The Brief

As President Joe Biden today bowed to the growing chorus of elected Democrats and Democratic voters calling for him to exit the 2024 race, everyone is taking another good hard look at Kamala Harris.

“Today I want to offer my full support and endorsement for Kamala Harris to be the nominee of our party this year, ” Biden wrote in a social media post, calling his selection of Harris to be his vice president “the best decision I’ve made.”

Vice presidents rarely get much attention. What attention Harris has gotten on the job hasn’t been particularly positive. Counter to the reputation she cultivated early on in her career as a pragmatic politician and sharp-minded prosecutor, public opinion on Harris soured in the summer of 2021 and has mostly stayed sour.

That was in part thanks to the White House saddling her with a series of unenviable and intractable tasks. Beyond that her role, like that of most vice presidents, has been high on profile, but low on actual responsibility. It’s a job perhaps best described by fictional Veep Selina Meyer as the political equivalent of being “declawed, defanged, neutered, ball-gagged, and sealed in an abandoned coal mine.”

Nor was Harris faring much better with voters in her home state. Last year 59% of California voters in a Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll said they would not welcome her on the top of the ticket.

But now that Harris is being considered as the most likely substitute for Biden, more voters seem to be warming to her. A fresh Washington Post poll found that the vast majority of Democratic voters nationwide would be “satisfied” with Harris at the top of the ticket. The same poll found her narrowly beating Trump in a head-to-head election among registered voters.

And so the nation is catching itself back up to speed on all things Harris — and that means catching up on a life of accomplishment and controversy here. More than any other vice president in generations, Kamala Harris’ biography is singularly Californian.

Born in Oakland, bussed to school in Berkeley, tested by San Francisco’s cutthroat municipal politics and propelled onto the national stage as the state’s top law enforcement officer and then its first female senator of color, Harris’ approach to politics and policymaking were honed here.

Now that voters are reconsidering whether Harris has what it takes to be president of the United States — and as Donald Trump and JD Vance train their oppo-machine upon her — we’re resurrecting this look at her California years and career. Here are nine ways that California shaped Kamala Harris, and that Harris shaped California.

A child of Berkeley

In a state full of transplants, Harris is a lifelong Californian.

She was was born in 1964 in Oakland — the hospital a little over a mile from the city hall where, more than half a century later, she would announce her short-lived 2020 bid for the presidency. Born to immigrant parents who met while getting their PhDs and protesting for civil rights at UC Berkeley, she spent her childhood in Berkeley. Harris’ father, Donald Harris, is from Jamaica and her mother, Shyamala Gopalan, is from India. The couple split when Harris was 7, and Harris and her sister Maya were raised mostly by her mother, who died in 2009.

In the first Democratic presidential debate in 2019, Harris famously skewered Joe Biden — then her campaign rival — for his past opposition to federally mandated busing to desegregate public schools. For Harris, she said, the issue was “personal.”

Specifically, Harris rode the “red rooster” from Berkeley’s working-class flatlands to Thousand Oaks Elementary School at the base of the affluent north Berkeley hills. This was 1969, just one year after Berkeley Unified introduced its “two-way” busing program across its elementary schools. Berkeley being Berkeley, unlike local integration plans across the country, the city had undertaken this one on its own accord.

After the debate dust-up, Harris clarified that she does not support federally mandated busing, a policy stance not so dissimilar from the one she needled Biden over.

Traversing back and forth between different strata of society — black, white and Asian; well-off and working-class — is a familiar trope in Harris’ biography.

“It wasn’t a homogenous life,” said Debbie Mesloh, a friend who has also worked for Harris as a communication director and a consultant. “She’s a very resourceful person in that she can move in between these worlds.”

Vice President Kamala Harris graduated from Howard University in 1986. Her graduating year photo is in the bottom row, second from right.

Harris spent her teenage years in Montreal, moving there with her sister and mother when Gopalan accepted a university research position there. She earned a political science and economics degree at Howard University in Washington D.C. but returned to California to get her law degree in 1989 at the University of California, Hastings in San Francisco.

Until her most recent move to Washington, she called California home.

Fresh out of law school, she joined the Alameda County district attorney’s office in 1990, serving there eight years before crossing the bay to San Francisco. In 2003, she unexpectedly won election as San Francisco district attorney, where she served two terms before her narrow election as state attorney general in 2010. She was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2016.

The influence of king/queen-maker Willie Brown

Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown has helped accelerate many a successful political career in California (including that of Gov. Gavin Newsom). Harris got a boost from Brown, too.

In March 1994, San Francisco Chronicle’s legendary columnist Herb Caen described the scene at Brown’s surprise 60th birthday party. Clint Eastwood was there, wrote Caen, and he “spilled champagne on the Speaker’s new steady, Kamala Harris.” Brown had a reputation for dating much younger women. In his column, Caen described Harris, then a deputy district attorney of Alameda County, as “something new in Willie’s love life. She’s a woman, not a girl.”

