The Brief

Dillon was just 12 years old when his uncle took him to his first street takeover.

“It was like the first time going to an amusement park,” he said. Pure exhilaration. Cars spinning. Smoke in the air. “People literally do not care.”

If you live in Southern California and you’ve never heard of a street takeover, you’ve probably heard one: Engines rev, tires screech and fireworks explode. These illegal gatherings happen frequently on weekend nights throughout Los Angeles and Orange counties. Cars block major intersections and create space for other drivers to perform reckless maneuvers, including burnouts and donuts. Spectators gather around the middle of “the pit,” filming cars spinning past with passengers hanging precariously out of windows.

Fueled by a social media feedback loop, the phenomenon took off during the pandemic, and events can attract hundreds of spectators. The crowds, often made up of minors, seek out street takeovers to find community. They know the risks, which can be deadly.

A USC reporting lab investigation found that local and state law enforcement are well aware that takeovers have surged, but they have struggled to curb them. Talk to people who live near popular takeover intersections and you will learn about scarred streets, mangled poles, looted stores, injured bystanders and tragic deaths.

How an injury at a takeover led to online fame

To report this story we analyzed 400 social media videos of street takeovers in the L.A. region.

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Dillon was hooked after that first night in 2019. He loved the thrill of rushing away whenever the police showed up and speeding down residential streets to the next address shared in the group chat. He found new friends in the scene, brought old friends with him and often stayed out until 6 in the morning. (LAist is using a pseudonym for “Dillon,” who asked he not be named due to concerns the takeover community would be hostile if it knew he spoke with reporters.)

One night in November 2024, Dillon, then 17, was standing in the crowd at a takeover in north Long Beach when a Corvette entered the pit.

“Everybody saw him coming in hot,” Dillon said. “He was coming in hot as f--k.”

The Corvette drifted toward Dillon. He threw himself backward, only for the crowd to push him back toward the car. As the Corvette swung back toward him, Dillon jumped into the air in one last effort to avoid being hit.

“I landed, feet planted, smack on the middle of the hood,” he said. He then fell to his knees and made eye contact with the driver, who didn’t slow down. “I saw him turn the wheel more.”

The driver’s maneuver flung Dillon onto the ground, and his car spun over his arm. Dillon bounced up and ran away while other spectators followed, filming him.

“Not even my pinky would move,” he said. “I was just freaked out, like my arm might actually be gone. It was just dead.”

His friends put him into a car and sped to the emergency room, where he was sedated and sent to surgery. When he woke up, his grandparents were there, along with the police. He said he refused to give up the identity of the person who hit him and the officers left. The doctors were not optimistic about his recovery and told him he’d be very lucky if he ever got to use his arm again.

Dillon’s injury did not stay private. Footage from that night was shared and reshared across the vast network of social media accounts devoted to street takeovers. USC’s analysis shows the more violent the footage, the more traction it gets, and Dillon’s accident was gruesome. After his friends tagged him in some of the posts, his Instagram profile blew up, and he now gets as many as 1.1 million views a month.

His skin-and-bones injury made him a social media celebrity.

We analyzed social media data. Here’s what we learned about takeovers

Takeovers are not just documented on social media; their popularity is driven by it. Hundreds of accounts on Instagram and TikTok are dedicated to takeover content, with footage livestreamed and then posted and reposted. That content creates a feedback loop, leading to more takeovers in Southern California and across the nation.

Social media posts and streams also provide plenty of data for analyzing the phenomena.

The University of Southern California’s Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) Reporting Lab reviewed more than 500 social media videos of takeovers in Los Angeles and Orange counties. Our team determined the precise locations for 400 videos of takeovers between 2020 and 2025 and found more than a dozen repeat hotspots. The city of Los Angeles was the location of 36% of the social media content we verified, while the city of Compton accounted for 29%.

Explore the mapped data

Go deeper: How we investigated Los Angeles street takeovers

Forty-eight of the videos featured at least one person getting “smacked” by a vehicle, with 14 of those incidents involving someone getting run over.

