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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Donors have raised nearly $130M
    A man with gray hair and a navy suit stands at a podium with a crowd behind him holding signs saying "Defend Democracy." Below him is a bright red sign reading: "Election Rigging Response Act."
    California Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks about California redistricting plans at a press conference at the Democracy Center at the Japanese American National Museum on Aug. 14 in Los Angeles.

    Topline:

    Donors have contributed nearly $130 million so far in the fight over Proposition 50, the statewide measure to determine whether to redraw California’s congressional lines.

    How much money is on each side? The fundraising so far marks one of most expensive ballot measure efforts in California's history. Supporters have raised $88.6 million so far, while opponents have raised $40.1 million.

    What’s next: California’s special election is slated for Nov. 4 and ballots will be arriving in voters’ mailboxes in early October. You can read our full voter guide on Prop. 50 here.

    Read on … to dig into the latest numbers on who’s funding Prop. 50.

    Donors have contributed more than $128.8 million so far in the fight over whether to redraw California’s congressional lines with supporters of the ballot measure raising over twice as much as opponents.

    The fundraising so far marks one of most expensive ballot measure efforts in California's history.

    Proposition 50, the statewide proposition slated for a Nov. 4 special election, would allow new congressional maps that would benefit Democrats to stand through 2030. (You can check here to see if where you live is affected.) If approved, the ballot measure would temporarily upend California’s nonpartisan approach to drawing congressional lines that’s been in place since 2008.

    The ballot measure was approved by the California Legislature back in August, escalating tensions between California Democrats and President Donald Trump, who first urged Texas lawmakers to redraw their state’s maps to favor Republicans.

    Five of the districts that would be most heavily impacted under the plan are in Southern California.

    Last Thursday was a key filing deadline for Prop. 50 campaign finance disclosures, giving us the clearest picture yet of how much money is flowing in this race and who’s been donating to each side.

    Here’s what the numbers show as of Tuesday.

    How much money has each side raised?

    Out of the total $128.8 million raised, the “yes” campaign has raised more than $88.6 million, while the “no” campaign has raised about $40.1 million.

    Multi-million dollar fundraising is pretty common for high-stakes statewide propositions, and this is no exception. For comparison, here are some of the most expensive ballot measure campaigns in recent years. You'll see in every case below, the side that raised more money was successful:

    • $176 million for Prop. 33, a failed 2024 measure that would have allowed cities to pass stronger rent-control laws. The “yes” campaign raised nearly $51 million while the “no” campaign raised $125 million. 
    • $408 million for Prop. 27, a failed 2022 measure that would have legalized online sports betting in California. The “yes” campaign raised more than $170 million while the “no” campaign raised more than $238 million, making Prop. 27 the most expensive ballot measure campaign in California history.
    • $225 million for Prop. 22, a successful 2020 measure that created a carve-out for app-based drivers, like those working for Uber and Lyft, to work as independent contractors rather than employees. The “yes” campaign raised more than $205 million while the “no” campaign raised just under $20 million. 

    Who’s donating money to the Prop. 50 campaigns?

    The “no” campaign: The largest individual donor to this campaign so far is Charles T. Munger Jr., who's donated $32.8 million. He’s a Palo Alto-based physicist, former chair of the Santa Clara Republican Party and son of the late billionaire Charles Munger, former vice chair of Berkshire Hathaway. Earlier this month, he wrote an op-ed for the New York Times detailing his reasons for opposing Prop. 50.

    “I oppose gerrymandering in any state, regardless of the party responsible for initiating it,” he wrote.

    Another $5 million came from the No on 50 Congressional Leadership Fund, a Washington, D.C.-based Super PAC (an independent group allowed to raise and spend unlimited amounts of money on political campaigns) dedicated to electing Republicans to the House of Representatives.

    Outside of Munger and the Congressional Leadership Fund, there are more than 190 donors to the “no” campaign so far, some of them individual contributors and others ballot measure committees.