The relationship ended after two years, but her connection to Brown, three decades her senior, did have an outsized effect on her career.

Willie Brown and Kamala Harris in 1994.

“I would think it’s fair to say that most of the people in San Francisco met her through Willie,” John Burton, who used to be president pro tem of the state Senate, former chair of the California Democratic Party and a San Francisco political powerhouse in his own right, told Politico.

The speaker gave Harris a couple plum positions on two state regulatory boards — the Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board and the California Medical Assistance Commission. “If you were asked to be on a board that regulated medical care, would you say no?” Harris told SFWeekly a few years later.

Harris’ connection to Brown also helped her make connections across San Francisco high-society and California political elite. In 1996, a year after Brown became mayor and Harris broke off the relationship, she joined the board of trustees at San Francisco Museum of Modern Art.

When Harris ran for San Francisco district attorney nearly a decade later, her first contribution came from Elaine McKeon, chair of the museum’s board. More — much more — poured in from donors with last names like Fisher, Getty, Buell, Haas and other noble houses of the Bay Area.

But from the beginning of her political career, Harris has seen her connection with Brown as a liability — a cudgel that opponents can use against her and, at worst, a tired, sexist trope used to question the legitimacy of her ascendant career. In the first run to be San Francisco’s district attorney, Harris deliberately hired a campaign consultant known for working with clients outside the Brown political machine. During that same campaign, she described her past relationship with the former speaker and mayor as “an albatross hanging around my neck.”

As for Brown, he recently told a reporter, regretfully, that he and Harris are no longer in touch.

A lack of clarity

You saw it in the presidential race. You’ve seen it in her as vice president. As the New York Times once put it: “the content of her message remains a work in progress.” We saw it before in California.

While running the California Department of Justice, Harris was often loath to wade into the political battles taking place just a few blocks away in the state Legislature.

There was the bill that would have required her office to investigate police shootings. She did not take a formal position (though she did tell a reporter it would be bad policy). The bill died.

There was the proposal to force police departments to gather data on the ethnicity and race of the civilians they stop. Harris also declined to take a position. It passed anyway.

And on the biggest criminal justice overhaul in California in a generation, Harris also kept mum.

Prompted by a judicial decree that the state had to dramatically cut the population of its overcrowded prison system, “realignment” was a package of state policies passed in 2011 that shifted tens of thousands of inmates out of state custody and into county jails or onto the rolls of local probation systems.

Despite in many ways reflecting the lessons described in her book “Smart on Crime,” which argued that non-violent criminals can be redirected into less punitive systems without jeopardizing public safety, Harris, the state’s top law enforcement officer, was silent on the policy.

That earned a rebuke from the Los Angeles Times Editorial Board, which wrote in its endorsement of her 2016 Senate candidacy that Harris “has been too cautious and unwilling to stake out a position on controversial issues, even when her voice would have been valuable to the debate.”

What some critics call prevarication or flip-floppery, her supporters call pragmatism. Those are just two ways of describing the same quality, said Corey Cook, a political scientist and provost at St. Mary’s College, and a longtime observer of San Francisco politics.

“She’s not an ideologue,” he said, meaning rather than stake out the boldest, ideologically-coherent agenda, she tends to focus on individual fixes to specific problems. Hence the “3am agenda” of her presidential campaign, a collection of policy changes designed to address the problems that keep the average voter up at night.

“The idea that she would have consistent positions on issues informed by ideology isn’t who she is,” said Cook. Harris may appear to pick her battles, he said, because for her “the only lasting solutions are going to be the ones that are able to sustain a majority coalition of support.”

Making a mark: sex crimes, domestic violence, child abuse

Harris has never shied away from the “tough on crime” label when it comes to a certain class of criminals: domestic violence perpetrators, child abusers and sex traffickers.

After nearly a decade in Alameda County and a short stint as a deputy district attorney in San Francisco (she left, calling the leadership there “dysfunctional”), in 2000, Harris joined the San Francisco city attorney’s office under Louise Renne.

Renne said she was looking for someone to head the office’s Child and Family Service unit, which investigates child abuse cases. This was not considered a prestigious post. Prosecutors inside the unit had taken to calling it “kiddie law.”

Renne thought Harris, who had focused on child abuse and sexual exploitation cases in Alameda County, would be a good fit.

That instinct was confirmed on Harris’ first day on the job, Renne said, when a number of children who had been separated from their parents were formally adopted into new families.

“She comes into my office and says ‘Come on, Louise, we’ve got to go over to court. There are going to be adoptions today,’ and she had all these teddy bears,” Renne recalled. “She knew the occasion. She knew it was an important one and it should be celebrated.”

Harris’ focus on the victims of abuse and exploitation continued after she was elected as San Francisco’s District Attorney.

