The Brief

At a protest this month outside a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in Adelanto, advocates derided what they said are substandard conditions for the roughly 2,000 people imprisoned at the campus.

Multiple protesters said the detention center would be more aptly described as a “concentration camp,” drawing parallels to some of the darkest moments in U.S. and world history.

For protesters who opt to use such a charged phrase to refer to immigrant detention, doing so isn’t just a matter of accuracy; above all, they seek to prevent further harm.

What life is like inside Adelanto

Current and former detainees say immigrants at the ICE processing center experience rotten food, inadequate medical attention and punitive isolation.

Immigrant rights groups have filed a lawsuit against ICE and the Department of Homeland Security, seeking to “end the inhumane and illegal conditions” at this facility. The lawsuit describes Adelanto as an unsanitary place where “disease and illness are rampant.”

“Mold grows on bathroom and dormitory walls,” the lawsuit says. “Individuals across various dormitories [have] contracted an infectious skin disease called a staph infection — and more than a dozen detained individuals [have been] hospitalized.”

In recent weeks, two local fathers died following detention at the facility.

What is the state’s role at Adelanto?

California attorney general Rob Bonta, whose office is mandated to monitor conditions inside the state’s detention centers, filed an amicus brief last week bolstering the immigrant rights groups’ claims.

During inspections at Adelanto, Bonta said in a press statement, his team witnessed "shockingly inadequate medical care, a failure to accommodate people with disabilities, disturbingly unsafe and unsanitary conditions and a lack of basic necessities.”

Bonta also said detainees have reported “denied access to facility phones for prolonged periods,” which impeded their ability to contact their families and legal counsel.

What is the Trump administration’s position on Adelanto?

The federal government has denied claims of substandard conditions. In a press statement issued after the death of a detainee, ICE said it is “committed to ensuring that all those in custody reside in safe, secure and humane environments.”

“Comprehensive medical care is provided from the moment individuals arrive and throughout the entirety of their stay,” the statement continues. “This is the best health care tha[t] many aliens have received in their entire lives.”

Meanwhile, the Trump administration continues to expand its network of immigrant prisons across the U.S., even as the number of people who’ve died in ICE custody grows.

What protesters fear

The National Day Laborer Organizing Network staged its recent protest outside Adelanto, in partnership with sister organizations across Southern California. In a message to protesters ahead of the event, the group referred to the detention center in Adelanto as a “concentration camp for immigrants.” Out in the Mojave desert, others also made connections to the past.

“ I'm here today fighting for the fathers, the mothers and [the] community members who have been abducted,” said N. Suzuki, a member of Nikkei Progressives, an intergenerational community organization based in Little Tokyo.

“This is a moment in history, much like it was for Japanese Americans during World War II,” they added, referencing the U.S. incarceration of more than 120,000 residents of Japanese descent. “Solidarity from the masses is critical.”

N. Suzuki and Amy Oba carried a poster with an excerpt from Civilian Exclusion Order No. 69, a 1942 army directive forcing people of Japanese ancestry — most of them U.S. citizens — to leave their homes.

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Julia Barajas

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LAist

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Elisa Schwartz, a resident of the San Fernando Valley, traveled nearly 100 miles to join protesters in Adelanto. She also referred to the detention centers as “camps” and said that as a Jewish person, it felt “heavy” to be there.

Schwartz condemned the Trump administration’s rhetoric around undocumented immigrants, including efforts to paint them as a mass of criminals.

“I remember hearing this from my mother when I was a kid,” she said. “‘[When you] other people, you can start to hurt them. Once you start to hurt them, you herd them and you can destroy them.’ And this is what this is — make no mistake.”

Does it matter what Adelanto is called?

Andrea Pitzer, author of One Long Night: A Global History of Concentration Camps, backs protesters’ use of the phrase to refer to conditions inside U.S. immigration detention facilities.

Her book, published in 2017, looks at how the idea of concentration camps came into being; how these places led to extermination centers like Auschwitz in World War II; and what’s happened to the idea of “concentration camps” since then.