The use of laser pointers, usually aimed at drivers, at takeover events was common, showing up in 84 videos, while fireworks appeared 30 times. Larger fires, including cars set ablaze, appeared at least another 30 times. More than 65 videos featured cars destroyed in some fashion.

In the course of our investigation, we also reviewed more than 93 hours of takeover footage posted on the streaming service Kick by livestreamer Conner Remaly. He did not respond to our interview requests, but his stream led our reporters on a Sunday night over the summer to multiple takeover spots, including the intersection of Santa Fe Avenue and Dominguez Street in Carson, where the roar of engines trumpeted the start of the action. The noise was deafening; our sound meter registered levels as high as 109 decibels, right at the threshold to cause pain.

Street takeovers are chaotic and carry many costs including looted businesses, damaged infrastructure and injuries to adults and teens.

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Local residents, visibly annoyed, emerged from their homes to see the commotion. Hundreds of spectators cheered and jeered, many of them appearing noticeably under 18 years old. We observed attendees huffing nitrous oxide out of balloons and smoking weed and cigarettes. Some people shined laser pointers and lit fireworks, pointing them at the center of the action — known as the "pit" — the crowd, the sky and each other. There was a mix of distinct burnt smells: rubber, fireworks and marijuana. It was an adrenaline-charged, disorienting environment.

At local businesses near takeovers, break-ins and ransacking 

Takeovers like the one we witnessed are a public health issue for the surrounding community, according to Damian Kevitt, executive director of Streets Are For Everyone, an organization that advocates for pedestrian and cyclist safety.

“You can't sleep,” he said. “You can't function.”

Local businesses across Los Angeles and Orange counties suffer too.

Last year, a Compton bakery was ransacked during a takeover, and the business had to deal with more than $40,000 worth of stolen goods and damage. Some businesses, like the Felix Chevrolet near USC, have suffered damage multiple times; the dealership had its windows broken in 2024 and a takeover participant rolled away an iconic Felix statue this summer.

In our analysis of Remaly’s Kick stream, we observed 27 instances of break-ins and/or looting between June 15 and July 11, in Bellflower, Compton, Long Beach and South Los Angeles, along with the unincorporated areas of East Rancho Dominguez and Florence-Firestone.

Andrew Swank, an officer with the California Highway Patrol, told us just “being at a takeover is illegal.” He said once someone is participating in a takeover, additional illegal activity is common, adding, “It just all kind of goes downhill into the criminal element.”

A staple of SoCal culture that took off during the pandemic

Street takeovers are a California original, born from the same automotive culture that produced classic car shows, car clubs, Chicano lowriders and drag racing.

The earliest versions of street takeovers were called sideshows, and they took shape in Oakland in the 1980s. What started as informal gatherings where residents showed off their restored American muscle cars and performed stunts, soon evolved into vibrant community events.

Over time, sideshows became takeovers, spreading into the streets, influenced in part by films like Grease and The Fast and the Furious, along with the video game Grand Theft Auto V, all of which glorified street racing around Los Angeles.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, takeovers ballooned in popularity, with the scene spreading across the United States. Young people had spent so much time in lockdown “sitting and watching and not doing” that they released all that pent-up energy into the streets, said Johnathan Lawson, a car enthusiast who is working on creating a legal venue for takeovers.

According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, 15 states have enacted new laws since 2020 that target “exhibition driving,” which includes street racing and takeovers.

The deadly consequences

Here in Southern California, injuries have been common, and sometimes drivers hit many people at once.

“They call it striking, like bowling,” Dillon said. “Everybody goes flying like bowling pins.”

In November 2024, two 19-year-olds, Efrain Rodriguez and a person described as Richmond D. in court records, were run over by a driver performing donuts at a takeover in Anaheim.

