Sponsored message
Audience-funded nonprofit news
radio tower icon laist logo
Next Up:
0:00
0:00
Subscribe
  • Listen Now Playing Listen

The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Why CA backed off again from regulation
    A job board with flyers posted from various industries. Above it is text "Hot jobs."
    Reading materials and fliers at the Sacramento Works job training and resources center in Sacramento on April 23, 2024.

    Topline:

    A bill mandating disclosure and appeals for a wide range of AI decisions was delayed until next year for the third legislative session in a row. Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to consult on the measure.

    Why now: Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan announced Friday that Assembly Bill 1018, which cleared the Assembly and two Senate committees, has been designated a two-year bill, meaning it can return as part of the legislative session next year. That move will allow more time for conversations with Gov. Gavin Newsom and more than 70 opponents. The decision came in the final hours of the California Legislative session, which ended Sept. 13.

    Why it matters: Her bill would require businesses and government agencies to alert individuals when automated systems are used to make important decisions about them, including for apartment leases, school admissions, and, in the workplace, hiring, firing, promotions, and disciplinary actions. The bill also covers decisions made in education, health care, criminal justice, government benefits, financial services, and insurance.

    Read on... more on the intense legislative fight and why backers keep fighting.

    After three years of trying to give Californians the right to know when AI is making a consequential decision about their lives and to appeal when things go wrong, Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan said she and her supporters will have to wait again, until next year.

    The San Ramon Democrat announced Friday that Assembly Bill 1018, which cleared the Assembly and two Senate committees, has been designated a two-year bill, meaning it can return as part of the legislative session next year. That move will allow more time for conversations with Gov. Gavin Newsom and more than 70 opponents. The decision came in the final hours of the California Legislative session.

    Her bill would require businesses and government agencies to alert individuals when automated systems are used to make important decisions about them, including for apartment leases, school admissions, and, in the workplace, hiring, firing, promotions, and disciplinary actions. The bill also covers decisions made in education, health care, criminal justice, government benefits, financial services, and insurance.

    Automated systems that assign people scores or make recommendations can stop Californians from receiving unemployment benefits they’re entitled to, declare job applicants less qualified for arbitrary reasons that have nothing to do with job performance, or deny people health care or a mortgage because of their race.

    “This pause reflects our commitment to getting this critical legislation right, not a retreat from our responsibility to protect Californians," Bauer-Kahan said in a statement shared with CalMatters.

    Bauer-Kahan adopted the principles enshrined in the legislation from the Biden administration’s AI Bill of Rights. California has passed more AI regulation than any other state, but has yet to adopt a law like Bauer-Kahan’s or like other laws requiring disclosure of consequential AI decisions like the Colorado AI Act or European Union’s AI Act.

    The pause comes at a time when politicians in Washington D.C. continue to oppose AI regulation that they say could stand in the way of progress. President Donald Trump in July released an "AI Action Plan" calling for deregulation of the technology at the federal and state level. Earlier this year, Congress tried and failed to pass a moratorium on AI regulation by state governments.

    When an automated system makes an error, AB 1018 gives people the right to have that mistake rectified within 30 days. It also reiterates that algorithms must give “full and equal” accommodations to everyone, and cannot discriminate against people based on characteristics like age, race, gender, disability, or immigration status. Developers must carry out impact assessments to, among other things, test for bias embedded in their systems. If an impact assessment is not conducted on an AI system, and that system is used to make consequential decisions about people’s lives, the developer faces fines of up to $25,000 per violation, or legal action by the attorney general, public prosecutors, or the Civil Rights Department.

    Amendments made to the bill in recent weeks exempted generative AI models from coverage under the bill, which could prevent it from impacting major AI companies or ongoing generative AI pilot projects carried out by state agencies. The bill was also amended to delay a developer auditing requirement to 2030, and to clarify that the bill intends to address evaluating a person and making predictions or recommendations about them.

    An intense legislative fight

    Samantha Gordon, a chief program officer at TechEquity, a sponsor of the bill, said she’s seen more lobbyists attempt to kill AB 1018 this week in the California Senate than for any other AI bill ever. She said she thinks AB 1018 had a pathway to passage but the decision was made to pause in order to work with the governor, who ends his second and final term next year.