“I don’t know what the term ‘teenage prostitute’ means. I have never met a ‘teenage prostitute.’ I have met exploited kids,” Mesloh, then Harris’ communications director, recalls her boss saying at her first all-staff meeting. Harris then ordered her prosecutors not to use the term in court. A year later, Harris sponsored a bill putting the crime of human trafficking into the state criminal code.

Some Democrats say Harris’ prior life as a prosecutor with a focus on sex crimes would be a key advantage in a potential general election contest against Trump, who has been found liable in a civil case for sexual assault and recently became the first former president to be convicted of a felony. In that case, the 34 counts were related to the falsifying of business records in connection to an alleged sexual encounter with a pornographic film actress.

But using the full force of the law to penalize pimps, traffickers and other abusers has earned Harris some criticism from civil libertarians and from advocates for sex workers.

In one of her final acts as California’s attorney general, Harris had the CEO of Backpage.com, Carl Ferrer, arrested on pimping charges. Backpage was an online classifieds site known for its “adult services” section, which prosecutors had long warned served as a marketplace for sex traffickers.

The arrest was based on a contentious legal argument that pit anti-trafficking fervor against the First Amendment. Since Backpage was merely a platform for ads, its lawyers argued, it was protected by the same law that protects Google from being held liable for illicit websites listed in its search results. A superior court judge agreed and threw out the case, though an amended charge, pursued by Harris’ successor, then-Attorney General Xavier Becerra, led Ferrer to plead guilty to money laundering and conspiracy to facilitate prostitution and to the shuttering of the site.

The Harris mantra: ‘Smart on Crime’

One of the reasons Harris became known as a rising-star District Attorney was her focus on prevention, which she explained in her book, Smart on Crime, written in 2009, the year before she ran for attorney general.

“Public health practitioners know that the most beneficial use of resources is to prevent an outbreak, not to treat it,” Harris wrote. “Instead of just reacting to a crime every time it is committed, we have to step back and figure out how to disrupt the routes of infection.”

Kamala Harris as San Francisco District Attorney on June 18, 2004.

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Marcio Jose Sanchez

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Harris’ “Back on Track” program, considered the most successful implementation of this idea, redirected first-time, non-violent drug offenders into supervised education, job training courses, therapy sessions and life skills classes. It was a modest program, but a novel one compared to what most other big city law enforcement officers were doing in 2005.

“In that time period, I think that she was a radical,” said Mesloh. The program has since been emulated by cities around the country. When Harris became attorney general, she launched a similar pilot program for Los Angeles County.

Harris’ focus on prevention produced some of her key accomplishments as district attorney. But in the context of the 2020 presidential primary, some of those same accomplishments struck many critics on the left as overly punitive.

The year after launching Back on Track, Harris introduced an anti-truancy initiative. Based on a statistical correlation that chronic class skippers are more likely to be both perpetrators and victims of homicide, Harris’ office began threatening the parents of persistently absent students with prosecution.

Harris has been quick to point out that the “stick” in this carrot and stick approach only came out after a series of escalating interventions, including mandatory meetings with school staff and social workers. No one went to jail under the program, though a handful of parents were fined. Within a few years, city truancy rates fell by a third and Harris took credit.

In 2010 her office sponsored a bill to take the program statewide. In the hands of other district attorneys, the statute was used in at least a handful of cases to put parents behind bars. Critics have said that the policy has been disproportionately wielded against poor parents of color.

In a 2019 interview, Harris said she regretted any “unintended consequences” of the state law.

Harris has (almost) always opposed capital punishment

Her opposition to the death penalty has been one of the most controversial stands in her career, but it’s also an example for those who criticize her lack of consistency.

On April 10, 2004, three months after her inauguration as San Francisco’s new district attorney, 29-year-old police officer Isaac Espinoza was gunned down by a 21-year-old with an AK-47. Three days later, Harris made good on a campaign promise and vowed not to seek the death penalty for the shooter. David Hill was later convicted of second-degree murder and sentenced to life without the possibility of parole.

The decision engendered a predictably fierce backlash from the police union and rebukes from politicians. “This is not only the definition of tragedy,” Sen. Dianne Feinstein said at Espinoza’s funeral, “it’s the special circumstance called for by the death penalty law.” The assembled officers cheered while Harris remained seated.

Some of Harris’ critics say she has wavered in tougher political circumstances.

In 2014, when a federal court judge ruled that California’s administration of the death penalty was unconstitutional, Harris appealed the decision as state attorney general, arguing that it was “not supported by the law.”

Harris later said that she was obligated to defend capital punishment as the legal representative of the state. Many have pointed out that she was happy not to defend a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage that voters passed in Proposition 8 when it was challenged a year earlier. Harris’ response: She was merely reflecting the position of her client, Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration.

She also explained that the judge’s ruling, which held that the long delays between sentencing and execution in California amounted to “cruel and unusual punishment,” could be used to justify speeding up the state’s system of capital punishment.