To write her book, Pitzer conducted research in two dozen countries, across four continents. She also spoke with current and former detainees from various camps, as well as guards. All this was anchored in years of archival work.

In One Long Night, Pitzer defines “concentration camps” as the mass detention of civilians “without due process or a real trial, on the basis of identity — usually political, racial, ethnic or religious” she told LAist.

When it comes to the mass detention of civilians, she added, “Who they are is more important than anything they've done.”

Pitzer said she’s not interested in forcing anyone to use the phrase “concentration camps” to refer to U.S. immigrant detention centers. Instead, she explained why doing so is valuable: As protesters at Adelanto aimed to convey, the phrase can help others “recognize that term as an escalation of the usual state of detention.”

Given that some 70,000 immigrants are currently imprisoned across the U.S., she added, “the current potential for harm is vast.”

Those who support the Trump administration’s mass deportation project might be inclined to say that undocumented immigrants are being detained because they crossed the border without authorization, Pitzer noted, and that “there is something that they've done.” But breaching immigration law is a civil offense, not criminal, she said. Plus, “historically speaking,” when governments detain civilians en masse, they devote a lot of time and resources to criminalizing them.

“In Nazi Germany, for instance, [the government] spent years criminalizing German Jews so that they literally could not be there legally. The whole goal was to turn them into ‘illegal aliens,’” she said.

In Pitzer’s view, “It's clear that people who are being rounded up [in the U.S.] are being detained because of skin color, because it's suspected that they're Latino.”

She pointed to Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s concurrence in an ongoing case on immigration stops, wherein he gave federal agents the green light to continue making those stops based on factors like “speaking Spanish or speaking English with an accent” and “apparent race or ethnicity.” That text, Pitzer said, “starts to clarify why [detentions are] actually happening and why [this] does fit the definition of concentration camps.”

“When people hear the phrase ‘concentration camps,’ they get a little bit confused, and they immediately think of death camps and extermination centers,” she added. “But what they might not realize is that all around the globe ... there were many, many other camps that never became extermination centers. Yet, they were still terrible places.”

In Argentina, in Chile and in the Soviet Union, she said, “those early camps looked quite a bit like some [immigrant detention centers in] the U.S.”

Camps in each of those nations had their “own local cultural conditions,” Pitzer added. But many of their features — including the lack of access to medical care, sanitation and healthy food for detained civilians, and starting with “people being kidnapped off the street by masked gunmen” — are not unlike what’s happening in the U.S., she said.

Libby Rainey contributed to this story.

California has more solar power than it can use during the day, and while the state is increasingly storing that energy in batteries, there’s a simpler strategy to help too: changing behavior.

“If we can better align our consumption with the sun, we use more clean energy, we reduce pressure on the grid in the evening, and we eventually lower costs for everyone,” said Magali Delmas, a strategy professor at UCLA’s Anderson School of Management and Institute of the Environment.

Solar and wind power are also the state’s cheapest source of electricity (our high electricity costs are mostly driven by utilities distributing that energy and shoring up the grid in the face of worsening wildfires and increased electrification).

Delmas is the research lead on a pilot program launched this month by L.A.-based nonprofit electricity provider Clean Power Alliance. For the next two years, 4,000 customers will get lower cost electricity during the day, then Delmas and her team will analyze the data to see if more people actually used it. (Customers don't pay Clean Power Alliance anything for generating the solar electricity but still have to pay the utility that delivers it.)

“The question is whether free electricity in the middle of the day is enough to change habits,” Delmas said.

The work could inform future rate incentives that also reduce stress on the grid during high demand.

It’s not an entirely new idea — Australia has experimented with periods of free electricity.

Time-of-use rates also aim to incentivize behavior. Delmas said this pilot provides a larger financial incentive given the electricity generation cost is set to $0. The Clean Power Alliance estimates it could save customers hundreds on their electric bills per year.