    “There's a fundamental disagreement about whether or not these tools should face basic scrutiny of testing and informing the public that they're being used,” Gordon said.

    Gordon thinks it’s possible tech companies will use their “unlimited amount of money” to fight the bill next year.

    “But it’s clear,” she added, “that Americans want these protections — poll after poll shows Americans want strong laws on AI and that voluntary protections are insufficient.”

    AB 1018 faced opposition from industry groups, big tech companies, the state’s largest health care provider, venture capital firms, and the Judicial Council of California, a policymaking body for state courts.

    A coalition of hospitals, Kaiser Permanente, and health care software and AI company Epic Systems urged lawmakers to vote no on 1018 because they argued the bill would negatively influence patient care, increase costs, and require developers to contract with third-party auditors to assess compliance by 2030.

    A coalition of business groups opposed the bill because of generalizing language and concern that compliance could be expensive for businesses and taxpayers. The group Technet, which seeks to shape policy nationwide and whose members include companies like Apple, Google, Nvidia, and OpenIAI, argued that AB 1018 would stifle job growth, raise costs, and punish the fastest growing industries in the state in a video ad campaign.

    Venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, whose founder Marc Andreessen supported the re-election of President Trump, opposes the bill in part because it imposes costs "well beyond [California's] borders."

    A policy leader in the state judiciary said in an alert sent to lawmakers urging a no vote this week that the burden of compliance with the bill is so great that the judicial branch is at risk of losing the ability to use pretrial risk assessment tools like the kind that assign recidivism scores to sex offenders and violent felons. The Judicial Council estimates that AB 1018 passage will cost the state up to $300 million a year. Similar points were made in a letter to lawmakers last month.

    Why backers keep fighting

    Exactly how much AB 1018 could cost taxpayers is still a big unknown, due to contradictory information from state government agencies. An analysis by California legislative staff found that if the bill passes it could cost local agencies, state agencies, and the state judicial branch hundreds of millions of dollars. But a California Department of Technology report covered exclusively by CalMatters concluded in May that no state agencies use high risk automated systems, despite historical evidence to the contrary. Bauer-Kahan said last month that she was surprised by the financial impact estimates because CalMatters reporting found that automated decisionmaking system use was not widespread at the state level.

    Support for the bill has come from unions who pledged to discuss AI in bargaining agreements, including the California Nurses Association and the Service Employees International Union, and from groups like the Citizen’s Privacy Coalition, Consumer Reports, and the Consumer Federation of California.

    Coauthors of AB 1018 include major Democratic proponents of AI regulation in the California Legislature, including Assembly majority leader Cecilia Aguilar-Curry of Davis, author of a bill passed and on the governor’s desk that seeks to stop algorithms from raising prices on consumer goods; Chula Vista Senator Steve Padilla, whose bill to protect kids from companion chatbots awaits the governor’s decision; and San Diego Assemblymember Chris Ward, who previously helped pass a law requiring state agencies to disclose use of high-risk automated systems and this year sought to pass a bill to prevent pricing based on your personal information.

    The anti-discrimination language in AB 1018 is important because tech companies and their customers often see themselves as exempt from discrimination law if the discrimination is done by automated systems, said Inioluwa Deborah Raji, an AI researcher at UC Berkeley who has audited algorithms for discrimination and advised government officials in Sacramento and Washington D.C. about how AI can harm people. She questions whether state agencies have the resources to enforce AB 1018, but also likes the disclosure requirement in the bill because “I think people deserve to know, and there's no way that they can appeal or contest without it.”

    “I need to know that an AI system was the reason I wasn't able to rent this house. Then I can at an individual level appeal and contest. There's something very valuable about that.”

    Raji said she witnessed corporate influence and pushback when she helped shape a report about how California can balance guardrails and innovation for generative AI development, and she sees similar forces at play in the delay of AB 1018.

    “It’s disappointing this [AB 1018] isn’t the priority for AI policy folks at this time,” she told CalMatters. “I truly hope the fourth time is the charm.”

    A number of other bills with union backing were also considered by lawmakers this session that sought to protect workers from artificial intelligence. For the third year in a row, a bill to require a human driver in commercial delivery trucks in autonomous vehicles failed to become law. Assembly Bill 1331, which sought to prevent surveillance of workers with AI-powered tools in private spaces like locker or lactation rooms and placed limitations on surveillance in breakrooms, also failed to pass.

