The Brief

This story was originally published by CalMatters. Sign up for their newsletters.

First, they lost their speaker. Then, they lost a key special election.

Now, with the passage of Proposition 50, California Republicans are poised to lose five congressional seats in next year’s midterms — and with them, any remaining shred of national influence they once held.

The party was already floundering after the ouster and resignation of former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, a prolific fundraiser who could channel campaign resources to his fellow California Republicans and run interference with the Trump administration and other GOP leadership when they needed to take tough votes.

Absent McCarthy’s arm-twisting in D.C. and with a powerless superminority in both chambers of the state Legislature, California Republicans appear headed for an era of obsolescence, at least for the next five years.

Proposition 50’s landslide win owes its success in part to the abject failure of a disarrayed No on 50 campaign low on funds and unable to keep up with the Yes side’s deluge of savvy advertising.

McCarthy reportedly told his former Republican congressional colleagues that he would help raise up to $100 million to defeat the measure. But that money never materialized. Instead, his No on 50: Stop the Sacramento Power Grab committee only pulled in $11.6 million, with $1 million of that from McCarthy’s defunct congressional campaign account.

While the House Republicans’ super PAC pitched in $5 million to the Stop the Power Grab committee and $8 million to the state Republican Party, no financial help came from President Donald Trump or the White House donor circle, and the president only engaged at the last minute to call the election “rigged” and discourage Republicans from trusting mail-in voting.

Rob Stutzman, a California Republican political strategist, said he didn’t know what happened to the promised $100 million, but his best guess is the decision came from Trump and the White House to not open the fundraising floodgates. After all, a Republican from Texas, Missouri or North Carolina is just as valuable to building a House majority as a Republican from California — and far less expensive to elect.

“Doug LaMalfa and Kevin Kiley and Ken Calvert go to bed at night knowing that Donald Trump just doesn’t care about them and is more than happy to trade them in for a Texan,” Stutzman said. “I don’t think that would’ve happened if McCarthy was still speaker.”

“I think Kevin would’ve fought for his members,” Stutzman added. “They were loyal to him, he was loyal to them, and there would’ve been a fully funded campaign out here.”

A spokesperson for McCarthy declined to make him available for an interview in time for publication.

New leadership at the helm of California GOP

The disappointing Republican turnout against Prop. 50 and the opposition campaign’s meek closing performance only displayed publicly what party insiders and operatives have been grumbling about behind the scenes for months, ever since the party gained new leadership this spring.

Corrin Rankin, a former Democrat who voted for Barack Obama in 2008 and “agonized” for weeks before admitting she was a Republican, ascended to chair of the California Republican Party in March after winning a tense election against former state Sen. Mike Morrell. She previously served as vice chair under the outgoing chair, Jessica Millan Patterson, who was widely respected as a McCarthy protegé and a prolific fundraiser and strategist.

During a historic three-term stint as the party’s first Latina chair, Millan Patterson won praise after turning the party around from its last rock-bottom moment following the 2018 midterm elections. Under her tenure, the party also flipped three legislative seats in 2024 and increased Trump’s vote share in nearly every county.

But as Rankin was taking over, she reportedly declined her predecessor’s offer to retain a transition team of advisers to help her new staff.

“It’s taken a step backward from Jessica’s leadership and how strong her leadership was because of McCarthy’s perch of power,” Stutzman said of the party.

U.S. House Speaker Kevin McCarthy addresses attendees during the state Republican Party convention in Sacramento on March 11, 2023.

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Rahul Lal

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CalMatters

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Rankin and her spokesperson, Matt Shupe, declined multiple interview requests.

In an emailed statement in response to CalMatters' questions, Shupe wrote: “Change can be uncomfortable for some people, but we have been reimagining and rebuilding our organization to register new Republicans and win using the latest technology and tactics."

“We have initiated an after-action review to measure what worked and what we will improve to ensure our highly adaptable, innovative organization, led by Chairwoman Rankin is ready to defeat Democrats in 2026 and beyond," he wrote.

In the months since her election, multiple public rifts appear to have shown the lack of faith in Rankin’s ability to successfully steer the party’s fundraising and messaging efforts.