Prosecutorial overreach controversies

Both as district attorney and as state attorney general, Harris led offices that criminal justice advocates say was overly aggressive in pursuing convictions and lacked transparency in a way that belies Harris’ brand as a “progressive prosecutor.”

In March 2010, just as Harris was campaigning to become California’s attorney general, San Francisco authorities shut down a police department crime lab in the city’s Hunters Point naval yard. A technician named Deborah Madden was accused of skimming drugs, raising broader questions about the lab’s ability to appropriately handle evidence in criminal cases. (Madden later pleaded guilty).

Harris immediately dismissed 20 drug cases, but the number eventually grew to over 1,500 after documents showed that prosecutors within Harris’ office had known about Madden’s potential unreliability months before the lab was closed, but had neglected to tell defense attorneys.

A superior court judge later excoriated Harris’ office, writing that the violations infringed on the defendants’ constitutional rights.

Afterward, Harris formed a unit to handle the sharing of evidence with criminal defense attorneys. She has also said that she did not know about the problems at the crime lab until after the scandal blew up.

But that hasn’t done much to assuage the concerns of critics who say Harris had a tendency toward prosecutorial overreach, which continued once Harris became the state’s attorney general.

Kamala Harris is sworn in as California’s attorney general on Jan. 6, 2011.

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Office of the Attorney General of California

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In 2015, for example, lawyers for an inmate convicted of murder attempted to have the case thrown out after new evidence suggested that Riverside County prosecutors lied on the stand during the initial trial. Harris’ office, representing the state prison system, resisted, only backing down after footage of one of her deputies being eviscerated by three federal judges went viral.

A spokesperson for her since-abandoned presidential campaign said Harris ordered her office to drop the challenge as soon as “she became aware” of the case.

Critics point to other examples. There was her office’s decision to defend a molestation conviction that local prosecutors had secured with a false confession.

Asked about that case, the spokesperson said that it was “long-standing practice” for prosecutors within the Californian Department of Justice to file legal motions without the express approval of the Attorney General, implying that, again, Harris was not aware that her office was making the argument. But in this case, the spokesperson added, state prosecutors believed “the original case…was valid and that the victim in the case deserved justice.”

Another example: her office’s refusal to take over a 2011 Seal Beach mass shooting case after a judge recused the entire Orange County District Attorney’s office for widespread prosecutorial misconduct. Harris defended her decision: “it was being handled at the local level.”

Such a track record is to be expected of any prosecutor, said Sally Lieber, who worked with Harris on human trafficking legislation while representing Mountain View in the state Assembly.

“It is an adversarial system and so she was filling a particular role, but I think that she was able to do it in a very sophisticated, smart and responsive way,” she said.

As California’s AG: Playing hardball

Harris’ biggest accomplishment while California’s attorney general was to secure a financial settlement with some of the country’s largest banks accused of illegally foreclosing on homeowners.

In September 2011, Harris pulled out of ongoing negotiations between attorneys general from nearly every US state and the five banks, calling the proposed deal of $2-to-$4 billion “crumbs on the table.”

Harris was not the first attorney general to walk away, but the departure of the country’s largest state seemed to have its intended effect.

A few months later, with California back in the mix, a new deal was struck. This time, California got $20.2 billion in debt reductions and direct financial assistance.

Still, some consumer groups and outside experts were critical of the deal, arguing that the banks would have been forced to write off much of that bad debt eventually. “All sizzle, no steak,” is how Georgetown law professor Adam Levitin put it.

But Harris’ willingness to play hardball did result in a bigger settlement, said Rob McKenna, former Washington attorney general who was part of the negotiations.

“It’s possible for states to overstate the impact they had on the final settlement. The former New York Attorney General (Eric Schneiderman) would sometimes make claims about the settlement and improvements he had obtained,” he said. “But it’s fair to say that Attorney General Harris negotiated and obtained some improvement in the settlement for California.”

Kamala the campaigner

Harris launched her 2020 presidential campaign high on fanfare and hype, only to flame out less than a year later before even making it to Iowa. It was a historically stark underperformance from a candidate that many Democratic insiders believed would be a formidable contender.

In California, Harris’ electoral track record has been mixed.

Her first spin on the campaign trail was a superlative success. In her 2003 race for San Francisco District Attorney, she pushed out a two-term incumbent and won more votes than any other candidate running for a city-wide office that year.

Harris’ first run for statewide office didn’t go quite smoothly. Her race for Attorney General against Republican Steve Cooley wasn’t called until weeks after Election Day. Yes, Harris won. But she did so by less than a percentage point.

Now, after 18 years in which not a single Republican has won statewide office in California, it’s easy to look back at that nail-biter of an election and see an early sign of Harris’ weakness as a candidate. But at the time, the calculus was a little different. Cooley, a relative moderate, was considered the favorite to win against Harris, a San Francisco liberal. This was 2010, which proved to be a historic landslide election for the GOP. The fact that Harris eked it out despite those headwinds, and as the first woman and person of color to hold that office no less, cemented her status as a rising star in the Democratic Party.