An extremely graphic, close-up video of the aftermath made the rounds on social media. We were unable to track down Richmond, and Rodriguez did not respond to requests for comment, but his sister described his condition on a GoFundMe page seeking $50,000 for medical care: “Rodriguez had to recover from multiple fractures in his shoulder, hips and spinal cord” and has had many surgeries, “including skin grafting.”

On the night of Christmas 2022, Elyzza Guajaca was watching a street takeover at Crenshaw Boulevard and Florence Avenue, in South Los Angeles, when she was struck by a Camaro. She was taken to the hospital and died from her injuries. She was 24 years old. The driver, Dante Chapple Young, fled the scene, but authorities tracked him down the following month in New Mexico. In August 2025, he was sentenced to 13 years in state prison for vehicular manslaughter, as well as assault with a deadly weapon, his car.

The fatalities at takeovers are not limited to drivers hitting spectators.

In November 2021, hundreds of spectators gathered for a takeover at the intersection of Bullis Road and Pine Street in Compton. Among those spectators were 22-year-old Juan Antonio Orozco and 19-year-old Javier Carachure Menchaca, both of whom were shot and killed in a car at the scene. Orozco’s body was discovered with the car door open and one foot on the ground. Menchaca’s body was found a few steps from the car. He had been shot from behind.

Karen Orozco says she still thinks about her brother every day.

“He had such a big heart,” she said. “He would always think of others before himself.”

No arrests have been made and the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department case remains open. The L.A. County Board of Supervisors is offering a $60,000 reward for information on the homicides.

For some, the takeovers mean community

To outsiders, street takeovers may appear as chaos just for the sake of chaos. The reality is more complicated — and organized.

Takeovers are not just random weekend throwdowns. They are often organized by close-knit groups of young people with assigned roles: Some send out addresses; others monitor for police activity; others are sometimes charged with acquiring “stolos,” or stolen cars; while others, known as “spinners,” drive the cars and perform the stunts. Social media is a big part of the process, with a lot of the filming done by spectators, aka “servers.”

Street safety advocates say the gatherings often attract young people who are drawn in by the thrills and stay for the sense of belonging. 

“This is their support network,” said Kevitt, of the nonprofit Streets Are For Everyone. “They don’t care if it’s legal or illegal. They’re just there for camaraderie.”

Our interviews with participants confirmed this sentiment. Dillon went to takeovers to hang out with friends. We heard from other participants that the community feels like family.

Law enforcement’s response

Those working to curtail takeovers know that tapping into that sense of belonging has to be central to solutions.

“We’re talking about youth who have found community with each other,” said Lili Trujillo Puckett, founder of Street Racing Kills. “You have to educate them. You have to help them. You have to talk to them.”

Trujillo Puckett’s connection to the issue is personal. In 2013, her daughter was killed riding in a car that crashed during a street race.

Both Trujillo Puckett and Kevitt, of Streets Are For Everyone, are involved in L.A. County’s Street Takeover Reduction Workgroup, a collaboration between law enforcement and other organizations inside and outside of the government. The group released an action plan in February 2025, focusing on various solutions, including changes to road infrastructure and stronger legal enforcement. The most recent update of the plan was published in December 2025.

The plan calls for installing barriers at popular intersections to deter cars from a skidding maneuver known as "drifting." The estimated cost is $10,000 for each leg of an intersection.

They are not popular with takeover enthusiasts. In June, Remaly posted a video from the intersection of Atlantic Avenue and Compton Boulevard, a popular takeover spot that now has plastic barriers running along its center lanes. In the clip, he held his arm out of the car window and grabbed hold of a barrier.

“This is the s--t that ruined the spot,” he said. “We can’t have fun no more.”

Some takeovers now happen one block north at Atlantic Avenue and San Luis Street.

A few miles from that intersection, at Alameda Street and El Segundo Boulevard, California Highway Patrol officers swarmed a takeover in the early morning hours of July 12. According to CHP Capt. Joe Diaz, officers made 28 arrests and issued 16 citations that day, along with towing 25 vehicles and seizing three firearms. Diaz said the show of force was not a new approach, but Remaly and another Kick streamer were shocked by the number of patrol cars that showed up with blaring sirens and flashing lights.