The pilot also focuses on customers who have already electrified their homes to a certain extent — they can’t have rooftop solar, but maybe they swapped a gas stove for induction, a gas water heater for an electric heat pump, or have an electric pool pump or electric vehicle they charge at home. Though the pilot isn’t adding customers, qualifying customers can sign up any time for the pilot’s rates.

“We're also in the business on the climate side of trying to actually incentivize electrification,” said Ted Bardacke, chief executive of the Clean Power Alliance.

Though it may seem impossible to reschedule when you charge your EV or run the A/C or dishwasher, Bardacke said increased automation can be key to managing the future grid.

“Most dishwashers today have a delay setting, so why not hit that delay setting to run beginning at 8 o'clock in the morning?” Bardacke said. “Let's say you have an air conditioner with a programmable thermostat. Why not run the air conditioning from 2 to 4 [in the afternoon] when the electricity is not costing you [as much] and have it nice and cool when you get home?”

The 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles was paired with an equally elaborate arts festival: 10 weeks of programming around the region that included more than 400 performances and led to the launch of the Los Angeles Opera.

Fast forward more than 40 years, and lawmakers and experts are questioning whether L.A. can pull off a similar success in the summer of 2028, with less than two years to go.

“We had an opportunity to have a longer runway leading up to the Games…We had a lot of time,” said Zev Yaroslavsky, who was on the City Council when it negotiated the 1984 Olympic Games and closely observes plans for 2028. “And it just didn’t happen.”

Yaroslavsky and others testified Wednesday at a state hearing on the 2028 “Cultural Olympiad,” the arts and culture programming that will accompany the coming Games in Los Angeles.

At that meeting, officials from organizing committee LA28 and the city and county arts and culture departments laid out their plans, which will launch in the summer of 2027. They’ll include neighborhood festivals, a mural program, posters designed by local artists and partnerships with L.A.’s cultural institutions.

The planners presented a vision of arts sprawled across the region, lifting up local artists and bringing performances and installations into L.A.’s public spaces — but they were less clear on how the programming would be funded and who would be included.

The city of L.A. has already set aside $15 million for Olympics arts programming, but further fundraising for the Cultural Olympiad is still ongoing, according to LA28 and the city.

State Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas, who represents neighborhoods including downtown L.A. and Exposition Park, told organizers she was concerned that without clarity on funding opportunities soon, organizers would leave out community groups and artists in neighborhoods that need the investment, like Altadena, South L.A. and East L.A. She also wanted to know how much money LA28 was earmarking for local artists specifically.

“Given the short timeframe and given some of the structure I’m seeing, I’m a little concerned,” she said.

Dwayne Jones, a LA28 vice president working on the Cultural Olympiad, told lawmakers that they were raising “tens of millions” of dollars for the program, but didn’t offer specifics.

What’s in the works 

L.A.’s Olympics arts programming will launch in July of 2027, with a poster series designed by local artists. LA28 will also facilitate a program for L.A. institutions to apply to be an official part of the 2028 Cultural Olympiad, put on a film series, and offer subsidized tickets to cultural institutions and events.

The city of L.A. is planning its own local arts festivals in each council district, and will install new murals around the city tied to the Olympic and Paralympic Games. L.A.’s Department of Cultural Affairs has drafted plans to expand to a seven-week citywide festival if it can secure $25 million in additional funding.

“ We want L.A. to know that the Games are not happening to L.A., but happening for L.A.,” said Daniel Tarica, who leads that department, at Wednesday’s hearing.

Lessons learned from past Olympics

The Olympics may bring a lot of spectators to the region, but it does not typically flood local cultural attractions, such as museums. In fact, during the 2012 Olympics in London and 2024 Olympics in Paris, some museums reported a decline in visitors, according to Tawny Paul, a professor of history at UCLA who studied those recent festivals.

Paul told lawmakers on Wednesday that to counteract these lulls, L.A.’s 2028 arts offerings should cater to locals, and institutions would need to bring their offerings out of their normal locations and into the areas around competitions and fan zones.

