The Brief

Jets are blazing across the sky in and around Huntington Beach on the first day of the Pacific Airshow that starts Friday and continues over this weekend.

In recent years, more than half a million visitors have come out to watch eye-and-ear popping aerial demonstrations from the U.S. Air Force Thunderbirds and other renowned daredevils.

The event has also become a political lightning rod in the increasingly fractious beach city.

Why opinions are divided

Some say the airshow promoter got a suspiciously sweet deal in a recent legal settlement with the city. Others say Huntington Beach should support the airshow, and its hometown promoter, in any way it can.

At issue are questions of political quid pro quo, transparency and how cities determine whether and how much to support special events put on by private companies.

The backstory

Fans watch the 2021 Pacific Airshow in Huntington Beach.

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Michael Heiman

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Here’s a guide to what happened, why this matters for residents and what’s to come.

First the shorthand timeline:

• In October 2021, the city canceled the final day of the three-day airshow after oil began gushing from an underwater pipeline and moving toward the Huntington Beach shoreline. 

• A year later, in October 2022, airshow organizer Kevin Elliott sued the city, saying the previous year's cancellation amounted to a breach of contract. Elliott also supported the election of new city council members who promised to support the airshow. 

• Then, earlier this year, that new city council majority approved a minimum $5.4 million settlement with Elliott plus a potential additional $2 million if the city recoups money from the companies responsible for the oil spill. 

About Huntington Beach politics

The strong and distinct reactions to the deal from residents and officials in this city of 200,000 residents illustrate intensifying political divisions. While Huntington Beach is traditionally conservative, the electorate had been trending more purple in recent years. Then, in November, voters handed a solid victory to four ardently conservative candidates.

Huntington Beach Mayor Tony Strickland, a Republican former state legislator who ran Larry Elder's 2020 presidential campaign, said the settlement was good for the city.

"Anything that brings in $70 million to our local economy, that's worth it," Strickland said, referring to an economic impact report on the 2022 airshow.

On the other side, City Councilmember Dan Kalmick, one of three Democrats on the council, said Huntington Beach taxpayers got a "horrible deal." He and the other two Democrats on the council voted against the airshow settlement.

"The settlement, as publicized, goes well beyond any exposure the city had for cancellation of one day of an airshow, which it didn't even do," Kalmick said. He said multiple authorities — state, federal and local — agreed the airshow had to be canceled so that monitoring and clean-up crews could get to work.

Kevin Elliott, organizer of the Pacific Airshow and CEO of event company Code Four.

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What the airshow organizer says

Elliott, for his part, says he regrets that the airshow has gotten wrapped up in local politics. (We should note that after we published this story, it was announced that former President Donald Trump would do a flyover as part of Friday’s airshow lineup. Trump is on his way to the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim.)

Elliot told us that, at heart, he's a "plane brain" who's especially excited this year to watch the F-22 Raptor do "things that an airplane shouldn't do, including flying backwards and all kinds of really cool stuff."

"I just want to put on a great event and I want to go back to running my business and having a good time," he told LAist. "And staying out of the newspaper. That would be my goal."

The start of the problems: The oil spill

On Friday, Oct. 1, 2021 coastal authorities got a call reporting an oil sheen off the coast of Huntington Beach. Amplify Energy, ultimately responsible for the spill, later said it found out Saturday morning about the pipeline leak from one of its offshore oil platforms.

A worker with Patriot Environmental Services stands near bags of oil collected throughout Sunday morning near the mouth of the Santa Ana River and Talbert Marsh.

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That same Saturday, the Pacific Airshow went on, as planned as local officials tried to understand the extent of the oil spill and whether and when it might reach shore. By afternoon, boaters watching the airshow from the ocean began reporting oil in the water.

City and state parks authorities closed the water at many of the area beaches to swimming and surfing.

That evening, then-Huntington Beach Mayor Kim Carr appeared at a news conference with the city's marine safety chief, Eric McCoy, and several other officials. Carr said a decision about whether to cancel the third and final day of the airshow would be made the following morning.

At the time, the leak was estimated to be around 126,000 gallons of oil, which McCoy said was considered a major spill by the U.S. Coast Guard. Later estimates revised that down to a much smaller amount, around 25,000 gallons.

On Sunday morning, Oct. 3, 2021, the city announced that the airshow was canceled "in order to facilitate clean-up coordination efforts, and given the potential health impacts from the ongoing situation."