“Oh, my god, there’s so many,” said Remaly, filming as he ran back to his car.

“I’m telling you right now,” one street participant said, “the police don’t do s--t at all. The only thing they do is show up, turn on their sirens, and everyone leaves.”

Participants don’t necessarily go home after the police arrive at an intersection. They often just move to the next address, or “addy,” and start up the action again. Our analysis of Remaly's Kick stream found an average of seven successful takeovers each night he filmed.

County Supervisor Holly Mitchell’s district, which extends from Koreatown to the South Bay, was the location of 74% of the takeovers on the stream. She told us she believes accountability is critical, across the board.

"If you organize, participate or you are a spectator, you’ll face consequences," she said. "If you’re the audience, you are also contributing to the problem.”

For some safety advocates, the larger solution can be found in providing youth with legal alternatives to taking over streets.

“No matter how many arrests, no matter how many times these guys go to jail, there’s always somebody new coming into the scene,” said Fabian Arroyo, longtime member of the Brotherhood of Street Racers, an organization formed in 1960s South Los Angeles to channel street racing into safe, legal events. “The best way to solve the problem is to have everybody go to a place, a venue somewhere where they can just do it legally.”

Donald Graham, the deputy chief of the Los Angeles Police Department, agrees.

“We live in a county where the city of Long Beach turns their entire downtown into a Formula One racetrack every year,” Graham told us. “So how can we not figure out a way to use the existing infrastructure to do pop-up tracks and pop-up burn boxes to allow people to express themselves in this way, but do it safely?”

Authorities have their eyes on the social media promoters

In February, police arrested Erick Romero Quintana, on allegations the 22-year-old helped organize takeovers. Romero Quintana ran the Instagram account @privatemeetz, which prosectors said shared locations for 16 gatherings across South L.A. between December 2022 and November 2023.

One of the gatherings he allegedly promoted was the Christmas night takeover at Crenshaw Boulevard and Florence Avenue where 24-year-old Elyzza Guajaca was killed. Prosecutors argue Romero Quintana’s social media activity played a central role in drawing large crowds to this and other high-risk events. He is charged with 16 counts of conspiracy to commit reckless driving. If convicted, he could face more than a decade in prison.

L.A. County District Attorney Nathan Hochman discussed Romero Quintana’s case at a press conference in August and emphasized Romero Quintana was not the driver.

“He was the promoter, the social media promoter, who thought that by hiding behind his computer, by hiding behind the internet, we weren't going to find him. Maybe he thought we didn't care about what he was doing on social media to go ahead and promote this illegal, destructive and ultimately deadly type of practice. But we do care,” Hochman said.

Romero Quintana currently is banned from social media as a condition of his release and is due back in court in January. He did not respond to our request for comment, but his attorney, Bart Kaspero, said he believes the case sets a dangerous precedent.

“I’ve never seen anyone charged just for posting videos where crimes happen,” he said. “It’s kind of like passing out flyers to a house party.”

Quintana’s case is part of a larger push by L.A. officials to hold social media companies and users accountable for profiting off videos of street takeovers. County officials have contacted social media companies and asked them to remove posts that promote illegal activity. We reached out to Meta, the parent company of Instagram, but did not receive a response.

Deputy Chief Graham also spoke at Hochman’s press conference, lamenting that the city still saw three young people die this year in “street racing-related activities.” Then he called out social media executives.

“You are monetizing this criminal, dangerous and deadly behavior,” he said. “So maybe, just maybe, before you cut a check, maybe look at the content that you're sending out.”

The message driven home by Hochman, Graham and other speakers was that there will be consequences for everyone in the takeover scene: drivers, organizers and spectators.

"Enough is enough," Hochman said. “We will not yield the streets.”

The question remains whether participants will listen to that message.