Gov. Gavin Newsom and Democratic vice presidential candidate Sen. Kamala Harris talk as they assess the damage during the Creek Fire at Pine Ridge Elementary on Sept. 15, 2020, in Auberry.

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Gary Kazanjian

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Also rising was Gavin Newsom. The two were San Francisco friends and ran in the same social circles even before their political careers ignited. They share the same political consultants. And when the two most prestigious California elective offices opened up — for governor and U.S. senator — they sidestepped a ballot rivalry when she successfully ran for the Senate, as did he for governor.

Newsom has said — and recently reiterated — that he would not challenge Harris for the Democratic presidential nomination should Biden withdraw. Although Newsom’s name frequently appears on lists of hypothetical Biden replacements, she is already on the ticket and is seen by many as the heir-apparent.

Regardless, both are publicly saying now, again and again, that they are backing Biden.

This story incorporates prior reporting and interviews from CalMatters’ 2020 election coverage.

The U.S. Department of Education has launched an enforcement action against the Los Angeles Unified School District, alleging that its gender policies keep critical information, including students’ gender identities, away from parents.

The department pointed to alleged violations of the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) and the Protection of Pupil Rights Amendment.

“Parents are children’s natural providers and protectors,” said Harmeet Dhillon, assistant attorney general for civil rights, in a statement. “The Biden-Harris DOJ labeled concerned parents as threats for exercising their right to know what was happening at their kids’ schools. This Civil Rights Division stands with parents, and we will continue to partner with the Department of Education to enforce parents’ rights under federal law.”

LAUSD, meanwhile, has denied any wrongdoing, according to the Los Angeles Times. LAUSD officials said Monday that they were unaware of a new demand or filing by the Trump administration, the Times reported.

In their release, federal officials did not provide details on the nature of their action against the district, according to the Times.

Want to know who’s who in Republican politics? Look no further than the megadonors bankrolling California’s voter ID initiative.

Illinois billionaire packing supply magnate Richard Uihlein, who has poured tens of millions of dollars into conservative causes, has contributed $17 million to the campaign for Proposition 39, a GOP-backed ballot measure to require voters to show a driver’s license or other government ID to vote.

Uihlein’s involvement and that of other deep-pocketed Republican donors is a signal that conservatives view Prop. 39 as a test of support for future battleground states in the broader push by President Donald Trump to tighten voter restrictions.

Uihlein is joined by Southern California businessman Steven Bray, who loaned the campaign more than $3 million and gave $50,000 outright. The right-wing political group Reform California, tech entrepreneurs Cameron and Tyler Winklevoss and former Robert F. Kennedy Jr. presidential running mate Nicole Shanahan are also major donors. Combined, they have helped the campaign rake in more than $28 million — $11 million more than their opponents a month from Election Day.

Prop. 39’s supporters argue that requiring ID at polling places will ensure California’s elections are secure, and say the mandate is no different from needing an ID to fly on a plane or buy alcohol. Proponents also point out that 36 states request or require voters to show some form of identification at the polls, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

California voters currently need a driver’s license and Social Security number to register to vote but not when they cast their ballots. If Prop. 39 passes, voters who mail their ballots would have to write the last four digits of their Social Security or other government-issued number on their ballots.

It’s a long-awaited moment for the state’s weak Republican Party which has fought for decades to put a voter ID measure on the ballot in deep blue California.

Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a Republican, created Reform California and is spearheading the initiative. The freshman San Diego lawmaker’s group funded the ballot operation that collected more than a million signatures to qualify the measure after similar proposals failed in the Democratic-controlled Legislature.

Common Cause and other voting rights groups that oppose the measure fear Prop. 39 would unnecessarily block from voting citizens who can’t find or don’t have a government-issued ID. They argue that this would disproportionately impact, and unfairly penalize, people who recently moved, changed their last name or are low income — and other groups who historically have supported Democrats.

Civil rights advocates also argue the measure is unnecessary because voter fraud is rare.

“You are more likely to be struck by lightning than you are to commit voter fraud in a U.S. election,” California League of Women Voters executive director Jenny Farrell said. “There’s no need to add on these additional burdens and security checkpoints in California.”

Despite numerous studies showing there is no widespread evidence of voter fraud in U.S. elections, Claremont McKenna College political scientist John Pitney said such claims have circulated for decades in far-right circles.

Attempts to constrict voter laws through ballot measures have increased in some states ever since the expansion of voting rights to African Americans during the Civil Rights Movement.

But fears about voter fraud accelerated during the first Trump administration when the president falsely claimed the 2020 election was stolen. Shortly after, DeMaio and other GOP lawmakers introduced unsuccessful bills to tighten voter restrictions before he pivoted to orchestrating a citizen-led ballot initiative last year.

“Recently Trump has promoted the idea that large numbers of undocumented people are voting, for which there isn’t any evidence,” Pitney said.