Beaches were closed and remediation workers were dispatched to mop up the oil that had already washed up on the shore and into several sensitive wetland areas. The coast reeked of petroleum.

A sign keeps beachgoers off the sand.

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Jill Replogle

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Impact of the 2021 cancellation

The airshow cancellation was devastating for Elliott. "It was probably one of the worst days of my professional life," Elliott said. "What we had put together in 2021 was essentially the Super Bowl of air shows."

Plus, the previous year, 2020, the entire airshow had been canceled because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Elliott, who also runs an event company called Code Four, said he lost "in the multi-millions" the day of the oil spill. "We put over $750,000 worth of catering in the trash," he said.

It was also upsetting for patrons, some of whom had spent hundreds or thousands of dollars on premium tickets for the last day of the show.

The airshow is free to watch from part of the city beach and nearby state beaches. But Elliott also sells tickets, for example, for seating on the Huntington Beach pier or for a private cabana on the beach. This year, prices range from $25 to more than $5,000 for a group.

Elliott said he eventually reimbursed everyone who had bought tickets "out of my own pocket."

The legal battle that followed

The following year, 2022, Elliott asked the city to give him a break on some of the fees and other expenses involved with putting on the airshow — as the city had in previous years. Specifically, the city had previously credited Elliott up to $110,000 in parking revenue generated over the airshow weekend toward his bill for permits, reserved parking, and extra public safety staff needed for the event.

Elliott's city bill for the 2022 airshow, according to a presentation at the time, was expected to be around $257,000.

This time, though, Elliott made a last-minute request that all of the city's parking revenue generated by the airshow be credited toward his bill, with no cap.

The city council at the time denied his request by a vote of 6 to 1 and decided to revoke the parking credit completely. City officials and staff at the time noted that Huntington Beach didn't grant this kind of credit to the organizers of any other big events in the city, including the U.S. Open of Surfing, which has drawn crowds similar in size to the airshow, although over a longer period of time.

Former Councilmember Mike Posey told LAist the parking "subsidy … was always supposed to be temporary" until Elliott could attract a corporate sponsor for the airshow. A smaller, previous iteration of the airshow, before Elliott took it over, was sponsored by Swiss watchmaker Breitling.

But Elliott saw the city's decision to revoke the parking subsidy as the latest in a series of efforts, starting with the 2021 post-oil spill cancellation, to shut the airshow down.

The following month, Elliott sued the city and then-Mayor Carr.

In his complaint, he alleged the 2021 cancellation amounted to a breach of contract and damaged the airshow's reputation. He also claimed that subsequent actions taken by Carr and the city, including removing the parking subsidy, were retaliation for Elliott raising concerns about the cancellation.

Elliott told LAist he felt slighted after investing heavily in the airshow to try and make it profitable and to bring tourism benefits to the city.

"I wish that the city had come forth and said, 'Hey, you've been a great partner to the city, you're a local kid … we understand that you've been damaged by this and we want to try to do the right thing.' But instead they basically told me to pound sand and left me with no choice but to protect my interests."

Initially, the city tried to get the lawsuit dismissed, claiming it had no factual basis. But then it seemed to do an abrupt about-face, settling with Elliott for at least $5.4 million, to be paid out incrementally through January 2029. What changed?

How the air show became a hot-button campaign issue

A seat on the Huntington Beach city council is generally considered a non-partisan position — a candidate's political party is not listed on the ballot. But Huntington Beach had traditionally had a conservative-leaning council. That changed after the 2020 election, but not the way you might think.

Tito Ortiz, a mixed martial arts fighter and staunch conservative, won a seat on the council in 2020 and then resigned six months later. In his place, the council appointed left-leaning attorney Rhonda Bolton, giving Huntington Beach's city government a majority Democrat block.

They passed pro-housing measures and voted to fly the Pride flag outside city hall every June — with the support of the council's moderate Republicans. A backlash ensued.

A group of residents attempted to recall six of the seven council members in 2021. But the effort failed to make it to the ballot. They set their sights on the 2022 general election.

The Lincoln Club and several other conservative political action committees coalesced around a slate of four conservative council candidates — Strickland, Casey McKeon, Pat Burns and Gracey Van Der Mark — dubbed by supporters the "Fab 4," plus city attorney Michael Gates, who was running for re-election. (Huntington Beach is one of the few cities in California where voters elect their city attorney.)