    But another measure, Senate Bill 7 passed the legislature and is headed to the governor. It requires employers to disclose plans to use an automated system 30 days prior to doing so and make annual requests data used by an employer for discipline or firing. In recent days, author Senator Jerry McNerney amended the law to remove the right to appeal decisions made by AI and eliminate a prohibition against employers making predictions about a worker's political beliefs, emotional state, or neural data. The California Labor Federation supported similar bills in Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, and Washington.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • To put off state law, city must upzone some areas
    A train runs on tracks between two long rows of palm trees.
    A K Line train passes Edward Vincent Jr. Park in Inglewood during the testing phase.

    Topline:

    After California lawmakers passed a state housing law that allows taller apartment buildings near train lines, Los Angeles leaders are facing a tradeoff: If they want to delay full implementation of the law, they’ll have to choose some parts of the city to upzone.

    The background: Mayor Karen Bass and a slim majority of the L.A. City Council expressed opposition to SB 79, but Governor Gavin Newsom signed the bill into law last year. Starting July 1, the law is set to allow apartment buildings up to nine stories tall next to subway stations, as well as smaller buildings within a half mile of light rail and rapid bus stops.

    The waiting option: L.A. leaders are now scrambling to pull a delay lever built into the law. The provision allows cities to put off implementation of some parts of the law until 2030, as long as they agree to allow more housing development in certain neighborhoods in the interim.

    Read on… to learn how discussions to delay SB 79 are shaping up at city hall, and what deadlines elected leaders are facing.

    After California lawmakers passed a state housing law that allows taller apartment buildings near train lines, Los Angeles leaders are facing a tradeoff: If they want to delay full implementation of the law, they’ll have to choose some parts of the city to upzone.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom signed Senate Bill 79 into law last year. Starting July 1, the law is set to allow apartment buildings up to nine stories tall to be built next to subway stations and smaller buildings within a half-mile of light rail and rapid bus stops.

    L.A. Mayor Karen Bass and a slim majority of the L.A. City Council had expressed opposition to SB 79, in keeping with the long-standing preference of many city leaders to leave untouched the three-quarters of L.A.’s residential land zoned for single-family homes.

    Now, some L.A. leaders are scrambling to pull a delay lever that was built into SB 79. The provision allows cities to put off the law’s broadest effects until 2030, as long as they agree to allow more housing development in certain neighborhoods in the interim.

    “If we don't do this, what happens is SB 79 goes into effect full-on,” said Bob Blumenfield, chair of the council’s Planning and Land Use Committee, during a meeting on Tuesday. “I really want to avoid that happening.”

    Options for delay

    The state law lets cities delay implementation in neighborhoods deemed to be “low resource,” in areas at high risk of fires or sea level rise or are designated as historically significant. Even with those carve-outs, some higher-income neighborhoods near train stops will still be subject to upzoning.

    The city’s Planning Department produced a report last week laying out three different approaches for the City Council to delay SB 79. All of them involve local incentive programs that would allow developers to build apartment buildings in neighborhoods currently zoned for single-family homes.

    The first option would allow buildings up to four stories tall, while the second and third options would permit buildings up to eight stories.

    During the committee meeting Tuesday, homeowners spoke against the changes the new law would bring and the city’s upzoning plans.

    “Single-family neighborhoods are where families put down roots — they are the beating heart of Los Angeles and SB 79 runs a stake right through that heart,” said Shelley Wagers with the Beverly Grove Neighborhood Association. “We must use every tool to prevent irreversible harm and buy time.”

    Advocates for increased housing development said they favored the report’s third option, which would allow mid-sized apartment buildings within a half-mile of existing train stops, as well as planned stations and rapid bus stops.

    Scott Epstein, policy director for Abundant Housing L.A., said that approach “offers the best opportunity to meet our housing targets and ensure that neighborhoods rich in transit services and high-quality schools are doing their part.”

    What happens next

    The Planning and Land Use Committee could not get a three-person majority to agree on the best path forward, so the decision will now go to the full City Council for further debate.

