry and Fire Protection.

California's wildfire hazard maps are the bedrock of the state's wildfire policies. In addition to determining where wildfire building codes apply for new construction, property owners in very high risk zones must clear flammable vegetation around buildings. Wildfire hazard zones must also be taken into consideration in land use planning by local governments, including ensuring there are enough evacuation routes.

The maps were first released in 2008, putting California on the forefront of wildfire planning. Many Western states still lack statewide fire risk maps. But as wildfires have become more extreme, fire experts pushed California to update the maps, since the original maps only forecast fires under fairly weak wind speeds and don't take into account high wind conditions that can drive bigger infernos. (Insurance companies typically have their own wildfire risk maps that they use to determine rates for customers.)

The newly released wildfire zones include properties that burned in the Eaton Fire. Pacific Palisades, where the other major fire burned in January, was already in a high risk wildfire zone, so wildfire building codes apply to the more than 6,800 buildings destroyed there.

Under state law, Los Angeles County must adopt the new wildfire hazard maps by July 22nd. According to the Los Angeles County Fire Department, that means if residents in the newly expanded zones get their building permits approved after the maps are adopted, the wildfire building codes will apply.

Beginning in 2026, the requirements will expand again to include any properties in the "high" hazard category of the wildfire maps. That will mean about 1,000 additional properties in the Eaton Fire area will be required to use wildfire building codes, if their permits are approved next year.

Still, even with the new wildfire maps, the majority of homes destroyed in the Eaton Fire won't be required to be built to resist future wildfires. California's maps calculate the hazard from fires spreading in wildland areas, but don't take into account what happens when fires spread from house to house.

"I thought the very high fire severity zones were really going to reach deep, deep down into Altadena, and they haven't," says Los Angeles County Fire Department deputy fire chief Albert Yanagisawa.

The costs and benefits of wildfire building codes

The change in the maps is causing some nervousness in Altadena.

"Some people I see rushing to decide what their rebuild is before that map comes out, which puts into question whether they're thinking about the community or their bottom line," says Nic Arnzen, a member of the Altadena Town Council.

Researchers have shown that using fire-resistant materials makes homes less likely to burn, especially since most homes are ignited by tiny embers carried by the wind. Even in an extreme wildfire, fire inspectors find some houses remain seemingly untouched, like in the Los Angeles fires as well as the wildfire in Lahaina, Maui.

One study found houses built with California's wildfire building codes are 40% more likely to survive. An analysis by FEMA found using California's building codes could save $24 billion in damages to single-family residences over a 75-year timeframe.

California's wildfire building code calls for fire-resistant roofs and siding, as well as using attic vents that don't allow embers to be blown inside a house. It also calls for enclosing roof eaves so the undersides are less prone to igniting. They only apply for new construction or when houses have a major renovation.

Altadena is likely to face more wildfires, experts say, so rebuilding after the Eaton Fire is a crucial time to make the community more resilient to fires.

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"These are often materials commonly used on the market, widely available," Barrett says. "Things like asphalt roofs. Things like Hardie plank fiber cement siding. Very, very common, very affordable."

The additional cost of meeting the codes can be a few thousands dollars, according to a study from Headwater Economics and the Insurance Institute for Business & Home Safety, a research group funded by the insurance industry. Adding even more fire-resistant features, or more costly options like metal roofing, can add up to 13% to the overall construction cost.

Some Los Angeles homeowners could find the additional costs will be paid by their insurance company, if the policy specifies it covers bringing a house up to code. Still, not all policies cover those costs.

Los Angeles County officials say they're looking for funding options for homeowners who might struggle with the costs.

"One of the commitments I've made is looking at grant opportunities to see where we can allow people to apply that may not be able to afford it, to harden or do things that would benefit in case of future fires, and see how we can offset the cost," says Los Angeles County supervisor Kathryn Barger.

Rebuilding Los Angeles with wildfires in mind

With a history of frequent wildfires, Los Angeles has long understood how vulnerable many neighborhoods are. Some homeowners rebuilding after the Eaton Fire aren't likely to follow wildfire building codes if they're not required to, especially given that some are underinsured.