They paid for mailers and signs saying the candidates would "save" Huntington Beach — and "save" the airshow.

On Oct. 27, 2022, the candidates held a "victory rally" at the Huntington Beach pier. Elliott's company, Code Four, provided the sound and some of the signage for the rally, he said.

Elliott said the work was "pretty simple" and cost him less than the $1,089 that the four city council candidates claimed as in-kind contributions in campaign finance disclosures.

Elliott did not donate money directly to any of the four council candidates or city attorney Gates. (His company Code Four did give money, the maximum $4,900 allowed, to the 2022 winning campaigns of state Republican state legislators Diane Dixon and Janet Nguyen.)

"Franky, I supported them as much as I could without creating any kind of a conflict of interest for them," Elliott said of the council candidates. "Because, you know, they campaigned on saving the air show and I've invested millions and millions of dollars in saving this air show for the city, so our interests were pretty aligned in that regard."

But looking back — post-election and post-airshow settlement — some political opponents and civic watchdogs see the rally and Elliott's work on it as part of a suspicious pattern.

"I have substantial questions about the relationship between the four newly elected council members, the city attorney and Elliott," said Kalmick, one of the liberal council members.

Kalmick also pointed to several photos from the 2022 airshow posted to Facebook showing Elliott and his wife posing on the beach with the "Fab 4" candidates. (Elliott said he regularly invites candidates, council members and many others to the show, "Democrats, Republicans, my mom's friends, you know, my friends that were my teachers in the first grade.")

All four council candidates and city attorney Gates won their election in November.

The settlement and concerns about quid pro quo

In March 2023, Gates, the city attorney, filed a request in Orange County Superior Court to have Elliott's airshow cancellation lawsuit dismissed. Gates and deputy city attorney Lauren Rose argued that the city was "legally permitted to cancel the Airshow due to unforeseen circumstances rendering performance impossible due to health and safety reasons."

They also said this about Elliott's claim that revoking the parking subsidy was retaliation: "it is speculative and unsubstantiated how this was in any way connected to [Elliott's] negative comments regarding the City's reaction to the unexpected and disastrous oil spill."

But less than two months later, Gates, Elliott, Strickland and two of the other conservative council members held a news conference announcing a settlement. "Ladies and gentlemen, we saved the airshow," Strickland said to applause.

"The previous city council was not business-friendly and not airshow-friendly," he went on. "The Fab 4 …saved the airshow by putting the hard work and leadership required to solve this conflict."

In dollars, what they put in is $4,999,999 of city funds spread out over seven years, with the first payment of $1,999,000 due before July 31.

The city also agreed to:

• Forfeit $194,945 in fees still owed by Elliott for the 2021 airshow.
• Refund him $149,200 from the 2022 airshow, when the city council declined to give him the parking subsidy. 
• Reinstate the parking subsidy, starting at a minimum, rather than maximum, of $110,000. Plus, waive parking fees for up to 600 spaces for airshow setup and takedown.
• Pay Elliott up to an additional $2 million of any money the city recovers from the oil companies responsible for the 2021 spill. 

Those are the details in the settlement summary released to the public. Gates has declined to make the full settlement public, raising questions about what else the city may have agreed to.

A legal push for more transparency

Gina Clayton-Tarvin, a local school board member and former city council candidate, has sued Gates under state public records law in an effort to get the full settlement released.

Gates told LAist earlier this year that he hasn't released the full settlement agreement because there's still pending litigation in the airshow saga and doing so could compromise the city's position in that litigation. "But if a judge were to order the release of [the settlement], I'm happy to release it," Gates said.

Both sides of the settlement say it was a tough negotiation and neither side got everything they wanted. "We get a lot more as a city than we're giving out," Strickland said. "It's not even a close call."

Earlier this year, a former Huntington Beach mayor and a former planning commissioner tried to intervene to halt the settlement agreement. Thus far, they haven't been successful, although Lee Fink, a lawyer working with them, has said they haven't given up.

At the same time, Elliott hasn't dropped his lawsuit against former Mayor Carr for her role in canceling the 2021 airshow. In his complaint, he said Carr "unilaterally" canceled the airshow because of her personal feelings towards Elliott, and in order to garner media attention to “further her own political career.”

Carr told LAist earlier this year that the claim was bogus. "He's created a completely fantastic tale of somehow I unilaterally canceled the air show," she said. "As the mayor of Huntington Beach, you do not have the authority to issue permits, consequently, you don't have the authority to cancel permits."