    The “yes” campaign: Fundraising in support of Prop. 50 is made up of more than 65,000 different funders so far. This is quite a list to unpack, so here are some highlights among top spenders:

    • The Fund for Policy Reform: This is the biggest contributor to date for the “yes” campaign, with $10 million in donations. It’s a Delaware-based lobbying firm founded by billionaire George Soros. The fund has contributed to California state ballot measure campaigns before, notably to support Prop. 64 (a 2016 measure voters approved to legalize recreational marijuana) and Prop. 10 (a failed 2018 measure that would have expanded cities’ abilities to enact rent-control laws). 
    • HMP: This stands for the House Majority PAC, a Super PAC dedicated to electing Democrats to the House of Representatives. This group has contributed a total of about $10 million so far.
    • Labor groups: Top contributors include the California Teachers Association Issues PAC ($3 million), the California Nurses Association ($2.6 million) and Dignity California SEIU Local 2015 ($2 million). These groups have traditionally contributed large sums to the California Democratic Party and party-endorsed ballot measure campaigns or candidates. 
    • Billionaires: Sequoia Capital chairman Michael Moritz ($2.5 million), Cargill heiress and philanthropist Gwendolyn Sontheim ($2 million) and Netflix co-founder Reed Hastings ($2 million) are all among top donors. All three have previously contributed to campaigns supported by the California Democratic Party.

    The takeaway

    There is a lot of money flowing in the Prop. 50 race, much of it coming from outside California and falling heavily along partisan lines — largely Democrats support Prop. 50 and Republicans oppose it. And with more than a month to go before the election, there’s still a lot of time for more fundraising.

    Need more information about Prop. 50 to make your choice for the election? Here’s our full voter guide. You can also ask us any of your election questions below, and we’ll follow up by email with an answer.

    What questions do you have about this election?
    You ask, and we'll answer: Whether it's about who's funding the campaigns or how to track your ballot, we're here to help you understand the 2026 election

  • CA requests could be costlier, wait times longer
    Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco, a woman with medium skin tone, wearing a violet suit, holds a packet of papers.
    Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco in the Assembly in Sacramento on March 13, 2025.

    Topline:

    In March, Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco introduced a measure that would have made it more expensive for Californians to obtain government records. Amid opposition and public access concerns, the Downey Democrat diluted her proposal to simply give governments more time to respond to records requests, a change that allowed the measure to sail through the Assembly in May. Now, she’s brought the controversial elements back — and they are even more restrictive than before, drawing fierce opposition from transparency advocates.

    About the new version of her bill: Assembly Bill 1821 would allow government agencies to delay responding to certain requests and to charge at least $88 an hour to search for and review the records they deem are for “commercial use.” Government agencies could also take requests to court if they believe someone is asking for the records for a malicious reason. Pacheco told CalMatters her measure aims to prevent frivolous records requests from inundating local governments, especially requests generated by artificial intelligence.

    The opposition: First Amendment advocates say state law already allows agencies to decline frivolous records requests by arguing that they are “unduly burdensome.” Even when requests are legitimate, agencies routinely delay fulfilling them or withhold records for months or years, drawing legal challenges. Pacheco’s measure would create barriers that would chill the public from filing requests, effectively gutting the state’s open records act and violating the spirit of Californians’ constitutional right to government information, transparency advocates argue. Critics also slammed the measure for empowering agencies to decide how quickly they need to respond to requests based on how people file them.


    In March, Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco introduced a measure that would have made it more expensive for Californians to obtain government records.

    Amid opposition from transparency advocates and public access concerns from her own Assembly colleagues, though, the Downey Democrat diluted her proposal to simply give governments more time to respond to records requests, a change that allowed the measure to sail through the Assembly in May.

    Now, she’s brought the controversial elements back — and they are even more restrictive than before, drawing fierce opposition from transparency advocates.

    The latest version of her proposal, Assembly Bill 1821, would allow government agencies to delay responding to certain requests and to charge at least $88 an hour to search for and review the records they deem are for “commercial use.”

    Government agencies could also take requests to court if they believe someone is asking for the records for a malicious reason.

    Pacheco told CalMatters her measure aims to prevent frivolous records requests from inundating local governments, especially requests generated by artificial intelligence.

    For years, local agencies have argued that fulfilling extensive records requests burdens public workers and allows bad actors to overwhelm governments. In 2023, someone requested Bay Area city officials’ emails to train an AI service they wanted to sell to local governments, said Donald Larkin, an attorney representing the League of California Cities, which supports the legislation.

    “Transparency is important to me,” Pacheco said in an interview. “We just want it to run efficiently, and these are just minor amendments or minor tweaks to the Public Records Act.”

    But First Amendment advocates say state law already allows agencies to decline frivolous records requests by arguing that they are “unduly burdensome.” Even when requests are legitimate, agencies routinely delay fulfilling them or withhold records for months or years, drawing legal challenges.

    Pacheco’s measure would create barriers that would chill the public from filing requests, effectively gutting the state’s open records act and violating the spirit of Californians’ constitutional right to government information, transparency advocates argue.