"Even if they're not going to have to comply, we're going to be strongly encouraging it for future resiliency," says Amy Bodek, director of regional planning for the County of Los Angeles. "We've been on this trajectory to look at long range plans that will prevent future disasters from affecting so many people. We're certainly not going to prevent the disasters, but how can we minimize strategically the harm to individuals and properties?"

Los Angeles County recently limited the amount of housing that can be built in the foothills of Altadena, where wildfire risk is highest. The region is facing a massive housing shortage, but considering the fire risk, is directing development to denser urban corridors closer to public transit.

Altadena officials say they're hoping to rebuild a much safer community, including putting electric power lines underground so they pose less of a risk. Utility lines have started wildfires in high winds and are still being investigated as a cause of the Eaton Fire.

"We have an opportunity to show people how to create a community that can live in peace and harmony with the natural disasters around them," Arnzen says. "I don't want to waste the opportunity."

Brent Jones contributed to this story.
Copyright 2025 NPR

Democrats have done well in recent elections when they win young voters by a margin of at least 20 points. On Tuesday, they carried Gen Z — those under 30 — by nearly 50 points, according to exit polling.

It's a stunning shift from 2024, when the party lost critical ground with young people. Long seen as a part of the Democratic base, voters under 30 shifted right towards Donald Trump, motivated by his pledge to better their economic prospects.

But this week, the youngest generation of voters issued a strong rebuke of Republicans, taking another chance on Democrats and their change-focused message at a moment when many of them feel as though the American Dream is out of reach.

How young voters powered Democrats to victory 

Americans ages 18-29 have a history of turning out at lower rates than older voters, and this year was no exception. Gen Z made up 11% of the total vote on Tuesday.

However, where young Americans may have made the greatest difference, is on the margins in House and Senate races where Democrats flipped seats.

The Texas Senate race is a key example. Democrat James Talarico won the state by 12 percentage points, however, when looking at just Gen Z, he won it by 60 points.

Explaining the massive shift from 2024

When assessing gains more broadly, Democrats argue the party's strong slate of candidates helped drum up increased enthusiasm.

But another motivating factor remains strong opposition to Trump. Throughout his second term, Gen Z increasingly soured on the president, with some arguing he failed to make good on a number of core campaign promises — from pledging to lower prices and repeatedly vowing "no new wars," to calling for a crackdown on federal corruption and the release of the Epstein files.

Much of that disappointment was reflected in exit polling. Economic issues were the top concern for a plurality of 18-29 year olds, at 43%, and these voters expressed broad frustrations with Trump's handling of the issue. More than eight in 10 said that Trump's policies have worsened economic conditions, with similar shares opposing his tariff strategy and the decision to go to war with Iran.

The young voters Trump lost

Early analysis from CIRCLE indicates that 15% of young people who backed Trump in 2024 voted for a Democratic House candidate in this year's midterms.

Democrats made gains with some young voters that backed Trump two years ago, including white men and Latino men, two blocs that narrowly voted Republican in 2024 and then voted blue on Tuesday by double digits. Democratic candidates also narrowed the margins with young rural voters and people without college degrees.  

Some of those gains may have been helped by young Trump voters who chose to sit this election out, but it's unclear how many of them there were.

How the election results broke down by age

The midterm results underscore how neither of the two major parties owns Gen Z, according to John Della Volpe, a left-leaning pollster who's extensively studied the politics of young Americans.

"The cohort of younger people in this cycle had a different set of experiences than the cohort of people two years ago, or four years before that," he said. "Every candidate, every party has to earn their votes."

Della Volpe, who runs the Harvard Youth Poll, notes that in the latest survey, released in October, there was a sizable enthusiasm gap between young Democrat and young Republican respondents. While half of Democrats said they definitely planned to vote, just a third of Republicans and less than a quarter of Independents said the same.