    Blumenfield said his recommendation as committee chair was to allow mid-rise apartment buildings in many neighborhoods, but only near existing train stops, not planned stations or rapid bus stops. He also recommended more exemptions for certain historic preservation zones.

    Nithya Raman, a committee member who is also running for L.A. Mayor, said she found the report’s recommendations difficult to follow. Passing a delayed implementation plan could stave off changes in some neighborhoods, but only for a while, she said.

    “Eventually we will have to do something,” Raman said. “So the question is just what do we do now and what do we do later.”

    But council members have little time to figure out which approach they prefer. City planners told the committee that in order to have a delay ordinance in place by July 1, the council would need to decide what direction to take by early March.

  • Sponsored message
  • Suit claims LA County illegally paid CEO $2M
    A dais with people sitting behind computers and name tags.
    The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors on April 15, 2025.

    Topline:

    A new lawsuit alleges L.A. County’s $2 million settlement payout to its CEO was an illegal gift of public funds and asks a judge to order it paid back. The August payout to Fesia Davenport was first revealed by LAist, months after it was approved and paid in secret by the county.

    The allegation: The lawsuit, filed by attorney Alexander K. Robinson on behalf of county resident Ana Cristina Lee Escudero, alleges the payout is illegal because Davenport did not have a valid legal dispute with the county. It also claims county supervisors illegally used the litigation exemption to discuss and approve the settlement in closed session, despite a letter from Davenport informing supervisors she had “no intentions of litigating this matter.”

    The response: A lawyer hired by the county, Mira Hashmall, called the lawsuit “baseless” in a statement. She previously said the settlement served a “legitimate public purpose" by avoiding potential litigation. Messages for comment on the lawsuit were not returned from Davenport, County Counsel Dawyn Harrison’s office or the five county supervisors’ offices.

    What the CEO had alleged: Records show the CEO payout was in response to claims by Davenport that she was harmed by a ballot measure approved by voters in 2024 that will create an elected county chief executive job at the county after her employment contract expires. Her payment demands said she suffered “reputational harm, embarrassment and physical, emotional and mental distress” caused by the ballot measure. Davenport went on medical leave in October and has not yet returned.

    The law: Under the state Constitution’s provision on illegal gifts of public funds, local government settlement payouts are illegal if they’re in response to allegations that completely lack legal merit, according to a court ruling describing how such cases have been decided. And a payout cannot exceed the agency’s “maximum exposure” from a claim, according to another appeals court ruling.

    The backlash: Leaders of unions that represent most of the county government’s workers previously told LAist many of their members have been shocked and outraged to learn Davenport negotiated a $2 million payout to herself, after they say she told workers there was no money to give them raises.

  • More Angelenos volunteer to monitor ICE raids
    Dozens of people sit around tables spread out in a large room.
    Rapid response groups that monitor their communities for immigration raids have seen a spike in new volunteers since the start of the year. Volunteers meet at a Unión del Barrio training session in late January 2026.

    Topline:

    As federal immigration enforcement raids continue across Los Angeles, a broader demographic of people is stepping up to volunteer their time to monitor and document immigration raids in their neighborhoods, according to Ron Gochez, organizer with the rapid‑response network Unión del Barrio.

    More details: While longtime Latino organizers have led the patrols, their numbers are growing thanks to the new volunteers who aren’t necessarily Latino. Unión del Barrio has outgrown their usual meeting space at the United Teachers union building in Koreatown, which used to draw a few dozen people.

    Spike in volunteers: Other immigrant advocacy groups say they’re seeing a similar surge in support. Representatives at the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA) and the Immigrant Defenders Law Center report a spike in volunteers, donations, and attendance at “Know Your Rights” workshops.

    Read on... for more about the increase in volunteers.

    This story was originally published by The LA Local on Feb. 25, 2026.

    As federal immigration enforcement raids continue across Los Angeles, a broader demographic of people is stepping up to volunteer their time to monitor and document immigration raids in their neighborhoods, according to Ron Gochez, organizer with the rapid‑response network Unión del Barrio.

    “We have senior citizen retirees showing up saying, ‘I’m an old white woman — how can I help?’ We have students from community colleges and universities. We have people who look like longtime activists and people who look like they’ve never done this before,” he said. “It’s solidarity being shown by Angelenos of all shapes, sizes, colors and ages.”