Assemblymember Carl DeMaio announces that supporters of the CA Voter ID Initiative will submit more than 1.3 million signatures to qualify the measure for the November 2026 ballot during a press conference at the west steps of the state Capitol in Sacramento on March 3, 2026. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMattersDemocrats bankrolling the opposition to Prop. 39 are also a who’s who of California politics.

The state Democratic Party is by far the largest contributor at nearly $5.5 million, followed by the Sonoma-area Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria with $2 million.

Longtime Democratic donors Patty Quillin, a film producer and wife of Netflix CEO Reed Hastings, and Quinn Delaney, a real estate investor and philanthropist, have each pitched in $1.5 million. Labor heavyweights such as the Service Employees International Union have contributed $1 million.

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra and Democratic Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas have created a joint committee to raise money for the No campaign and U.S. Sen Alex Padilla is stumping at events.

Nearly 90% of Californians now vote by mail, according to the secretary of state’s office. That means the vast majority of voters would be required to write their Social Security or driver’s license number on their ballot should the initiative pass.

Many people aren’t going to be comfortable with that, No on 39 campaign spokesperson Tenoch Flores said.

“This is about creating new avenues to reject valid mail ballots,” Flores said.

“Yes on 39” spokesperson Meredith Shields told CalMatters that no one from the campaign could be made available for an interview. DeMaio declined an interview with CalMatters for this story. Uihlein did not respond to phone calls and emails requesting comment.

The biggest donor

Megadonor Uihlein and his wife, founders of the Wisconsin-based packaging company Uline, have poured millions into the Restoration of America PAC, a super PAC that frequently bankrolls Republican candidates in Illinois and Wisconsin. The Uihleins have donated $35 million to the PAC this year alone, and Prop. 39 is the latest target in their effort to fund agenda-setting conservative causes.

Shanahan, an attorney and the former wife of Google executive Sergey Brin, has funneled $370,000 into the Yes campaign, while the Winklevoss brothers have each contributed $250,000.

The interest from the ultra-wealthy in Prop. 39 is a sign that the GOP could be looking to replicate a similar playbook in toss-up states, Sonoma State University political science Professor David McCuan said.

Republican proponents want to see how well or poorly voter ID does in Democratic-heavy California. If it does better than expected, that might mean a similar ballot measure could be fairly popular in more moderate battleground states, such as Michigan,Wisconsin or Pennsylvania.

“There is a spillover effect if you do better than expected, even if you lose,” McCuan said.

Election security becomes about Trump

Several Republican states moved to expand voter restrictions after the 2020 election, including Wyoming, Kentucky and Oklahoma. And while voter sentiment toward Trump is at historic lows, the GOP was surprisingly successful at getting the voter ID measure on the California ballot.

The “Yes on 39” TV campaign has begun airing ads distancing the measure's supporters from Trump, while the No campaign released an ad airing in the Bay Area featuring images of Trump and characterizations of Prop. 39 as a “power grab."

It’ll likely still be a tough road ahead for the Yes campaign. The default position for most voters is “no” on ballot propositions, meaning supporters of the measure will have to persuade enough voters to agree with them.

An April poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies showed Californians broadly support requiring voters to present identification at the polls, but it found that support dipped below 50% when respondents were given specific details about the measure, such as that it’s meant to combat alleged voter fraud. A Public Policy Institute of California poll in September found support for Prop. 39 has dropped to 43%.

While this could be effective at turning out liberal voters, it’s unclear how even a hot-button issue will be enough to get Republicans out in a midterm election cycle with an unpopular president.

“It’s hard to pass a red-coded measure in a blue wave election,” Pitney said.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

It’s officially October, and even if the weather doesn’t feel the least bit fall-like, spooky season is very much upon us. Every year, my neighbor turns the front yard of our building into something rivaling Universal Studios. And every year, the display gets more elaborate than the last, so I’m well in the spirit, already living amongst a Mars Attacks alien, a bunch of mummies and a skeleton deep-sea diver. No shortage of costume ideas! I hope your neighborhood is also getting into the Halloween vibe — let us know your favorite blocks for decorations as we get closer to my favorite holiday of the year.

Elsewhere on LAist, you can get the latest on the planned Olympic torch path through all 50 states, relive L.A.'s first Dolly Parton Day, and meet documentarian John Wilson, whose new film History of Concrete explores the building blocks of New York City.

Music

In music this week from our friends at Licorice Pizza:

Brandi Carlile plays the Grammy Museum this week.