She said she didn't understand why the city would offer millions to settle what she called "an easily dismissible lawsuit." Then she corrected herself.

"Well, I do understand why the new council majority would settle. I mean, [Elliott] is their friend, their ally," Carr said. "To me, it smacks of corruption, definitely feels like a pay to play."

What about the oil company responsible for the spill that caused the 2021 airshow to be canceled? Amplify Energy recently settled a $45 million class action lawsuit with impacted businesses and property owners.

Elliott's company was not part of that settlement, but he said he's been "in very intensive pre-litigation settlement discussions" with the company.

The city of Huntington Beach also plans to pursue money from Amplify. How much could come back to city coffers after the Pacific Airshow gets its $2 million cut is unknown.

Fink, the lawyer, said his clients would likely be enjoying the airshow this weekend. "No one’s against the Airshow," he wrote in an email. "The Airshow will go on regardless of the litigation. But people are against a $7 Million giveaway to a political supporter under the guise of a settlement agreement in a frivolous case."

Following weeks of negotiations, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders have agreed on a $351.7 billion budget next year that raises some taxes, sets aside $6.4 billion for the year after and softens or delays billions of dollars in planned social service cuts.

The budget, Newsom’s last, will leave the California budget balanced for two consecutive years and reduce future year deficits significantly, state leaders say. Lawmakers are poised to adopt the deal on Monday.

“This budget demonstrates responsible choices that protect our fiscal strength while continuing to invest in what matters most,” Newsom said in a statement.

The state faced a steep funding cliff in January amid ballooning costs of Medi-Cal, the state’s healthcare program for low-income Californians, and the threat of losing tens of billions of federal dollars under President Donald Trump’s budget bill.

But since then, tax revenue has grown faster than expected, thanks to the artificial intelligence-driven economic boom. The final budget agreement largely relies on that windfall and new taxes Newsom has championed, along with delayed healthcare cuts and suspended payments to K-12 schools and state reserves to balance the books and slash future deficits.

The Newsom-backed tax measures, which the Legislature approved earlier this month, will apply a sales tax to everyday computer software, cap business tax credits and raise the tax rate on commercial healthcare providers.

The budget deal also requires the next governor to consider penalizing big corporations for having employees on Medi-Cal — an idea from Senate Democrats — unless Congress repeals Trump’s Medi-Cal cuts before then. Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Los Angeles Democrat and a member of the legislative Latino caucus, said the plan does not go far enough to discipline companies that pay low wages.

“Another cycle of large corporations paying nothing while their underpaid workers stay on Medi-Cal, and we foot the bill as taxpayers,” Durazo said during a Monday hearing.

“This is a budget that bought time. Medi-Cal delayed, not resolved, not restored.”

While Newsom proposed deeper cuts in May, the final budget softens the blow and includes new spending. It delays most cuts to Medi-Cal services and preserves funding for in-home care for low-income Californians. It gives counties $900 million in homelessness funding, almost double the $500 million Newsom wanted. It also adds 22,700 state-funded child care spaces to address the need to care for children three and under.

Newsom and lawmakers couldn’t settle on a full spending plan for the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, the state’s main source of cash for climate programs, punting negotiations to the summer. They did agree to tap the fund for electric vehicle incentives and to backfill the fire department budget.

The holdup is largely due to the new climate rules Newsom’s administration adopted in May, which could cut the fund in half, sparking a fight between Senate Democrats and Newsom over funding priorities.

Republicans blasted the budget deal, criticizing Democrats for passing policies through the budget process without much advance notice. The process allows state leaders to fast-track complicated policies instead of facing scrutiny in months of public hearings.

“It’s an abuse of the process that we have unfortunately got all too accustomed with,” said Sen. Roger Niello, a Roseville Republican, on Monday.

Delaying most Medi-Cal cuts

The deal includes $300 million to subsidize private healthcare to lower costs for low- to middle-income Californians, a Newsom priority. The governor proposed it in May to erase premiums for lowest-income residents and reduce out-of-pocket costs for middle-class households.

It also includes $250 million in grants to public hospitals and up to $140 million for those in “significant financial distress.” Several hospital advocates, including the California Association of Public Hospitals and Health Systems, had advocated for $500 million in funding as hospitals risk scaling back services or closing altogether due to the lost federal funds.