    “The only way that there’s any government accountability is that people know what the government is doing,” said David Snyder, a former journalist and now the executive director of the First Amendment Coalition.

    “This looks a lot like an effort to evade accountability.”

    The proposed changes would “make California stand out as the most secretive state in the country,” said David Cuillier, a University of Florida journalism professor who sits on the federal Freedom of Information Act advisory committee.

    The whiplash of amendments angered many transparency advocates, who criticized Pacheco for overhauling her proposal only after it was approved by the Assembly.

    The move, prevalent in the Legislature, “often leads to badly written bills with dangerous side effects and AB 1821 now fits squarely into that category,” said Tracy Rosenberg, advocacy director at local watchdog group Oakland Privacy, who called the proposal “a virtual horror show of governmental non-transparency.”

    Authority to sue for ‘malicious’ requests

    While many local governments across the nation have sued — and largely lost — over what they consider “vexatious” requests, California would be the first state to explicitly allow agencies to sue for “malicious intent.” Requesters the court deems malicious would have to pay $88 an hour to obtain records.

    Public agencies already use the courts to target requests they don’t like, and rubber-stamping that authority by writing it into law would embolden them to deny more requests, First Amendment advocates say.

    “It would be easily weaponized by agencies seeking to thwart transparency and accountability, as has already happened elsewhere in the country,” Snyder said.

    The threat of a lawsuit alone would “chill requesters from submitting public requests,” said Shaila Nathu, a senior attorney with ACLU of Northern California, which also opposes the bill.

    Pacheco dismissed the concerns, stating that she doubts that cities would sue very often because it’d require them to go to court just to recover a limited amount of fees. But the provision would offer a tool just in case, she said.

    “Hopefully this will curb the bad actors,” she said. “I don’t anticipate that this would slow down legitimate requests.”

    ‘Outrageous’ fees risk chilling public engagement

    Advocates also criticized Pacheco’s fee proposal, arguing it would discriminate against requesters based on their use for the records. State law bars agencies from limiting access to public records based on purpose.

    The measure would allow agencies to charge more for requests they deem to further someone’s “commercial, trade, or profit interests.” It would exempt just a small group of people, such as academics, journalists and government agencies. Under current law, agencies can only charge for making copies of the records, usually at between 10 to 50 cents a page.

    For the rest of the public, agencies could ask them to submit information “promptly” to prove their intent and automatically treat those who don’t as commercial requesters. The bill includes no standard for what is “prompt.”

    “It’s so fact-specific that it’s kind of hard to say what’s reasonable, what’s prompt,” Pacheco said. “Most people will reply if a city asks, and then the city can then obtain the records for the individual.”

    Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco during a floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on March 23, 2026. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters In an email, Pacheco spokesperson Alina Evans told CalMatters that the assemblymember wants to prevent taxpayers from subsidizing “the cost of building or improving a private company’s commercial product.” But, she said, Pacheco will amend the measure to prevent forcing every requester to justify their request.

    Snyder said that language would give governments broad authority to play favorites — “to see why it is somebody’s requesting records and then to potentially make decisions based on that.”

    Those deemed commercial would have to pay $22 an hour in “administrative fees” and $66 an hour in “professional fees” for the search, review and redaction of the records, although the California Supreme Court already ruled in 2020 that such charges threaten Californians’ right to access.

    That hourly rate would be “outrageous” and could easily become so burdensome that low-income Californians stop filing requests altogether, Cuillier warned.

    Critics also slammed the measure for empowering agencies to decide how quickly they need to respond to requests based on how people file them.

    Under current law, government agencies must respond to a request within 10 calendar days and extend the deadline for providing the records by no more than 14 calendar days. The law does not mandate a specific format for submission, although many local and state agencies allow requests through an online portal.

    Pacheco’s bill would extend the timeline to 10 and 14 business days respectively, but only if the requests are filed in person or by email during normal business hours.

    Those requesting records by fax, by mail or through an online portal would be at the agencies’ mercy.

    The initiative originated from one of Pacheco’s many trips sponsored by special interest groups last year, her spokesperson, Alina Evans, told CalMatters in March. Last year, Pacheco reported receiving more than $45,000 in sponsored travel — the most of any California lawmaker — including a study tour in Spain, a golf tournament in Pebble Beach and a conference in Maui. When asked Wednesday, however, Pacheco said she did not remember which one inspired her measure and said the idea came from multiple conversations with local governments.