In July, the Legislature’s then-top Republicans, Assemblymember James Gallagher and Sen. Brian Jones, suddenly announced a change in the decades-old practice of splitting campaign donations between the party and legislative leadership’s re-election committees, known as the “one-ask” policy. That gave the party great legal leeway to distribute campaign donations where they were needed most.

“By and large, no one cares about political parties. They care about elected Republican leaders,” former Sen. Jim Brulte, a former party chair who oversaw the implementation of the one-ask policy in 2001. He said party leaders need to foster close relationships with state and congressional lawmakers and major donors. Before he sought the chairmanship, he locked up that support, he said.

“From everything I’ve read, those relationships have withered a little bit,” Brulte said. “They’re not raising as much money as they probably need to. They probably have to repair the relationships that have not been nurtured.”

Some have privately suggested that the elimination of the arrangement amounted to a rebuke of Rankin’s leadership and a boiling over of legislators’ frustrations that the party was not funneling as much money back to statehouse races.

Gallagher declined to comment through his spokesman. A spokesman for Jones said he was unavailable to answer questions in time for publication.

“I think she’s gotten some really bad advice, and we’re seeing it play out in real time. And it’s not been fun,” Brulte said. “I’m disappointed to say that the party has done a good job of making itself irrelevant.”

A divided campaign against Prop. 50

A day after Gov. Gavin Newsom and Democrats in the Legislature engineered a statewide special election to vote on new gerrymandered congressional districts that favor Democrats, opposition mailers started hitting voters’ mailboxes. One was paid for by Republican billionaire and good governance champion Charles Munger Jr., who would go on to sink $33 million of his own money into the fight against Prop. 50.

The other pamphlet, which warned recipients to “stop the political power grab,” was paid for by “Right Path California,” a new group backed by McCarthy and headed by Millan Patterson, flanked by her former leadership team from her days as party chair.

For the next 10 weeks, it was Millan Patterson and Right Path California, not Rankin and the California Republican Party, that spearheaded the Republican anti-Prop. 50 messaging as Munger and his team worked to energize independents and disaffected Democrats. The party was relegated to getting out the vote, a process that critics say that it botched by wasting money on mailers sent to voters who had already turned in their ballots weeks before.

“I just don't think there's respect for the money donated to the party by the people that are spending the money,” said Cathy Abernathy, a Bakersfield-based Republican strategist. She said she was disappointed that opponents of Prop. 50 didn’t appeal directly to Republicans by putting Trump and other elected leaders’ faces on materials, so she worked with the Kern County party to send out her own.

“The mail I designed was Shannon Grove, Congressman Vince Fong, Kevin McCarthy, and Donald Trump right on the cover,” she said. “Every piece of mail I got paid for by some statewide group with ties to the Republican Party, or the Republican Party, the smallest word on the mailer, the smallest word was ‘paid for the Republican Party.’ There was no word ‘Republican’ other than that.”

When asked at a press conference to respond to critics of her leadership, Rankin stood firm and said she was “very proud” of the party’s work opposing Prop. 50.

“We left it all on the field,” Rankin said. “Everyone worked incredibly hard. I'm proud of our staff. I'm proud of our central committees, and I think we did an incredible job. We worked as a team, and we are 100% united.”

As of Oct. 31, the party still had $2.85 million left in its state and federal accounts, according to an internal presentation given to the board of directors and obtained by CalMatters.

There’s no denying that the double-whammy of losing McCarthy and now several powerful incumbent GOP seats will diminish the party’s clout in Washington, putting even more pressure on the state party to fend for itself.

“Matt Gaetz destroyed the California Republican Party infrastructure that we had,” said Stutzman, the Republican adviser, using an expletive to describe the former Florida congressman who engineered McCarthy’s ouster. “McCarthy would’ve made sure there was a No campaign that resonated because it would’ve been funded.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Since 1977, Richard Santillan has been to every Opening Day game at Dodger Stadium. 

“The tradition goes from my father, to me, to my children and grandchildren. Some of my best memories are with my father and children here at Dodger Stadium,” Santillan told The LA Local, smiling under the shade of palm trees near the entrance to the ballpark Wednesday morning. He was there to protest the team less than 24 hours before Opening Day.