The state also agreed to give counties $200 million to more frequently verify low-income people’s eligibility to receive health and food benefits, which the Trump administration requires. But the budget deal leaves out $125 million the Legislature wanted to give counties to set up an indigent care system to care for those falling off of Medi-Cal.

Counties urged state leaders to pursue an alternative before the legislative session ends in September. Otherwise, “counties will be forced to cut core services — threatening public safety, slashing behavioral health and public health services, and driving up homelessness,” according to a joint statement from the California State Association of Counties and other county associations.

Newsom agreed to scrap his proposed cuts to the In-Home Supportive Services program, which provides in-home care to roughly 900,000 low-income Californians, after the Legislature’s opposition.

They also agreed on a less restrictive Medi-Cal asset test for seniors and those with disabilities than Newsom proposed: In addition to the income tests, starting July 2027, individuals must own $21,000 in assets or less ($31,000 for couples) to qualify for Medi-Cal. The current ceiling is $130,000 for individuals and $195,000 for couples.

While Newsom wanted to increase the monthly premium for undocumented adults enrolled in Medi-Cal from $30 to $50, the final deal leaves the decision to the next governor.

The deal preserves immigrant healthcare by delaying many cuts: By January, the state will start transitioning roughly 2 million Medi-Cal enrollees — most of whom are undocumented immigrants — to a fee-for-service system by Jan. 1, 2027.

The change will allow the state to continue receiving funding for Medi-Cal and save $470 million next year, but those immigrants will lose access to benefits such as case management, housing assistance and medically tailored meals.

Starting July 2027, the state will limit state-funded healthcare coverage for roughly 150,000 immigrants, including refugees, asylees and human trafficking survivors, to emergency and pregnancy care only. The budget plan also delays other cuts, including dental benefits for undocumented Medi-Cal enrollees and clinic reimbursements for Medi-Cal services, until July 2027.

“While we are relieved this agreement spares immigrant communities from losing access to doctors, dentists and trusted community providers this year, our work is far from over,” said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, executive director of the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network.

Newsom gets wins school chiefs overhaul

The deal largely preserves Newsom’s May spending plan for K-12 education.

It increases special education funding by $2.4 billion and gives school districts and community colleges higher cost-of-living increases to provide 14 weeks of pregnancy leave for their employees, something teachers unions have championed for years.

But the latest spending plan also withholds $3.9 billion in constitutionally guaranteed funding from K-12 schools, an accounting mechanism Newsom wanted to use in case the state overcommits with a revenue forecast that is too optimistic. If the state collects more tax revenue in the next year than projected, the budget deal requires the state to use a portion of that to pay down what it owes the schools.

Disappointed education advocates criticized state leaders for shortchanging school districts. The California Teachers Association, the state’s largest teachers union, accused state leaders of violating the state Constitution and said it would consider suing.

“At a time when both public schools and the voting rights of our communities face growing attacks from the federal government, California lawmakers should be standing up for our students and exercising the democratic principles that have made California the nation’s progressive leader,” CTA President David Goldberg said in a statement.

The deal also allows Newsom to radically diminish the authority of the elected state superintendent of public instruction, shifting K-12 school governance to a new education commissioner appointed by the governor. Starting Jan. 15, 2027, the superintendent will become one of 13 members on the State Board of Education led by the commissioner.

Newsom proposed the idea in January to make education governance more coherent, gaining support from a wide array of education advocates. California is one of nine states that still elect a schools chief, whereas other states allow the governor to appoint them.

The CTA, some senators and candidates running for superintendent were skeptical of the promised outcome and slammed Newsom for jamming the policy through the budget process, especially when voters in November are already set to vote for a superintendent whose duties will be significantly pared down.

California voters have rejected four ballot measures to abolish the superintendent role, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.

“To me, it feels very deeply democratically cynical,” said Sen. Chris Cabaldon, a Napa Democrat, during a May hearing of the proposal. “That the voters four times before have said no to making these reforms. That we're just gonna try to do it without them and leave in place the shell of what the constitution requires, in order to get around that.”

New EV incentive

While state lawmakers punted most of the climate money negotiations, they agreed with Newsom to allocate $1.25 billion in the greenhouse gas fund for the state’s fire department.

They also agreed to set aside $356 million for zero-emission or hybrid vehicle incentives, with $115 million coming from the climate fund. That includes $85 million over the next five years to help low-income Californians replace old gas-powered vehicles with cleaner ones.