She also offered lessons from the 1984 arts festival, which she said was lauded as a success, but faced criticism for focusing on international artists, rather than artistic communities in Los Angeles. Some in L.A. were so upset by the 1984 Cultural Olympiad, Paul said, that they put on their own fringe festivals in response.

Like Smallwood-Cuevas, Paul also warned that it would take greater resources to include smaller community-based art groups in the Cultural Olympiad.

“One of the things that the Cultural Olympiad can do really well is help lend visibility to different arts offerings,” she said. “But what I’ll warn is that visibility without resources would favor institutions and communities that already have capacity.”

The Los Angeles Unified School District is taking the first steps to reshape the country’s second-largest school district and the education of more than 300,000 students.

More than 40% fewer students attend LAUSD schools than in the early 2000s, yet the district operates nearly the same number of campuses.

“Our goal is not just to have fewer schools,” said Superintendent Andrés Chait during a September board meeting. “Our goal is to have stronger schools.”

LAUSD concluded the first round of public meetings Monday in a process that could lead to a board vote on school closures within the next year. And under growing scrutiny from state and L.A. County officials, district administrators are also considering a series of budget cuts that could lead to the elimination of thousands of jobs to avoid running out of money.

Gates Street Elementary parent Maria Tellos attended a community meeting at Roybal Learning Center Monday.

“I want to see accountability from LAUSD,” Tellos said. “I want to ask questions and see what their answers are.”

But at this point, the district doesn’t have answers to many of the questions Tellos and others are asking about which schools could be closed and when — and that’s by design.

“Right now it's about just establishing the ‘why.’ Like, why do we even need to have this conversation?” said Pedro Salcido, a deputy superintendent, at the start of the meeting.

The district’s budget problems

The decision to close schools is among the most controversial and emotionally charged decisions a district can make. School closures can displace students, shutter community gathering places and fan outrage from families, community members and alumni.

The district started its campaign — “Stronger Schools Together” — with a series of in-person and virtual community meetings across the district.

LAist attended Monday’s meeting, which was targeted toward families in the eastern part of the district and a virtual meeting on Oct. 7 for those in the south.

In both, the district outlined the factors officials say are at the root of its upcoming decisions.

LAUSD enrolled more than 700,000 students in the early 2000s. The short-term solutions to overcrowding included building temporary classrooms (called bungalows) and operating more than 200 campuses year-round.

The district asked voters to approve more than $20 billion in bond funding between 1997 and 2008 — paid back through property tax increases — and built 131 new schools.

By the time the last school opened in 2017, enrollment was already falling.

Declining birth rates, Southern California’s high cost of living for families and competition from publicly funded charter schools mean fewer students attending LAUSD schools. More recently, the district has linked widespread and sometimes violent immigration enforcement actions to a decline in students who are new to the country or concerned about the safety of themselves or family members.

In the last decade, statewide enrollment has decreased by 8%, about 500,000 students, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Education.

What happens when schools lose students?

In California, enrollment drives school funding and helps determine the resources a school gets, including teachers and other support staff. And that means schools can lose resources as a consequence of enrolling fewer students.

For example, small elementary schools may not have enough students to fill each grade level and may have to combine two grades into a single classroom.

Smaller high schools may not be able to offer as many electives or advanced classes where students can earn college credit and bolster their applications to competitive schools.

The district outlined some scenarios for reducing the number of schools:

• Merging schools, including some that already share a campus, into a single school
• Closing a school and repurposing the campus

The next step in the process is for the district to seek more community input and create a framework for evaluating which schools would be targeted for closure or consolidation.

What information will be used to make decisions?

The school board would need to vote to approve the framework and any recommended closures.

In a September school board meeting, Chait said that any school identified for potential closure would be notified at least one academic year before shutting down or merging with another campus. However, Chait said there could be an exception for school communities actively seeking consolidation.