Santillan, like countless other loyal Dodgers fans, is grappling with his fan identity over the team’s decision to accept an invitation to the White House and owner Mark Walter’s ties to ICE detention facilities.

More than 30 people joined Santillan on Wednesday morning for a press conference held near 1000 Vin Scully Drive to convey a message directly to the team. 

“We are demanding the Dodgers stop participating in funding of inhumane treatment of families and do not go to the White House to celebrate with the criminal in chief,” Evelyn Escatiola told the crowd. “Together, we have the power to make a change.”

Escatiola, a former dean of East Los Angeles College and longtime community organizer, urged fans to flex their economic power by “letting the Dodgers know that we do not support repression.”

Jorge “Coqui” Rodriguez, a lifelong Dodgers fan, spoke to the crowd and called on Dodgers ownership to divest from immigration detention centers owned and operated by GEO Group and CoreCivic.

Jorge Coqui H Rodriguez speaks at a press conference outside Dodger Stadium on March 25, 2026, to demand the Dodgers not to visit the White House following their 2025 World Series win.

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J.W. Hendricks

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The LA Local

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In a phone interview a day before the protest, Rodriguez told The LA Local he did not want the Dodgers using his “cheve” or beer money to fund detention centers. 

“They can’t take our parking money, our cacahuate money, our cheve money, our Dodger Dog money and invest those funds into corporations that are imprisoning people. It’s wrong,” Rodriguez said. 

Rodriguez considers the Dodgers one of the most racially diverse teams and said the players need to support fans at a time when heightened immigration enforcement has become more common across L.A.

The team’s 2025’s visit to the White House drew ire from the largely Latino fan base, citing the Trump administration’s ongoing attacks on immigrants. 

In June, the team came under further scrutiny when rumors swirled online that federal immigration agents were using the stadium’s parking, which immigration authorities later denied in statements posted on social media accounts.

The team again came under fire after not releasing a statement on the impacts of ICE raids on its mostly Latino fan base at the height of immigration enforcement last summer. The team later agreed to invest $1 million to support families affected by immigration enforcement.

When he learned the Dodgers were pledging only $1 million to families in need, Rodriguez called the amount a  “slap in the face.” 

“These guys just bought the Lakers for billions of dollars and they give a million dollars to fight for legal services? That’s a joke,” Rodriguez said. “They need to have a moral backbone and not be investing in those companies.”

According to reporting from the Los Angeles Times, former Dodgers pitcher Clayton Kershawsaid last week that he is looking forward to the trip.

“I went when President [Joe] Biden was in office. I’m going to go when President [Donald] Trump is in office,” Kershaw said. “To me, it’s just about getting to go to the White House. You don’t get that opportunity every day, so I’m excited to go.”

The Dodgers have yet to announce when their planned visit will take place. 

Santillan sometimes laments his decision to give up his season tickets in protest of the team. His connection to the stadium and the memories he has made there with family and friends will last a lifetime, he said. On Thursday, he will uphold his tradition and be there for the first pitch of the season, but with a heavy heart.

“It’s a family tradition, but the Dodgers have a lot of work to do,” he said.

A local favorite mom-and-pop bookshop in Eagle Rock is facing displacement due to a steep rent hike. The owners say theirs is just one of several small businesses along Eagle Rock Boulevard struggling to keep up with lease increases.

Over the past 19 years, many in the neighborhood have come to love READ Books for its eclectic collection of used titles and shop dog Florence.

Co-owner Jeremy Kaplan said it’s been a delight to grow with the community over the years.

“Like seeing kids come back in, who were in grade school and now they’re in college,” Kaplan said.

But the building where Kaplan and wife Debbie rent was recently sold, and the rent increased by more than 130% to $2,805 a month, Kaplan said. He told LAist it was an increase his small business simply could not absorb.

Kaplan said he originally was given 30 days notice of the rent increase. After some research, assistance from Councilmember Ysabel Jurado’s office and some pro-bono legal help, Kaplan said he pushed back and got the 90-day notice he’s afforded by state law.