Roughly $135 million is reserved for electric trucks and buses. Another $135 million will help first-time buyers of new light-duty electric vehicles priced at $50,000 or less and used ones at $25,000 or less.

The deal allows the California Air Resources Board, the state’s climate regulator, to set the incentive amount.

Lawmakers also agreed with Newsom to fund the state’s community air protection program established in 2017 to reduce the harm of air pollution, most of it from the state general fund.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

If you've traveled by plane, you can probably picture this scene: Passengers line up to present their IDs to an airport officer, put their carry-on luggage on a conveyor belt and walk through a scanner.

But one detail at Kansas City International Airport is a bit unique. The uniformed officers who scan IDs and screen carry-on bags wear badges and U.S. flag patches, but they're not Transportation Security Administration (TSA) officers — they're private contractors. It's a distinction many passengers don't seem to notice.

"It's news to me," said Natasha Greenway, holding the handle of her son's stroller before catching a flight to Philadelphia.

"I didn't even notice," says Kim Eckels, who was traveling to Portland, Ore., with her family. With a laugh, she added, "I taught my kids not to question anything going through security. Just keep your mouth shut and go."

That attitude is shared by many travelers, who can be forgiven for not realizing that the officers politely but firmly guiding them through the screening process work not for the government but for VMD Corp., based in McLean, Virginia. As more airports consider going private rather than using federal officers, companies like VMD are eager to show they can keep passengers safe — and satisfy the TSA's oversight and standards.

Passengers move through the main security checkpoint at Kansas City International Airport on June 3.

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"We do have TSA" at the airport, noted Gabe Murphy, VMD's program manager at Kansas City International.

Private employees are responsible for everything from checking IDs to screening passengers and baggage. But Murphy said the TSA also has a security team there whose job is to "basically audit us and make sure that we're following all the processes and procedures that are outlined by TSA."

Using the acronym for standard operating procedure, he added: "Their SOP is our SOP."

Why are some commercial airports using private security?

The federal-private divide dates to the creation of the TSA in the wake of the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. In the process, the government gave airports a choice of staffing checkpoints with federal security officers or opting out, using private firms under the Screening Partnership Program (SPP).

Nearly 25 years later, the TSA screens passengers and bags in most U.S. airports. The largest holdouts are Kansas City and San Francisco International Airport. Other SPP airports are scattered around the United States, from Sarasota, Fla., and Atlantic City, N.J., to Tupelo, Miss., and Yellowstone, Montana.

Kansas City International Airport.

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A Transportation Security Administration K-9 unit makes its rounds at Kansas City International Airport on June 2.

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But more airports, such as Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport, are considering going private. Changes like that would bring a major shift, said Tina Won Sherman, director of the U.S. Government Accountability Office's (GAO) Homeland Security and Justice team. She said that the SPP hit a plateau years ago.

"It's really remained a small number: 20 privatized airports, where there are currently 440 federalized airports across the country," Sherman said.

The Trump administration wants to boost private involvement. It rolled out a new version of the SPP called TSA Gold+ last month, saying it will announce the first airports joining the program later this year. The administration has said privatizing airports would save tens of millions of dollars, prompting pushback from the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) union, which warns that the plan would undermine federal officers.

The federal law that created the Transportation Security Administration requires that private contracting companies pay their employees at least as well as commensurate federal workers. TSA officers have long struggled with some of the lowest wages in the federal workforce, but that situation improved markedly in 2023, thanks to an omnibus budget bill. Officers also benefited from the TSA's collective bargaining agreement with the AFGE union in 2024, but the Trump administration has sought to revoke that contract.

Scott Barnhart trains his dog, Si, an explosive detection canine, at Kansas City International Airport on June 3.

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Sherman notes that details of how Gold+ would work are still emerging. But, she added, if dozens of small- and medium-sized airports join, it would raise questions about how the TSA handles oversight of everything from technology standards to screeners' efficiency, at a much larger scale. They are questions she'll be watching closely for answers.

"It's critical, absolutely critical, for TSA to make sure that security is upheld at the highest standard that it can be," Sherman said.

What do passengers say?

On a recent Tuesday, an informal survey of passengers in the Kansas City airport found that like many Americans, most weren't aware the SPP program existed until the recent partial government shutdown triggered long lines at federally run airports, while private facilities ran more smoothly.