"I also think we shouldn't over read what's happened," he added. "Clearly a significant historic rebuke on the party in office — that's obvious — however, I think we need to more fully, kind of understand, the contour of the electorate, who showed up and who didn't show up."

By 2028, Gen Z and millennial voters will make up more than half of the electorate, a demographic shift with huge implications for Democrats and the GOP.

"Young adults can make a difference," said Elizabeth Matto, who serves as the director of the Center for Youth Political Participation at Rutgers University.

"They do care about politics. They can sway the outcome of elections. And they're a voting bloc worth paying attention to."

Copyright 2026 NPR

The morning after Tuesday's midterms was gloomy and rainy in Minneapolis, but people still gathered at the place where Border Patrol agents shot and killed Alex Pretti, a VA nurse and U.S. citizen, last January. All week, community members have come here to place their "I Voted" stickers at the memorial.

Nicki Adams, who dated Pretti and was his close friend for nearly 17 years, watched quietly as a woman added her sticker to a street lamp completely covered in the red decals.

"I wanted to see all the stickers. I just wanted to be here," she says. "It just means a lot to me. I think it would mean a lot to Alex, too."

A few blocks away, people left their stickers where an ICE officer killed Renee Good, a mom of three and a U.S. citizen, just a few weeks before Pretti's death. In Houston, they left them where an ICE officer killed Lorenzo Salgado Araujo, a father of three and a Mexican immigrant, in July.

Adams says these stickers, and the election results this week, send a clear message to Congress: "You work for us, and please carry on these values that we care about … We want to be seen and heard and taken care of and have our neighbors taken care of."

The deaths of Pretti and Good during the ICE surge in Minneapolis marked a pivotal moment for the country, sparking intense public backlash to President Trump's aggressive deportation efforts. But federal law enforcement officials have given little indication they're progressing in investigating their deaths, or the deaths of at least seven other people killed by federal immigration agents since Trump took office again last year. DHS did not respond to an NPR request for the status of those investigations.

Now, after Democrats' sweeping wins this week, their deaths at the hands of immigration agents will likely be the targets of renewed investigations. With a majority in Congress, Democrats can issue subpoenas to the major players in Trump's mass deportation plan, compelling them to testify under oath before the legislature.

That could include White House Border Czar Tom Homan, former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, former Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino, and White House Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, among others.

Congress can also demand internal documents like use-of-force reports.

"They can dissect these individual shootings, and really unravel the story of what happened," says Naureen Shah, who leads the ACLU's immigration policy work.

Democrats have already held shadow hearings on the ICE shootings, during which they've called in family members and witnesses to testify.

But Shah says now Congress can ask key questions of top decision makers: What orders were given to immigration officers in the field? What was training like for these officers?

Who made the decision to paint Good and Pretti as threats, including calling Pretti a "would-be assassin" and a domestic terrorist, when video showed otherwise?

"It's like we can turn the faucet on and actually find out so much more," Shah says. "There's an aspect of this that is really about a kind of reckoning with how it's possible that things that seemed unthinkable could happen on American streets. How do you have that reckoning if you don't actually have the ability to force people to explain themselves?"

Democratic leaders have already said that's the plan.

Maryland Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin, who is expected to lead the House Judiciary Committee, told NPR in a statement that Congress will use "every tool" at its disposal to investigate ICE and that it is time for the agency to "start answering to the American people."

California Democratic Rep. Robert Garcia, expected to lead the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, vowed to take on DHS and ICE abuses in a two-word statement: "Lawyer Up."

Mississippi Democratic Rep. Bennie Thompson, expected to lead the House Committee on Homeland Security, sent a letter on Wednesday to Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin, demanding the agency "comply with all document preservation requirements."

Illinois Democratic Rep. Delia Ramirez wrote on social media that Noem, Miller, Homan, Bovino and Mullin should "clear" their schedules.

In response to that, DHS general counsel James Percival said Democrats are "more interested in political shenanigans than in governing" but said the agency is prepared to "deal with this nonsense."

There are key limitations to what Democrats in Congress can do with their majority when it comes to ICE accountability, says Rachel Moran, a professor at the University of St. Thomas School of Law.