“I don’t think things will change,” said Dillon, after we texted him about Hochman’s comments. He recently bought a car and is now a driver at takeovers.

Another street takeover participant wrote back, “And yet we will STILLL be outside EVERY WEEKEND.”

NEW YORK (AP) — Skydance-owned Paramount on Friday agreed to delay closing its $81 billion buyout of Warner Bros. Discovery well into next year, as a judge continues to consider a challenge from 12 states seeking to block the deal altogether.

In a court filing, Paramount said it wouldn’t close the merger until five days “after the merits determination in these matters” or June 1, 2027. The move arrives just days after U.S. District Judge Araceli Martínez-Olguín granted a temporary restraining order requested by the states to freeze the transaction for several weeks.

Twelve states, led by California, sued to block Paramount’s pending buyout of Warner last month — alleging that such a combination would “extinguish competition” in Hollywood and lead to fewer choices for consumers, particularly moviegoers and cable customers. Paramount has called the states’ claims meritless and vowed to “vigorously defend” its merger.

Homelessness went up in Los Angeles this year following two previous years of declines, according to official homeless count findings released Friday.

The population of people living outdoors in the city of L.A. grew by 7.9% between early 2025 and 2026, according to the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, or LAHSA. The agency considers the increase statistically significant.

When including people in shelters, a total of 45,194 people were living either outside, in vehicles and tents, or in homeless shelters.

The increase was even higher in the central Metro region of the city that includes Skid Row. There, the unsheltered count was up 21% year over year, per LAHSA, which considers it statistically significant.

Meanwhile, the count of people living outdoors in the rest of L.A. County — outside the city of L.A. — dropped by about 3%, based on the official count data.

The findings are a setback for the region — especially for L.A. Mayor Karen Bass, who is campaigning for reelection against City Councilmember Nithya Raman and frequently touts prior declines in the homeless counts as evidence her approach is working.

Bass, who took office at the end of 2022 and set addressing homelessness as her top priority, was not at the homeless count news conference Friday — a departure from the previous three years.

When including sheltered and unsheltered people, total homelessness count was up 3.4% in the city of L.A. That includes the 7.9% increase in unsheltered people (up by 2,143 people) and a 3.9% decrease in sheltered people (down by 644 people). LAHSA does not consider the change in sheltered and total numbers to be statistically significant, but says the unsheltered increase is.

The latest count took place in January of this year. The prior count was in February of last year, following a delay due to the January 2025 wildfires.The city’s unsheltered population grew to about 29,000, after previously dropping a total of 17.5% across the first two years of counts in Bass’ mayoral term.

Meanwhile, the city’s sheltered population — people living in group shelters, hotel rooms and tiny homes — declined to around 16,000 at the time of the count.

Local officials expressed frustration over the results.

“It felt like we had turned a corner these past few years and this latest count feels like a setback,” said L.A. County Supervisor Janice Hahn.

“This year’s numbers are disappointing, but not surprising,” said a statement from Councilmember Nithya Raman, who has chaired the city council’s homelessness committee for the last several years and is running for mayor against Bass.

“Leadership at City Hall has not shown the willingness to shift toward an approach that actually moves people into permanent housing,” she added. “These results make clear that the Mayor’s approach is not working well enough.”

A dramatic lead-up to the count’s release

In an unusual move, Bass acknowledged that L.A.’s numbers had gone up before the count’s official release. She responded to a report late Wednesday by Fox 11 citing anonymous sources who had been briefed on the findings.

In statements earlier this week, Bass blamed the local increase in homelessness on a range of factors, primarily state funding cuts she said led to fewer permanent housing placements and some federal policy changes she said worsened the affordability crisis and caused instability.

“For two years straight, we drove down homelessness by historic margins — but as expected, last year our efforts ultimately couldn’t keep up with policies and funding cuts at the federal and state levels that pushed more people onto the streets,” Bass said in a statement.

Last year, the city and county’s homeless populations dropped by 3.4% and 4%, respectively. The 2024 count also showed a decline — those numbers were smaller and within the count’s margin of error.