Just inside a security checkpoint, Eric Sauter sat down for a haircut in a shop next to a shoeshine stand. He lives in San Diego but travels about 150 days a year for business, including frequent visits to Kansas City. As a barber buzzed around his head, Sauter said he didn't realize this airport uses private security until he visited in early spring.

Eric Sauter, a frequent flyer, gets his hair cut at The Director's Cut: Take Two, a barbershop at Kansas City International Airport, on June 2.

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"Everyone was really worried about the travel in and out," Sauter said. "I experienced no issues. And I did learn through reading in the news after the trip that they have the private TSA agents here."

One of the few obvious differences between TSA and VMD officers is that the private company's workers wear shirts that are gray, not the TSA's deep blue — the color the comedian Julio Torres famously associates with airports, as well as law and order. But most people NPR spoke to said they didn't notice the difference.

Inside the large atrium at the Kansas City airport, Carissa Brownlee said that she got through the line quickly and that she was more focused on making her flight than noticing the officers' uniforms.

"I think as long as the agents are friendly and kind and not in a bad mood, everything goes smoother," Brownlee said.

Contractors integrate with government agencies

The Kansas City airport's security installation is similar to what's found in dozens of U.S. airports, although some equipment was upgraded recently to avoid snags as the city braced for World Cup travelers.

There's a new scanning system, for instance, that lets people keep their arms at their waists as they pause between two white panels, rather than the more complicated spinning scanner used in many airports.

"They're much quicker and much more efficient, which will be nice here in a few weeks when we really start to see heavier throughputs," VMD's Murphy said.

After moving through the main checkpoint, passengers pass a desk staffed by local police officers.

"It's a city requirement," Murphy said. "If there is an unruly passenger or upset passenger or if there's a loaded firearm or a prohibited item that we identify," an officer can handle the situation immediately rather than coming from another terminal.

Once inside the terminal, travelers might encounter police and TSA K-9 units, which often stop to let passing families and children visit with the dogs. In the bowels of the airport, multiple levels of VMD employees analyze checked bags and suitcases for potential red-flag items at computer terminals. If necessary, they do so by hand.

During NPR's visit, about 10 new VMD employees had just begun their training.

"It's probably altogether about two months of training — more, depending on their skill level," for new employees, according to Kim Fisher, the airport's head security-training instructor.

"This caught my eye because I've always had interest in security," said new hire Jada Price, 19. When asked whether she plans to be working at the airport for decades to come, she doesn't hesitate: "I 100% plan to be, yes."

Four of the new hires said they moved to Kansas City for the opportunity. Part of the reason, they said, was the promise of job stability.

That point was repeatedly brought up at a recent congressional hearing on modernizing the TSA. Industry veterans said airport security officers must be paid to do a critical job, whether Congress can agree on a budget or not.

Sherman, of the Government Accountability Office, said fair and stable wages are key to sustaining morale and letting officers focus on important work.

"You're relying on these individuals to make sure that whether you're in Washington, D.C., or you're in Kansas City or anywhere else across the country, that you're receiving the same level of security," she said. "And that the individual that's providing it is doing that to the best of their ability."

As security officers and airports prepare for potential changes from the privatization push, a different change is looming for VMD. The company's $803 million proposal to handle security at San Francisco International Airport was recently accepted, a decision that was affirmed by the Government Accountability Office.

As part of the transition, Fisher, who also heads training programs at more than a dozen VMD-operated airports, was heading to San Francisco to work with existing employees there.

"It's going to be business as usual for us," she said, "just on a bigger scale."
Copyright 2026 NPR

Every year, SoCal counties go out with a bang for their 4th of July festivities.

This year, though, some July 4 events are canceled in Boyle Heights due to air quality concerns in the wake of the massive warehouse fire. And if you’re thinking about engaging in illegal fireworks, just don’t. Too dangerous. And drones may be watching.