Major changes, like clawing back funding for the agency, would require a veto-proof majority, something the Democrats don't have.

"You still have a president who has shown a complete lack of interest in accountability for federal agents and in fact, a great deal of knee jerk defensiveness about their conduct," Moran says.

In a statement, a White House spokesperson told NPR "if Democrats choose to pursue sham investigations and radical left policies, they are choosing to work against the American people."

Democrats, the statement added, "should be reminded that we still control the federal government and all of its powers."

But that's not true. Congress has its own powers, one of them being the ability to compel testimony. Moran says a deeper probe into the shootings could still serve important purposes, like making evidence available for states to use in their own criminal investigations.

Minnesota officials, for instance, have been fighting with the federal government to get evidence related to the Pretti and Good killings.

Brent Ganger, Renee Good's brother, says learning more information about his sister's death will be hard to hear, "but I think it's also super important for us to understand what happened that day. I don't want history to keep repeating itself."

It was painful, he says, to watch immigration agents kill more people after his sister. He thought her death would be a turning point. In a way, it might have been the start of one. After the surge in Minneapolis, most Americans said ICE had gone too far.

Ganger, who considers himself a moderate, was happy to see the Blue Wave this week. On election night, he was scrolling Instagram when he saw a photo of his sister's memorial site, with all the "I Voted" stickers.

"I was very grateful to see the repudiation of this administration from the country. It felt very supportive of my entire family," he says.

The next morning, in his home in Colorado, he got up and made biscuits and gravy, his sister's favorite breakfast.

Copyright 2026 NPR

Abraham Zavala was born at Adventist White Memorial. So were his kids. So late Friday, when he heard federal immigration agents were at the Boyle Heights hospital, and that local youth were out blowing whistles to warn neighbors, he went. 

“To me that’s sacred ground,” said Zavala, an organizer with Unión del Barrio.

“I’m a dad,” he said. “I wanted to be there to support the youth.”

He was among the Boyle Heights residents who converged on the hospital and stayed in a standoff with federal immigration agents into the early hours of Saturday. Agents detained at least two people, according to rapid response groups.

Neighbors alerted each other with noisemakers and fireworks. A woman pounded her pots and pans. Teenagers ran across Mariachi Plaza, shouting that ICE was in the area and urging residents to lock their doors. 

“Even though we’re afraid, you know we’re still showing up,” said Myra Vasquez, a Boyle Heights resident who rushed to White Memorial after hearing reports of ICE in the area. “We’re not going to allow them to just come into our communities and terrorize us because they’re the real terrorists causing harm.”

Myra Vasquez, a Boyle Heights resident and co-owner of Espacio 1839 rushed to White Memorial after hearing reports of ICE.

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The confrontation peaked around 11:30 p.m. Video shared with Boyle Heights Beat shows agents pushing back protesters who had moved toward them, and the two sides begin shoving. Agents appear to pepper-spray people on the sidewalk. One agent then tackles a man and pins him to the ground, while a second person is pulled from the crowd. Both were detained.

The standoff continued past midnight. Zavala said agents got out of their vehicles and formed a line in front of the parking lot where paramedics enter, blocking an emergency exit. “They literally became White Memorial’s private security detail,” he said. Zavala said he and another person were sprayed with Mace.

Adventist Health White Memorial Hospital in Boyle Heights.

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The Dept. of Homeland Security declined to comment about the incident in Boyle Heights and, in a statement, the agency said they would “not disclose or discuss law enforcement operations.”

The spokesperson instead said that obstructing law enforcement is a federal crime.

“ICE does not target hospitals, schools, or churches,” the statement said, despite the large turnout of protesters who encountered the masked agents at the hospital.

Father Brendan Busse, who pastors nearby Dolores Mission Church in Boyle Heights, rushed to White Memorial after seeing reports from the Boyle Heights Immigrant Rights Network of ICE at the hospital.