At this same meeting, district staff presented the plan for closures and consolidations; board members’ reactions ranged from enthusiastic to unhappy.

“I’m excited we’re getting started on this,” said Tanya Ortiz Franklin, a board member who represents District 7, from South L.A. to the harbor area. “As hard as it’s going to be, I know it’s important.”

Ortiz Franklin was also one of several board members who raised concerns that schools serving low-income, Black and Latino students could be disproportionately targeted for closure or consolidation.

Research shows school closures can have a negative impact on students' academic outcomes in the short term and beyond graduation — and these closures have often disproportionately hurt Black and Latino students.

“It’s been mostly vulnerable communities that have been historically disadvantaged, that have suffered school closures,” said Karla Griego, a board member who represents District 5’s Northeast and Southwest L.A. neighborhoods. “So this doesn’t make me happy, and I’m going to be very honest.”

It’s also unclear how much money — if any — might be saved if LAUSD closes schools.

The district’s $3.5 billion budget-cutting plan outlines $30 million in savings from school consolidation starting in the 2028-29 school year. But the money saved from campus closures could be lost again by students leaving the district as a result of the shutdowns, according to a Stanford review of California public school data between 2011 and 2019.

‘We just don’t know’

At Monday’s community meeting at Roybal Learning Center, about a dozen community members were outnumbered by district staff in a room set up for more than 100. A district spokesperson said in a statement that more than 1,400 people attended the eight meetings spread across L.A. Meetings targeting the Eastside had the lowest participation.

Tellos, the Gates Street Elementary parent, is part of Reclaim Our Schools LA, a coalition that advocates against privatizing public education. She said the recently announced federal immigration enforcement crackdown in California deterred Eastside families from attending.

Tellos said she hopes future convenings will be held at more local schools where families feel safer gathering.

“It just feels very overwhelming to think that our schools could no longer be there,” Tellos said. “We just don't know what's gonna happen.”

An LAUSD spokesperson said in a statement that the district will hold more informational sessions through November, with more in-depth meetings in the late fall and winter.

Jewel Brown, principal at Ramón C. Cortines School of Visual and Performing Arts, said she was leaving the meeting with a “sense of urgency” to figure out how to shield her campus from potential cuts.

“This feels almost like the greatest budget deficit that I would say I've navigated through in my 25 years of experience [in LAUSD],” Brown said. “I'm worried, but I also know I just need to equally be prepared.”

Kimberly Soto, 16, a junior at Roosevelt High School who’s part of an activism club called Students Deserve, was one of the few students at the meeting.

She left with a long list of questions about what life on a consolidated campus would be like: How will students get to school? Will the hallways be crowded?

“I want to get more students involved in, like, knowing what's happening also so they could have a say,” Soto said.

Share how you feel

Childcare costs continue to rise, and recent surveys have shown that families with children struggle with affordability. In California, the average annual cost of childcare for an infant at a childcare center was more than $23,000 in 2025.

And voters are paying attention. A recent poll found that nationwide, 3 in 4 voters saw the cost of childcare for families with young children as a “crisis” or “major problem,” and more than 8 in 10 voters saw it as part of the affordability crisis. It’s one reason childcare has become a hot political topic in places across the country, from New York City to New Mexico, policymakers have recently unveiled universal childcare initiatives.

At the same time, the Trump administration has said childcare should be left up to states. “We're a big country. We have 50 states. We have all these other people. We're fighting wars. We can't take care of daycare,” President Donald Trump said earlier this year.

So what can elected officials in California — from the Los Angeles mayor to the governor — do to help? We asked local and statewide candidates what “affordable childcare” means and how to make it happen.

Here’s where they stand.

Governor

What can the governor do?

The governor’s office has major authority over how — and which — services get funded in the state. Each year, the governor proposes a budget, outlining the office’s priorities. The budget is then turned over to the state Legislature, which can make its own changes and negotiate with the governor before approving it.