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Angela Weiss

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AFP via Getty Images

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Wednesday

• Liverpool rapper EsDeeKid plays the Hollywood Palladium
• UK’s masked mystery metal band President rules over the Wiltern

Thursday 

• Body/Head (which is the duo of Kim Gordon and Bill Nace) are at Zebulon
• Branford Marsalis Quartet and Dianne Reeves celebrate John Coltrane at the Soraya

Friday 

• Mac DeMarco at the Hollywood Bowl
• Schoolboy Q at the Hollywood Palladium
• Blonde Redhead at the Bellwether

Saturday 

• Sombr at the Forum
• Remi Wolf at the Fonda
• Mastodon and Deafheaven at the Palladium

Sunday 

• J-pop boy band JO1 is at the Novo
• DOMi and JD Beck are at the Bellwether

Monday 

• Brandi Carlile at the Grammy Museum 

Tuesday 

• Ella Langley at the Greek
• Finn Wolfhard at the Fonda 

Events

The Wallflowers

Tuesday, Oct. 13, 8 p.m.
The Orpheum 
842 S. Broadway, Downtown L.A. 
COST: $53; MORE INFO 

Jakob Dylan of The Wallflowers performs during the 2026 Railbird Music Festival.

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Stephen J. Cohen

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Stay with me here. Yes, I still have the Rolling Stone cover with Jakob Dylan’s mesmerizing blue eyes from 1996 in a box somewhere. But honestly, I saw the Wallflowers at Jazzfest last year, and they’ve still got it. Make your way downtown with one headlight.

CatCon

Saturday and Sunday, Oct 10-11
Pasadena Convention Center
300 E. Green St., Pasadena
COST: FROM $11.53; MORE INFO

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Courtesy CatCon

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It’s CatCon time again, but if you’re a cat lover, you probably already knew that. Cat fanciers head to Pasadena every year for this over-the-top ode to the furballs, from exotic breeds to Hello Kitty.

The Outsiders

Through Sunday, Oct. 18 
Pantages Theatre
6233 Hollywood Blvd., Hollywood
COST: FROM $57; MORE INFO

Finally! It feels like we’ve been waiting AGES for last year’s Tony winner for best musical to get here on tour! The Pantages hosts the adaptation of S.E. Hinton’s book and later movie (which starred every soon-to-be-Hollywood heartthrob from Matt Dillon to Tom Cruise to Rob Lowe when it came out back in 1983). The stage version has plenty of star power too, directed by Dayna Taymor and produced by none other than Angelina Jolie.

Roopa Mahadevan

Thursday, Oct. 8, 7:30 p.m.  
Muckenthaler Cultural Center 
1201 W. Malvern Ave., Fullerton 
COST: $40; MORE INFO

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Courtesy Roopa Mahadevan

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Seeing Indian classical singer Roopa Magadevan is a great excuse to take a ride to Fullerton for a show at the magical outdoor theater at Muckenthaler Cultural Center. Magadevan is a unique crossover artist and has collaborated with Wynton Marsalis, led a choir show on New York’s High Line and performed at legendary venues like the Public Theater’s Joe’s Pub.

Jonathan Van Ness: Hot & Healed Tour 

Friday, Oct. 9, 8 p.m. 
Grove of Anaheim
2200 E. Katella Ave., Anaheim 
COST: $59.40; MORE INFO

Jonathan Van Ness performs in Anaheim this week.

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Etienne Laurent

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AFP via Getty Images

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Part-time reality TV star, part-time gymnast, part-time comedian, full-time style icon Jonathan Van Ness is bringing their live show to Anaheim. The Queer Eye hair stylist makes the best air-dry cream (trust!) and is hilarious — a multihyphenate indeed.

Indigenous Pride LA

Sunday, Oct. 11
700 Exposition Park Drive, Expo Park
COST: FREE; MORE INFO

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Courtesy Indigenous Pride LA

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Celebrate Indigenous People’s Day and the intersecting LBGTQ+ community at a free family-friendly festival in Expo Park. Native Americans have a long history of recognizing two-spirit identities and the contributions of the Indigenous queer community. This party in the park includes native food vendors, health and wellness resources, and arts and crafts.

Dodgers Playoffs 

Various locations 
COST: VARIES 

Dodgers' outfielder Kyle Tucker celebrates in the dugout after hitting a two-run home run during the first inning against the Cincinnati Reds, Thursday, Sept. 17, 2026. The Dodgers went on to win the game and clinch their fifth straight NL West title.

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Tanner Pearson

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AP Photo

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The Dodgers are well into playoff land, and there’s plenty of places to catch the action beyond Chavez Ravine. Bars all over town are hosting watch parties for those who’ve cut the cord or just want to cheer with other fans. At Skyduster in the Arts District, the games are on indoors and outside on the patio. Tom’s Watch Bar downtown boasts a 23-foot “Megascreen,” and The Shortstop is always a classic stop before or after Dodger Stadium. Drink and food specials abound at all! There’s also a free FOX One baseball throwback experience October 11-12 at the Original Farmers Market with old-school screens and memorabilia. Attendees are invited to share memories of watching the sport’s most memorable games.