California Senate Bill 1103 requires landlords to give businesses with five or less employees 90 days’ notice for rent increases exceeding 10%, among other protections.

Systems Real Estate, the property management company, did not immediately respond to LAist’s request for comment.

What can small businesses do? 

Nadia Segura, directing attorney of the Small Business Program at pro bono legal aid non-profit Bet Tzedek said California law does not currently allow for rent control for commercial tenancies.

Outside of the protections under SB 1103, Segura said small businesses like READ Books don’t have much other recourse. And even then, commercial landlords are not required to inform their tenants of their protections under the law.

“There’s still a lot of people that don’t know about SB 1103. And then it’s very sad that they tell them they have these rent increases and within a month they have to leave,” Segura said.

She said her group is seeing steep rent hikes like this for commercial tenants across the city.

“We are seeing this even more with the World Cup coming up, the Olympics coming up. And I will say it was very sad to see that also after the wildfires,” Segura said.

Part of Bet Tzedek’s ongoing work is to advocate for small businesses, working with landlords who are increasing rents to see if they are willing to give business owners longer leases that lock in rents.

What’s next 

After READ Books posted about their situation on social media, commenters chimed in to express their outrage and love for the little shop.

While he looks for a new spot, Kaplan says he’s forming a coalition of local businesses and activist groups to see what can be done to help other small businesses facing similar displacement. He wants to address the displacement issue for businesses like his, which have made Eagle Rock the distinctive neighborhood that it is today.

Owl Talk, a longtime Eagle Rock staple selling clothing and accessories in a unit in the same building as READ Books, is facing a “more than double” rent increase, according to a post on their Instagram account.

Kaplan said he’s been in touch with the office of state Assemblywoman Jessica Caloza and wants to explore the possibility of introducing legislation to set up protections for small businesses like his, including rent-control measures or a vacancy tax for landlords. Kaplan said he also reached out to the office of state Sen. Maria Durazo.

By his count, Kaplan said there are about a dozen businesses within surrounding blocks that are at risk of closing their doors or have shuttered due to rent increases or other struggles.

When READ Books was founded during the Great Recession, Kaplan said he knew it was a longshot to open a bookstore at the same time so many were struggling to stay in business.

“It was kind of interesting to be doing something that neighborhoods needed. That was important to me growing up, that was important to my children, that was important to my wife growing up,” Kaplan said.

“And then somebody comes in and says, ‘We’re gonna over double your rent.”

Topline:

Frozen budget: Most of the city’s Bureau of Street Lighting budget comes from an assessment that people who own property illuminated by lights pay on their county property tax bill. The amount people pay depends on the kind of property they own and how much they benefit from lighting. A typical single-family home currently pays $53 annually, and in total, the assessments bring in about $45 million annually for the city to repair and maintain streetlights. Changing the amount the Bureau of Street Lighting gets from the assessment requires a vote among property owners who benefit from the lights.

Ballots: L.A. City Council’s vote gives city staff the green light to prepare and send out those ballots. Miguel Sangalang, who oversees the bureau, said at a committee meeting earlier this month that he expects to send out ballots by April 17. Notices about the ballots will be sent out prior to the ballots themselves.

Near unanimous vote: L.A. City Councilmember Monica Rodriguez was the only “No” vote Tuesday, saying she wanted to see a more current strategic plan for the bureau. Sangalang said the bureau developed a plan in 2022 that lays out how money will be spent. Councilmember Imelda Padilla was absent for the vote.

Vote count: Votes will be weighted according to the assessment amount. Basically, the more you’re asked to pay yearly to maintain streetlights, the more your vote will count. Ballots received before June 2 will be tabulated by the L.A. City Clerk.

How much more money: According to a report, the amount needed in assessments from property owners to meet the repair and maintenance needs of the city’s streetlighting in the next fiscal year is nearly $112 million.

Use of the money: Sangalang said at a March 11 committee meeting that the extra funds would be used to double the number of staff to handle repairs and procure solar streetlights, which don’t face the threat of copper wire theft. That would all potentially reduce the time it takes to repair simple fixes down to a week. Currently, city residents wait for months to see broken streetlights repaired. The assessment would come with a three-year auditing mechanism.