    The latest amendment reflects talks Pacheco had with the League of California Cities, the California State Association of Counties, the city of Downey, municipal clerks and several lawmakers on the Assembly Judiciary Committee, which approved a much narrower version of her proposal, Evans said.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

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  • Air quality remains an issue day after fire
    A black and white SUV police car is parked in the middle of a street behind yellow police tape. Several red fire trucks are also parked in the street and thick black smoke is pictured in the distance.
    A fire at a Boyle Heights commercial building Wednesday prompted a shelter-in-place order for hours due to hazardous materials, including ammonia.

    Topline:

    A fire at a Boyle Heights commercial building Wednesday prompted a shelter-in-place order for hours due to hazardous materials, including ammonia. Residents are still expressing concerns over air quality. Here’s what we know.

    What materials were burned in the fire?: The fire broke out at Lineage, a logistics company that offers cold storage services, according to the company’s website. The fire spread across the building’s rooftop solar panels. The fire also reached an ammonia line, causing it to off-gas the chemical, and adjacent structures were evacuated to keep people from breathing it in. The ammonia is not toxic to individuals unless they have respiratory issues or come into direct contact with it, fire officials said. 

    Air quality after the fire: A particle pollution advisory was in effect until at least 12:30 p.m. Friday for an area including Boyle Heights, central LA and parts of Northeast LA. At a press conference Thursday morning, LAFD officials said air quality was being monitored in the area, adding that there was no public threat. However, residents in Boyle Heights reported concerns over smoke, ash and the lingering smell; the air remained acrid and smelled like plastic on Thursday morning.

    A fire at a Boyle Heights commercial building Wednesday prompted a shelter-in-place order for hours due to hazardous materials, including ammonia.

    The fire broke out at Lineage, a logistics company that offers cold storage services, according to the company’s website. 

    A shelter-in-place order was lifted at around 8:45 p.m. Wednesday, but the fire remained smoldering as of 11 a.m. Thursday, and firefighting efforts continued. 

    Residents are also still expressing concerns over air quality. Here’s what we know.

    What materials burned in the fire?

    The fire spread across the building’s rooftop solar panels, prompting firefighters to use helicopters to take on the flames and prevent further spread. 

    “Any sort of structure fire with [solar] panels burning, there’s going to be some sort of hazardous materials in the air,” LAFD firefighter Jennifer Middleton.

    The fire also reached an ammonia line, causing it to off-gas the chemical, and adjacent structures were evacuated to keep people from breathing it in.

    The ammonia is not toxic to individuals unless they have respiratory issues or come into direct contact with it, fire officials said. 

    What to know about smoke and air quality 

    A particle pollution advisory was in effect until at least 12:30 p.m. Friday for an area including Boyle Heights, central LA and parts of Northeast LA.

    At a press conference Thursday morning, LAFD officials said air quality was being monitored in the area, adding that there was no public threat.

    However, residents in Boyle Heights reported concerns over smoke, ash and the lingering smell; the air remained acrid and smelled like plastic on Thursday morning.

    Boyle Heights Beat reached out to the South Coast Air Quality Management District and the LA County Department of Public Health to ask about air quality levels and how officials determine whether there is a threat to public health. 

    “Preliminary results from the mobile monitoring showed particulate matter was generally near background levels, however, elevated particulate matter concentrations were observed for a few seconds at a time within the plume,” the AQMD said. “During those few seconds, increased levels of bromine and chlorine were also observed. Bromine and chlorine are typically found at trace levels during structural fires and the levels seen were below short-term health-based exposure thresholds. Concentrations below this level are not expected to cause adverse health effects. No significant levels of air toxic metals were seen.”

    As firefighting continues, people downwind may continue to notice poor air quality, the agency added. Smoke becomes cooler as firefighters gain control, causing it not to rise as dramatically into the air. 

    What should residents do

    The LA County Public Health Department issued guidance Wednesday on how residents can protect themselves. 

    • Officials recommend remaining indoors, keeping windows and doors closed, and limiting exposure to outdoor air if residents can see or smell smoke.
    • Residents with respiratory conditions should continue monitoring local air quality and exercise caution.
    • Run an air purifier if available, but avoid using air conditioners, which bring in outside air (you may qualify for a free one here)

    What symptoms to watch for

    Contact your doctor, go to urgent care or call 911 if you experience:

    • severe coughing
    • shortness of breath,
    • wheezing
    • chest pain,
    • palpitations
    • nausea
    • unusual fatigue

    How to monitor air quality

    The post What burned in the Boyle Heights hazmat fire, and what it means for air quality appeared first on LA Local.