Here’s a list of places in Los Angeles and Orange counties where you can watch fireworks for this upcoming holiday:

Los Angeles County

• Head to the Hollywood Bowl to celebrate with the Beach Boys and special guest John Stamos. If you can’t make it on Saturday, don’t worry: the festivities run on July 2 and 3, too.
• In Claremont, you can celebrate Independence Day with a packed list of activities. The party features a Freedom 5K run, community parade, morning festival, and evening concert and fireworks show, which begins at 9 p.m.
• Pasadena is going big this year with their celebration that highlights “250 years of the American spirit.” Arrive early and hungry for a Kiwanis’ pancake breakfast that starts at 7 a.m., and then end your day with a fireworks show at 9 p.m.
• You can watch fireworks on the Long Beach waterfront for free from the beach, or book a fireworks cruise with the Queen Mary. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.
• The Crescenta Valley Fireworks Association will host a fireworks show in La Crescenta. Gates open at 4 p.m. and fireworks begin at dark.
• You can view a fireworks display over the water from anywhere in Marina del Rey or the surrounding Venice Pier, Playa Vista and Dockweiler Beach. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.
• Cinespia will screen Jurassic Park, followed by a fireworks display at Hollywood Forever Cemetery on Saturday. Get your tickets while they last — they’ve been known to sell out.
• Sail out to Catalina Island to enjoy fireworks in Avalon, as well as all-day parades and performances. Fireworks begin around 9 p.m.
• You can see fireworks from Dodger Stadium every Friday during their season. On the 4th of July though, they really take it up a notch. Buy a ticket to see their baseball match at 7:10 p.m. against the San Diego Padres before watching the sky light up. Fireworks will begin once the game finishes.
• Head to San Pedro on July 4 to see fireworks light up over Cabrillo Beach at their Fireworks Sail — bring your own food and beverages to enjoy aboard the boat.
• If boats aren’t your thing, there’s another celebration in San Pedro. Buy tickets to La Bota: A Bailar. There will be DJ’s, live performances and a firework show over the Pacific Ocean. Plentiful parking is available as well.
• Culver City is hosting their third annual downtown Independence Day celebration. If fireworks aren’t your style, consider attending because there’ll be an aerial drone show produced by Sky Elements. Festivities begin at 6 p.m.
• The Pacific Palisades is also hosting an aerial drone show and music. Buy your tickets ahead of time because they won’t be sold at the gate. The show begins at 9 p.m.
• If you’re looking to flex your creative muscles this year, head to the Venice Canal Association’s 4th of July Celebration. No fireworks here, but participants in the Downwind Regatta can build their own boat that will sail the canals. There’s also a rubber duck race. Festivities begin at 10 a.m.
• This Big Bear event has generated plenty of controversy, because many of the pyrotechnics will endanger the area’s famous bald eagles. Technically not Los Angeles County, but we are including it on this list because it draws so many locals: Enjoy a fireworks display at new heights in Big Bear. Take a scenic chair ride to the top of the summit — at a whopping 8,200 feet above sea level — and enjoy the show. Fireworks begin between 8:45 and 9:15 p.m. 

Orange County

• So excited for the 4th of July that you can’t sleep? Then you’re in luck! You can head to Anaheim at 7 a.m. to run a celebratory Firecracker 5K/10K and watch a dog show — where your pup can win a “most patriotic dog” award — before settling down to enjoy the nighttime pyrotechnics. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.
• Irvine is hosting its 4th of July celebration with pop rock icons Air Supply on their A Matter of Time tour. Fireworks begin after the performance at Great Park Live.
• Drive down to Huntington Beach’s festivities, the largest celebration west of the Mississippi, to enjoy a 10 a.m. parade and fireworks show over the ocean at night. Fireworks begin at approximately 9 p.m.
• In Mission Viejo, enjoy a street fair with dozens of vendor booths, food trucks and rides during the day, and a dazzling fireworks show at night. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.
• Enjoy food trucks and aerial fireworks in Tustin this Friday to the sounds of Flashpants 80s Party Dance Band playing live hits. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.
• Be sure to bring blankets, lawn chairs and picnic supplies to Santa Ana to enjoy an evening in the park with vendors and live music. You can even enter your dog into the Patriotic Pup contest. Fireworks begin at 8:45 p.m.
• The city of Cypress is hosting a Salute to America event that celebrates America’s 250th and Cypress’ 70th anniversary. Enjoy live music from Pop Vision at 7 p.m. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.
• In La Habra, enjoy food vendors, retailers and “Kid-Chella,” as well as a WWII Texan Aircraft Flyover at La Bonita Park starting at 4 p.m., with live music starting at 4:30 p.m. Fireworks begin at 9 p.m.

Kahani Malholtra first compiled this list in 2025, and we have updated it again this year. If we missed a spot, please let us know and we might add it to this list. Reach out at smarvin@scpr.org.