L.A.’s homeless count doesn’t provide a complete picture of homelessness year-round. It doesn’t include people who are couch surfing or living doubled up with others, people staying in motels on their own dime, or those inside hospitals and jails.

The point-in-time census — conducted by LAHSA across a few nights in January — provides a data snapshot. Local officials use it to gauge year-to-year fluctuations and it also helps the federal government determine how millions of dollars in federal homelessness grants flow.

That could be especially important this year, after the Trump administration suspended LAHSA from federal homelessness funding while it investigates alleged mismanagement by the agency. LAHSA sued to undo that federal freeze, with a hearing scheduled in U.S. District Court on Aug. 6.

Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass waits to speak during a news conference in Los Angeles.

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How we got here

Los Angeles has long been the epicenter of U.S. homelessness. The city’s unhoused population began surging about a decade ago — years before the national count did, and is now up 59% since 2016.

The crisis also peaked in L.A. before the rest of the country. L.A.’s unhoused population crested in 2023. At a single point in time that year, 1 in 83 city residents were experiencing homelessness — 1.2% of the city's population or roughly six times the national rate, according to LAHSA and U.S. Census data.

Nationwide, the unhoused population count continued climbing for another year, reaching a record high in 2024 of 1 in 435 U.S. residents, or roughly 0.23% of the population, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, or HUD.

That year, the city was home to just over 1% of the nation’s total population, but nearly 6% of its unhoused population.

As L.A.’s unhoused population multiplied, so did the taxpayer spending.

Voters in the city and county have repeatedly approved tax measures related to homelessness, adding billions of public dollars aimed at the crisis.

Together, Measure H, passed in 2017, Measure ULA, passed in 2022, and Measure A, passed in 2024, have increased city and county resources by about $6 billion. That's on top of Measure HHH, a $1.2 billion bond voters approved in 2016 to build supportive housing.

In 2016, the city of Los Angeles budgeted about $139 million a year to address homelessness. By 2026, the city's annual homelessness budget has grown to nearly $1 billion, alongside growing L.A. County homelessness dollars.

Funding for LAHSA, a joint city-county homelessness agency, grew ten-fold since 2016 to more than $800 million.

While funding sources fluctuated, LAHSA revenues increased in the budget years preceding this year’s homeless count, according to LAHSA’s audited financial statements.

Between 2016 and 2025, the L.A. region’s homeless services system roughly doubled in size from about 34,500 beds to about 69,600, according to HUD's housing inventory reports for the region.

Officials and experts have attributed much of L.A.’s homelessness to a housing affordability crisis in which rent has become more unaffordable to people making very low incomes. L.A.’s expanded shelter system has not kept pace with the number of people falling into homelessness.

LAHSA says the number of newly unhoused people seeking services each year has grown 30% between 2022 and 2025.

For every person housed by the homeless services system over the past year, about 2.3 newly unhoused people sought out services, LASHA said.

While in office, Bass has pursued a “housing first” strategy focused on relocating unhoused people from tent and RV encampments into hotel rooms and other shelter settings.

That approach, which includes Bass’ signature Inside Safe program, helped move thousands of tents and people off the street and in hotel rooms, but costs three times as much as other shelter options, according to a city analysis.

About 41% of the people who’ve participated in the program since it began have returned to homelessness, according to LAHSA’s Inside Safe data dashboard. Bass defends the program, but has said it needs to reduce costs.

L.A. City and county leaders expanded the L.A. homelessness response system primarily by adding fast, short-term solutions like emergency shelter beds and temporary rental subsidies. They lagged behind, in comparison, on permanent supportive housing, service providers said.

The number of people permanently housed by the system declined from about 28,600 in 2024 to 25,532 last year, according to data provided by LAHSA Friday.

Placements into shelter and permanent supportive housing went down this year, while the number of people returning to the streets after being in shelter went up.