  • Borrowers on auto pay will get a rate cut

    Topline:

    Student loan borrowers who enroll in automatic payments will get a much bigger discount on interest starting July 1, the U.S. Department of Education says.


    Temporary interest rate drop: On Thursday, the department said it will temporarily increase its auto pay interest rate discount to one full percentage point. Practically, that means an undergraduate borrower with a loan at the current 6.39% would see their interest rate drop temporarily to 5.39%. The rate cut will last for two years, from July 1, 2026 through June 30, 2028. The department says borrowers will have until Sept. 30 to sign up for auto pay and qualify for the two-year interest discount.

    The backstory: July 1 ushers in a host of big new changes to the federal student aid world, including the introduction of two new repayment plans and controversial new caps on graduate student loans. Auto pay has long offered a modest discount off borrowers' interest rate — .25 percentage points — but after millions of borrowers opted out during the long COVID repayment pause, with some making no payments for years, the nation's student debt portfolio swelled to $1.7 trillion.

    Student loan borrowers who enroll in automatic payments will get a much bigger discount on interest starting July 1, the U.S. Department of Education says.

    Auto pay has long offered a modest discount off borrowers' interest rate — .25 percentage points — but after millions of borrowers opted out during the long COVID repayment pause, with some making no payments for years, the nation's student debt portfolio swelled to $1.7 trillion.

    On Thursday, the department said it will temporarily increase its auto pay interest rate discount to one full percentage point. Practically, that means an undergraduate borrower with a loan at the current 6.39% would see their interest rate drop temporarily to 5.39%.

    The rate cut will last for two years, from July 1, 2026, through June 30, 2028.

    Borrowers already enrolled in auto pay do not need to act. They will automatically receive the rate cut.

    In a call with reporters on Thursday, Undersecretary Nicholas Kent said that, back in 2019, roughly 83% of borrowers were enrolled in auto pay but that by late 2025, that participation rate had dropped considerably, to just 40% of borrowers.

    "This temporary incentive is designed to help borrowers pay down their balances more quickly," Kent told reporters, "take full advantage of new repayment benefits, remain on track for loan discharge opportunities and to strengthen the overall health of the federal student loan portfolio."

    The department says borrowers will have until Sept. 30 to sign up for auto pay and qualify for the two-year interest discount.

    July 1 ushers in a host of big new changes to the federal student aid world, including the introduction of two new repayment plans and controversial new caps on graduate student loans.

    Edited by: Nirvi Shah
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • City gives in to court order for housing plan
    An overhead view of single-family homes.
    Huntington Beach has waged a years-long court battle against the state's mandate to plan for some 13,000 new homes.

    Topline:

    After fighting Sacramento for years, Huntington Beach finally approved a plan this week to allow for significantly more housing.

    The backstory: State law requires California cities and counties to plan for enough housing to meet the expected demand, with an emphasis on low-income units. For years, Huntington Beach has fought its allocation of some 13,000 new homes. But the city lost its final legal battle earlier this year.

    The last stand? The City Council voted 5-2 to approve a draft housing plan at its meeting earlier this week. Councilmembers said they had to comply with the court order but would continue to fight for local control over housing and zoning decisions.

    What’s next? The state housing department still has to approve the city’s housing plan, so more back-and-forth is likely. It’s also unclear whether Huntington Beach voters will ultimately have to approve the plan. Voters passed a measure in 2024 requiring public approval of major zoning changes in the city.

    After fighting Sacramento for years, Huntington Beach finally approved a plan this week to allow for significantly more housing.

    State law requires California cities and counties to plan for enough housing to meet the expected demand, with an emphasis on low-income units. For years, Huntington Beach has fought its allocation of some 13,000 new homes. But the city lost its final legal battle earlier this year.

    The last stand?

    The City Council voted 5-2 to approve a draft housing plan at its meeting earlier this week. Councilmembers said they had to comply with the court order but would continue to fight for local control over housing and zoning decisions. “There’s still a couple moves on the chessboard on this one,” said Mayor Casey McKeon, without elaborating.

    What’s next?

    The state housing department still has to approve the city’s housing plan, so more back-and-forth is likely. It’s also unclear whether Huntington Beach voters will ultimately have to approve the plan. Voters passed a measure in 2024 requiring public approval of major zoning changes in the city.