“The governor is the chief administrator of all the major agencies,” said Stacy Lee, senior managing director for early childhood with Children Now. "So the governor can use their administrative and executive authority to align priorities. We saw this in New Mexico."

During his term, Gov. Gavin Newsom made early childhood education and care a key part of his agenda. One landmark initiative was the implementation of a brand new grade for 4-year-olds in the public school system. But implementation hasn't been without hurdles — and privately run preschools have been closing in the state at the same time.

What do the candidates say?

Neither candidate for this office responded to LAist’s survey.

Democrat Xavier Becerra’s campaign website promises he would “[expand] help with childcare and essential costs,” but did not specify how.

Republican Steve Hilton’s website outlines actions he would take, including creating a home visiting program to support families and expanding paid family leave from eight to 12 weeks.

Read more about the California Governor race.

State Assembly and Senate

What can state legislators do?

Members of the California state Assembly and state Senate hold the power to introduce bills to help address the childcare system in the state. “They could be part of policy bills that streamline, reduce bureaucracy, eliminate barriers for children, families, providers and others in the system,” Lee said.

They also ultimately approve the governor’s budget and can advocate for funding through the process. This past year, for example, lawmakers opposed the governor’s proposal to cut funding for subsidized childcare slots for low-income families and eventually approved funding for more spaces.

Lawmakers have also taken on some novel ideas to address childcare costs: in Riverside County, a state Assemblymember secured funding to try to create a "special district" for childcare — the first of its kind in the state.

• Read more about the State Senate races.
• Read more about the State Assembly races.

LA Mayor

What can the mayor do?

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani made headlines over the last year in promising universal childcare for all in the city — and other cities have taken on their own efforts to try to make childcare more accessible.

L.A.’s mayor doesn’t have some of the same powers that mayors in other cities, like New York, have. For example, the mayor doesn’t have authority over the Los Angeles Unified School District — a significant provider of preschool options and the largest city where the mayor doesn’t have direct power over the school system. But the mayor proposes the city’s $14 billion budget, can issue executive orders and oversees the city’s departments, like the Department of Recreation and Parks, which ran free childcare centers with federal COVID relief funding before it ran out of money.

Cities have also found revenue streams to fund childcare initiatives in their jurisdictions. Washington, D.C., for example, has used a tax on residents earning more than $250,000 a year to boost the pay of childcare providers — similar to San Francisco, which uses a commercial property tax.

There are things mayors can do for their employees as well. For example, New York City opened up a free childcare center for city employees.

• Read more about the L.A. Mayor race.

LA City Council

What can Councilmembers do?

The L.A. City Council approves the city’s budget, proposed by the mayor, and can advocate for how those funds are allocated. City Councilmembers also create and adopt local laws, or “ordinances,” that regulate life and business in the city.

“If you think at a city level … people think of potholes and roads and things, right? There's a lot of basic infrastructure things that they're responsible for, and that includes rules and laws around building codes, licensing,” Lee said.

That could also mean addressing issues around permitting and zoning for childcare facilities, and identifying city buildings that could be put to use for childcare. The City Council was also the body that approved using federal COVID relief money to open 10 licensed preschools at Recreation and Parks facilities.

• Read more about the L.A. City Council races: District 3 | District 9

OC Board of Supervisors

What can the Supervisors do?

The Orange County Board of Supervisors decides how the budget is split up each year toward county departments and services.

Counties, like cities, can also find ways to create revenue streams to provide services. San Francisco is both a city and county, and it used a commercial property tax to fund childcare. “Just like people raise funds for their local library, you could do that for childcare,” Lee said. Similar to other offices, supervisors can also advocate for childcare at the state and federal level.

The board also appoints the members to the Orange County Child Care and Development Planning Council. Every county in California has such a council, which serves as a body to discuss and plan childcare needs in the county.

Supervisors can also issue discretionary funds. Earlier this year, the county awarded $75,000 to First 5 Orange County for a “childcare business incubator” program.

What do the candidates say?

• Read more about the OC Board of Supervisors race.