Family homelessness decreased by 14%, according to LAHSA’s data, but the agency said that likely reflects a recent decline in the supply of family resources, not demand.

LAHSA also broke findings down by region. The Metro LA and East L.A. areas each saw their unsheltered populations rise by about 20%, the agency found. In the Antelope Valley, unsheltered homelessness dropped 37%.

Tents for unhoused people are seen on a Skid Row sidewalk.

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Follow the money 

Los Angeles homelessness officials said even with increased local spending, much of the current system has relied on state and federal dollars, including one-time pandemic dollars. Dips and changes in those funding sources had consequences for this year’s count, they said.

Bass said reductions last year to the state of California’s Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention grant program, known as HHAP, “severely impacted our work to keep people housed and get more Angelenos off the streets.”

Bass did not respond to multiple interview requests by LAist seeking comment on the latest homeless count results.

In the 2024-25 budget year, state funding made up just under $115 million, or 13% of LAHSA's overall budget. Then, in 2025-26, those sources of state funding dropped 26% to about $85 million, or 9% of the agency's budget, according to LAHSA reports.

But LAHSA's overall budget held roughly flat. Decreases in state funding were largely made up for by year-over-year increases in city and federal dollars.

LAHSA officials said during Friday’s presentation that this year’s increase in homelessness reflects major cuts to a rental-subsidy program it administers known as Time Limited Subsidies, or TLS. The agency also cited drops in state revenue.

The program provides up to two years of rental assistance to formerly unhoused people in private-market apartments, relying on a mix of county, city, federal and state dollars. Funding for L.A.’s time-limited subsidies declined by nearly half before this year's homeless count — from $240 million in 2024-25 to $123 million in 2025-26, according to LAHSA figures presented to the L.A. City Council.

More than 3,000 households housed through the program about a year ago were slated to lose those subsidies by the end of last month.

Local service providers told LAist they saw deep cuts to their time-limited subsidy programs.

“Without these subsidies, people are staying in shelters longer because they cannot secure housing, reducing available shelter capacity and leaving more individuals with nowhere to go but the streets,” said Jennifer Hark Dietz, CEO of PATH.

John Maceri, CEO of The People Concern, said a freeze on federal rental vouchers is adding pressure.

“The entire system is being slowed down, and we’ll continue to see less throughput as permanent housing options aren’t available,” Maceri told LAist.

Trump administration pressure

Regional officials and service providers also say federal policies, funding cuts and proposed cuts are also driving L.A.’s homelessness crisis — and could make it worse.

“The Trump administration's reckless policies threaten to deepen the homelessness crisis by prioritizing tax breaks and benefits for the wealthiest Americans and corporations while cutting programs that working families and vulnerable residents rely on,” L.A. County Supervisor Hilda Solis said.

A Bass spokesperson echoed the sentiment in a statement to LAist: “Rising gas prices, healthcare costs, tariffs, and grocery bills — that puts more people at risk of homelessness.”

Local officials also point out the federal government is actively trying to reduce the level of funding that can go toward permanent housing in L.A. and nationwide.

Meanwhile, the full effects of many of the federal policy changes local officials are worried about have yet to kick in, experts said.

“We could start seeing homelessness increase again in the near future primarily because of harmful federal changes to basic need programs like Medi-Cal, CalFresh, and changes in HUD programs — all which will make it even more difficult for individuals and families to afford their homes,” said Monica Davalos, an analyst with the California Budget & Policy Center.

L.A. County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath said the homeless count results are just one data point, not the whole picture.

“People experiencing homelessness — and the communities impacted by this crisis — care less about esoteric debates over the numbers,” Horvath said.

“They care more about what they see on our streets.“Housing production, affordability, and supportive services are the biggest drivers of lasting change, and getting people housed permanently is the change L.A. needs," she added.

LOS ANGELES (AP) — Nearly 150,000 California voters had their mail-in ballots rejected for the state’s June primary, a spike from recent elections even as the state attempts to make voting easier with the goal of boosting participation and counting every ballot.