Busse, a Jesuit priest, said he witnessed people caring for each other and tending to those suffering from pepper spray. People there advocated for them to find treatment at White Memorial, Busse said. Community members, he said, “were obviously doing their best, not just to communicate their feelings, but to push, to instigate the dispersal of this ICE presence.”

As clergy, Busse said their presence can help combat a narrative of those advocating for immigrants as “somehow dangerous, or violent, or vulgar.” 

“Just to be there is a sign that that’s not the only version of what this looks like,” he said.

Initially, Busse showed up wearing a hoodie, but he decided to change into his green stole he had in his car as things appeared to get tense. “Just try to do what I could to bring a presence of maybe a little moral authority,” he said.

“It’s bad enough that people have to lift up their voices to say something so obvious, that their lives matter, that our communities are sacred, that families belong together,” Busse said. “It’s bad enough that they have to be out at 3 a.m. in the morning to tell anybody that.”

“It’s even worse if they would have to suffer the consequences of retribution and violence that comes from speaking out in that way,” Busse added.

The post Fireworks, whistles, pots and pans: How neighbors came together to push ICE out of Boyle Heights appeared first on LA Local.

Expect silent nights in Naples’ channels this holiday season.

The Naples Improvement Association announced Saturday that this year’s Naples Island Holiday Boat Parade, a Long Beach tradition since 1946, has been canceled because of expected high tides and heavy surf that organizers said would make the event too unsafe for visitors and participants.

It’s the first time in six years — since the onset of the COVID pandemic — that the parade has been canceled. What began as a small procession of decorated barges filled with singing church choirs has grown into an institution in Long Beach with more than 100 entries, from Duffys to dragon boats, and 60,000 spectators.

Ben Fisher, the association president, said the decision came after weeks of deliberations and a 600-respondent poll that found most wanted the parade — and all holiday events in Naples — to be canceled this year.

Forecasters expect a powerful El Niño season that will raise tides 6 to 18 inches above typical levels. This is paired with a series of slow, very wide swells of warm water known as Kelvin waves expected to frequent Long Beach’s southern-facing coast this winter.

During the week of Christmas, tides are expected to reach 7.5 to 8.5 feet, with the highest forecast to arrive in the mornings and peaking around Christmas Eve.

Part of the decision was also tied to ongoing frustrations with the city, which Fisher said has failed to address the island’s deteriorating infrastructure, from its aging seawall to underperforming drainage systems, that make it “too unsafe to draw tens of thousands of people to visit Naples this holiday season.”

“The city has told us to sandbag everything (public and private property); docks and gangways are being dismantled and sawed off however each individual owner sees fit; and the seawalls themselves are crumbling with exposed, rusted and sharp rebar in many places along the canals where many families normally would sit on any given holiday evening,” Mr. Fisher wrote.

For decades, the seawall has shielded multimillion-dollar homes and fortified the man-made canal that loops around the island. The city evaluated the structure in 2009 and found it in significant disrepair. A six-phase repair plan is underway, but only two phases are complete.

City officials have said they need $125 million to finish replacing the aging seawall, and they have halted reconstruction amid shrinking oil revenue and an uncertain future for federal disaster aid. Among the options under consideration is a 30-year bond spread across the whole neighborhood that would cost $5,100 per property annually. If limited to homes along the seawalls, it would cost $48,000 per property.

In a statement Saturday, council member Kristina Duggan, whose district includes Naples, said she respected the decision and added that the focus this winter should be on preparing the island for the upcoming weather. While the seawalls are stable under high tidal pressure, she said, maintenance work will “start next week to seal cold joints and help reduce water seepage.”

“We are encouraging everyone to prepare, and we look forward to seeing the Naples Boat Parade return next year,” Duggan wrote.

When high tides arrive, water already spills over the seawalls in some spots, reaching nearly two feet deep, flooding sidewalks and threatening homes. Residents and officials disagree over whether to prioritize coastal protection or recreational amenities.

The money normally spent on the parade will go instead toward pumps, hoses, plugs and generators, Fisher said, “resources our waterways and neighbors desperately need.”

Whether residents decorate their homes this year, he said, is up to them.