    While longtime Latino organizers have led the patrols, their numbers are growing thanks to the new volunteers who aren’t necessarily Latino.

    Unión del Barrio has outgrown their usual meeting space at the United Teachers union building in Koreatown, which used to draw a few dozen people.

    Along with their patrols, the group supports families impacted by immigration raids and issues real-time alerts over social media.

    In late January, the day after federal agents shot and killed Alex Pretti in Minneapolis, about 400 people showed up for a training session, Unión del Barrio organizer Ron Gochez said.

    “The very next day, we had 1,000 people on a Zoom training for educators — and we couldn’t have more because the Zoom limit was 1,000,” Gochez said.

    Organizers in Pasadena expected a few dozen volunteers at All Saints Episcopal Church and were surprised when nearly 800 showed up for the training session, according to Pasadena Now.

    For the first time, the majority of volunteers at a recent training session were white, Gochez said.

    “I think the administration and ICE thought that by killing Alex (Pretti), that people would be scared and intimidated and would stop participating,” he said.

    Instead, it has had the opposite effect.

    Other immigrant advocacy groups say they’re seeing a similar surge in support. Representatives at the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA) and the Immigrant Defenders Law Center report a spike in volunteers, donations, and attendance at “Know Your Rights” workshops.

    The legal advocacy group says they’re going to continue sustaining deportation defense, managed information hotlines, and expect that engagement to remain strong as federal immigration enforcement intensifies.

    A man with medium skin tone, wearing a red hoodie with a design on it, speaks while holding a megaphone with a strap over his shoulder. There are people behind him holding up red banners.
    Ron Gochez, a member of Unión del Barrio, speaks to volunteers in South Los Angeles in February 2025.
    (
    Andrew Lopez
    /
    Boyle Heights Beat
    )

    Residents living near Koreatown and Pico Union have seen a sharp increase in immigration raids in recent months. Unión del Barrio volunteer, Oscar, who provided only his first name out of concerns over retaliation from the federal government, has seen firsthand the effects of the raids.

    “This part of Los Angeles — Pico Union, K-town, MacArthur Park, Westlake — has been hit incredibly hard throughout the last year,” Oscar said, pointing to raids along the El Salvador Community Corridor in Pico Union. “They’ve gone up and down Pico multiple times.”

    Westlake, a dense immigrant neighborhood predominantly made up of renters and noncitizen workers, has also been identified as one of the most vulnerable areas in L.A. to ICE raids, according to a county-sponsored study.

    Oscar leads patrol training sessions, but before joining Union del Barrio, he patrolled his neighborhood with a friend to report on immigration enforcement. “It just didn’t feel like enough,” he said. “I wanted to be part of a space of dedicated organizers.”

    Overall, he’s seen more people working together across racial and gender lines, with a common goal of protecting their communities, helping deliver groceries to impacted famlies, monitor their neighborhoods and feel like they have something to do in the face of the ongoing immigration raids.

    Federal agents stand outside a black SUV as they put a person inside it.
    Immigration agents detain a man selling flowers in Boyle Heights on Wednesday, Jan. 28, 2026.
    (
    Courtesy of Verita Topete
    /
    Centro CSO
    )

    “People are coming in angry, determined,” he said. “but ultimately I think people feel empowered during the training.”

    Unión del Barrio has expanded beyond its usual territory in South Los Angeles and the group now patrols in Boyle Heights, Long Beach, the San Fernando Valley, Beverly Hills and Brentwood, Gochez said.

    “We have eyes and ears everywhere,” Gochez said. “I’m very comfortable saying there are thousands of people patrolling in the greater L.A. area.”

    Although the group rarely solicits donations, Gochez said they have seen an uptick in funding, which helps cover costs from patrolling and printing “Know Your Rights” flyers and other materials.

    Despite the heightened attention, Unión del Barrio has not altered its training curriculum, making sure that volunteers are following the law, but also aware that their safety is not guaranteed when they head out to monitor the immigration raids.

    Organizers strongly discourage undocumented individuals or those on probation or parole from participating in community patrols, instead encouraging them to contribute in other ways.