California has become notorious for its ponderously slow vote counts that can drag on for weeks and sometimes longer, largely the result of multiple changes over the years that were intended to increase turnout but have done little to achieve that. Among the changes: Every voter receives a mail-in ballot that can arrive at an election office seven days late and still be counted, provided the envelope is postmarked by Election Day.

Yet even with that generous weeklong window, the primary driver of the higher rejection numbers is late-arriving ballots, according to data compiled by the secretary of state’s office. Voting experts suspect the main problem is postmarks on ballots that came after Election Day, making them ineligible to be counted. The culprit could be U.S. Postal Service changes that might affect the timing of when postmarks are applied.

Late-arriving ballots drove the rejections

According to state data, 148,241 mail ballots were rejected in the June election, or a rate of 1.73% of all mail ballots.

In raw numbers, that’s up from the 2024 primary, when 108,982 mail ballots were rejected, or a 1.56% rate. In 2022, 105,818 mail ballots were voided during the primary, or a rate similar to 2024.

Lateness accounted for 93,479 rejected ballots in June, by far the largest category for disqualifying a ballot. That was up from about 70,000 in the 2022 primary and about 76,000 in the 2024 primary, though turnout in those elections was smaller compared to last June.

Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation, said the jump in rejected ballots because of lateness is a major concern that — along with postal procedures — might also be connected to a late surge in ballots in June. Many voters waited until the final days to make a decision in a wide-open and chaotic race for governor.

“Ballots rejected due to lateness are caused primarily to being postmarked too late to count, not because they arrived too late to count,” Alexander wrote in an email.

Rejection rates have fluctuated over time, but the growing number of those set aside for lateness compared to recent elections “does really demand the question why this is happening,” said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy, a nonpartisan research group.

Lawmakers concerned about USPS postmark changes

In January, a group of mostly Democratic U.S. senators sent a letter to the U.S. Postal Service, alarmed that mail-processing changes might affect postmark dates for mail-in ballots during an election year that will determine control of Congress.

Updated agency policy says postmarks might not indicate the first day the Postal Service received the mail, but rather the day it was handled in one of its processing centers. Those centers are increasingly likely to be further away from certain communities because of recent consolidations within the Postal Service, which could further delay postmarks.

On Thursday, two Wisconsin Democrats, U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin and Gov. Tony Evers, called on the Postal Service to address delays that caused hundreds of ballots to arrive after Election Day in the state in April. In June, a federal judge halted President Donald Trump’s executive order that sought to create a federal voter list and limit who can receive a mail ballot.

Earlier this year, California election officials urged voters to send their mail ballots early, warning that Postal Service changes could lead to slower mail service.

In California, the highest mail ballot rejection rate in June — 3.52% — was in Tulare County, in the agriculture-heavy Central Valley. It was followed by Alpine County, south of Lake Tahoe, and Merced County, also in the Central Valley, which both notched a 3.36% rejection rate.

Mismatched signatures and multiple ballots in an envelope

Nearly 44,000 ballots were set aside because the voter’s signature didn’t match the one on record with county officials. Over 8,300 ballots were rejected because there was no signature on the returned ballot envelope.

In 743 cases, the voter had already cast a ballot, so the mail ballot was voided. Other reasons for rejection included a ballot being missing from the return envelope, or multiple ballots were sent back in a single envelope.

The data didn’t break down the uncounted ballots by party registration.

Florida, Texas and other large population states quickly wrap up vote counting, while California is a national laggard.

After the June primary, President Donald Trump seized on California’s reputation as the national slowpoke in vote counting to renew his long-standing criticism of the state’s elections, while the Republican’s Department of Justice launched an investigation into Los Angeles County’s elections.

There is no indication of any widespread problems with mail voting, which has gained in popularity among Democrats and Republicans alike. A report by the Brookings Institution published in 2025 found that the number of cases of mail voting fraud was minuscule — about four cases per 10 million mail ballots.