Off the Record x Department of Consciousness: Higher Love 

Thursday, Oct. 8, 6:30 p.m. to 9:30 p.m. 
Reserve Venice
1041 Abbot Kinney Blvd., Venice 
COST: $38; MORE INFO

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Courtesy Bloomy

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Psychedelics are having a moment. If you’re curious about the science behind the impact researchers say they could have on our inner lives, this talk and interactive evening with clinical psychologists and relationship researchers Dr. Chandra Khalifian and Dr. Kayla Knopp of Enamory might be for you. Higher Love will look at how psychedelic experiences may change the way we understand love, intimacy and connection.

Live Talks LA: An evening with David Byrne 

Tuesday, Oct. 13, 8 p.m.
(In-person & virtual)
Robert Frost Auditorium
4401 Elenda Street, Culver City
COST: $40 for general admission (book available for purchase at checkout); MORE INFO 

David Byrne speaks during SiriusXM's Front Row with Talking Heads hosted by Este Haim.

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Cindy Ord

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Getty Images for Sirius XM

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Sometimes I’m not sure we deserve David Byrne. His Hollywood Bowl show in August blew me away, and his books have always sparked new ideas and ways of seeing, from observing cities by bike to reimagining how we value music. His latest, Sleeping Beauties: Why Good Ideas Go Dormant and How They Wake Up, looks at “how breakthroughs across the arts and sciences get forgotten, and how they get rediscovered.” The talk will also be available as video-on-demand for five days.

Filipino American History Month Film Night

Saturday, Oct. 10 
Million Dollar Theater
307 S. Broadway, Downtown L.A. 
COST: FREE; MORE INFO

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Courtesy Grand Central Market

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The Million Dollar Theater is hosting a screening of two films, Nurse Unseen and Food Roots, to celebrate Filipino American History Month, followed by a panel featuring Filipino American women in film, including director Michele Josue.

At the center of the 1998 film Practical Magic is a story of sisterhood — and, well, a healthy round of margaritas. In the newly released sequel, Practical Magic 2, the cocktails make their celebrated return.

Margaritas all around in Practical Magic 2

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Courtesy Warner Bros. Pictures

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For anyone who watched the original midnight margarita scene — with Aunt Franny, Aunt Jet and their nieces, Sally and Gillian Owens, gathering around their warm New England kitchen dancing to the tune of Harry Nilson's "Coconut" — the joyous boisterousness is likely seared well into memory.

As we turn toward Halloween, we figured the ghouls, witches and warlocks of Los Angeles may well be inspired to roam under the cloak of darkness seeking their own midnight margaritas.

Here are the best places to visit across the city that will be open to host your own shenanigans — at midnight and beyond. So go out past 10 p.m., live a little.

Bar Flores (Echo Park)

The hibiscus-infused Flores margarita at Bar Flores in Echo Park.

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Andrea Aliseda

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LAist

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The hibiscus-infused Flores margarita at Bar Flores delights with its pink hue and wonderfully balanced profile. Enjoy it with your choice of agave spirit, share a pitcher with friends, or have a Tommy or Cadillac margarita by request. Owner Karla Flores highlights their humpday special, Margarita Wednesday, where the margaritas are $9.

Daisy (Sherman Oaks)

Daisy's takes on the cocktail include mangoneada and baja slaw.

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Andrea Aliseda

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LAist

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Daisy, the bar in Sherman Oaks dedicated to margaritas, is fashioned as an Angeleno take on the norteño cantinas of Baja California that birthed the drink. Unique versions of the cocktail, like mangoneada margarita and baja slaw margarita, invigorate the experience, but salient standards like the Cadillac and Tommy margaritas make for a well-rounded menu.

Footsies (Cypress Park)

Footsies off-menu options include watermelon, classic lime, and spicy kumquat tamarindo.

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Andrea Aliseda

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LAist

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Footsies welcomes you with its black U-shaped tufted booths, wide dance floor, rustic charm and some quality midnight margaritas. Theirs are off-menu, but consist of watermelon, classic lime and spicy kumquat tamarindo. Beverage director Raul Morales says to look for the rotating chalkboard, which changes once a month, for his seasonally-inspired drinks.

Shim Sham (Filipinotown)

Shim Sham's offers a class margaritas, no strings attached.

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Andrea Aliseda

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LAist

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Count on this lively horseshoe bar, with their idiosyncratic whole dill pickle martini, to give you your midnight margarita fix. Shim Sham's is as classic as it can get, with just tequila, lime juice and sugar on ice. Pay them a visit during their nightly happy hour from 5 p.m. to 7 p.m. for an $8 margarita.

Mermaid (Little Tokyo)

Mermaid's version offers a sweet, tangy, tropical tide of guava and pineapple.

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Andrea Aliseda

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LAist

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Divey and glowing in blue light with an underwater motif, Mermaid in Little Tokyo is the place to go for a seaside take on the margarita. Their cocktail, tropical margarita, offers a sweet and boozy drink that is carried by the tangy, tropical tide of guava and pineapple for a refreshing sip.