    “We’re not trying to become martyrs,” Gochez said. “We don’t want to be arrested, beaten or killed. But there is risk involved.”

  • LA City Council makes pilot program permanent
    Crisis workers Alice Barber and Katie Ortiz sit in a white Penny Lane Centers crisis response vehicle. Both wear blue tops. Decals on the car read: "Penny Lane Centers: Transforming Lives."
    Crisis workers Alice Barber (L) and Katie Ortiz (R) sit in a Penny Lane Centers crisis response vehicle

    Topline:

    The L.A. City Council voted unanimously Tuesday to make permanent a city pilot program that diverts police away from some mental health crisis calls.

    The background: Since launching in 2024, clinicians with the city’s Unarmed Model of Crisis Response pilot have handled more than 17,000 calls for service, ranging from mental health crises to wellbeing checks. According to city reports, about 96% of those calls were resolved without police.

    The response: “We can’t keep deploying armed officers to handle mental health crisis calls because the outcome is Angelenos paying with loss of life and millions of their tax dollars for legal settlements,” Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, who co-authored the motion to enshrine the program, said at Tuesday’s meeting.

    What’s next: The motion approved Tuesday also directs city officials to form a working group made up of the LAPD, the L.A. Fire Department and other agencies to address inefficiencies in the dispatch system.

    Read on... for more on how the program is also helping the city's finances.

    The L.A. City Council voted unanimously Tuesday to make permanent a city pilot program that diverts police away from some mental health crisis calls.

    Since launching in 2024, clinicians with the city’s Unarmed Model of Crisis Response have handled more than 17,000 calls for service, ranging from mental health crises to wellbeing checks. According to city reports, about 96% of those calls were resolved without police.

    “We can’t keep deploying armed officers to handle mental health crisis calls because the outcome is Angelenos paying with loss of life and millions of their tax dollars for legal settlements,” Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, who co-authored the motion to enshrine the program, said at Tuesday’s meeting.

    According to Hernandez, in 2023, more than a third of LAPD shootings involved someone experiencing a mental health crisis.

    Councilmember Marqueece Harris-Dawson said the data from city reports was "incontrovertible and unassailable," showing the program’s success at diverting police and fire first responders away from mental health crisis situations.

    Council members said the move to make the unarmed model permanent was also a matter of fiscal responsibility. According to a news release from the offices of Hernandez and Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, on average it costs the city roughly $85 per hour to dispatch LAPD officers, while a response from a UMCR team costs roughly $35 per hour.

    Last fall, progressive policy advocacy group LA Forward, convened a summit of local and state officials with the goal of making UMCR permanent and expanding it.

    Godfrey Plata, deputy director of LA Forward, told LAist his group was “incredibly excited” to see the city make the pilot program permanent.

    Plata said he sees enshrining the program as a first step in expanding the program citywide, which his group hopes to do by the 2028 Olympics.

    How the program works

    In 2024, the city partnered with three nonprofit organizations — Exodus Recovery, Alcott Center and Penny Lane Centers — to provide teams of trained clinicians in service areas spread across L.A. The teams are available 24 hours a day, seven days a week within the Police Department’s Devonshire, Wilshire, Southeast, West LA, Olympic and West Valley divisions.

    Crisis response workers are trained in de-escalation techniques, mental health, substance use, conflict resolution and more, according to a report on the program from the Office of City Administrative Officer. The teams don’t have the authority to order psychiatric holds for people in crisis, but they can work with them to find help locally, and spend more time on follow up than law enforcement can.

    In its first year, Los Angeles’s Unarmed Model of Crisis Response sent teams of unarmed clinicians to  more than 6,700 calls for service, ranging from mental health crises to wellbeing checks. Only about 4% were redirected to the LAPD. Average response times have been under 30 minutes.

    Examples of these interactions include members of the teams taking food to a woman who was crying and hungry, working with a business owner to engage with someone sleeping in a parking lot and sitting with a family for nearly three hours to help resolve a conflict involving a relative.

    What’s next

    The motion approved Tuesday also directs city officials to form a working group made up of the LAPD, the L.A. Fire Department and other agencies to address inefficiencies in the dispatch system. The goal of the working group will be to centralize unarmed crisis response dispatch and improve response times.