The Brief

Last month, Immigration and Customs Enforcement acknowledged for the first time the agency's growing arsenal of surveillance technology includes spyware. Such tools can remotely hack into phones and have been abused repeatedly by governments around the world that have used them not only to counter national security threats, but also to spy on political rivals, diplomats, human rights activists and journalists.

ICE's admission of its spyware use, which the agency says has been approved to help its Homeland Security Investigations team disrupt foreign terrorist groups and fentanyl traffickers, comes as critics of the commercial spyware industry are growing concerned that the Trump administration is slowly reversing a previous hard line stance the U.S. government took against the industry in recent years.

"We're starting to see erosion," said Steve Feldstein, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "There's a concern that in the coming year, months, we could see further changes that would really put a damper on what I think has been a really important effort to try to hold this industry to account."

Feldstein said the U.S. "reached a high-water mark when it came to really pushing back against the industry" during the Biden administration. Former President Joe Biden's actions included blacklisting and sanctioning some spyware companies and personnel, an executive order limiting the government's use of commercial spyware and leading an international agreement with other democratic countries to counter the misuse of such tools.

Those actions came in response to revelations that foreign governments were misusing the technology to commit human rights violations as well as targeting devices belonging to American politicians and officials.

Yet so far the Trump administration has lifted sanctions that Biden's Treasury Department had instituted against three people affiliated with the spyware tool, Predator, and temporarily revived an ICE contract with the Israeli-founded spyware company Paragon Solutions that had been paused by the Biden administration.

Privacy and civil rights advocates are worried the Trump administration could be persuaded to also lift restrictions placed on NSO Group, the maker of the powerful spyware Pegasus that researchers say can turn a phone into a recording device in addition to accessing its contents. The tool has been linked to misuse in various countries and has been found on the devices of activists and journalists, including on the phones of people close to Washington Post contributor Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered in a Saudi embassy in Turkey in 2018.

NSO Group has hired a close ally of President Donald Trump as its chairman and is lobbying the administration. Despite being on a Department of Commerce so-called "blacklist," the company said last fall that American investors had acquired the Israeli-founded company, though the current status is unclear.

This has been a "really troubling period" for U.S. actions on spyware, said Michael De Dora, the U.S. advocacy manager for Access Now, a digital civil rights organization.

"There's no way to look at the facts without seeing that this administration is not going to forcefully work to counter spyware — and actually might be quite comfortable using it and also lifting punishment that has been doled out to spyware violators," De Dora said.

The latest shifts in U.S. approaches to spyware also come as ICE is expanding its use of surveillance tools and targeting both immigrants and protesters, and Congress continues to debate whether additional guardrails are needed to protect the rights of American citizens whose communications are swept up in foreign surveillance operations that do not currently require a warrant.

Meanwhile, a growing number of countries are adopting spyware to hack into cell phones, even as regulatory frameworks have not been updated. Last month, the U.K. government's National Cyber Security Centre disclosed that it estimates some 100 countries worldwide have access to spyware and cyber intrusion tools that could be used against British devices and systems.

A mystery with ICE's Paragon Solutions contract

The history of ICE's only known contract with a commercial spyware maker is messy and convoluted.

In 2024, the agency signed a now-ended $2 million contract with Paragon Solutions for an unspecified product. Whether ICE ever used the tool or continues to use it is an open question.

That contract was swiftly put on hold by the Biden administration to investigate whether it complied with a 2023 executive order signed by the former president that prohibits federal agencies from purchasing commercial spyware that poses a significant security risk to the U.S. or risk of misuse by foreign governments.

Paragon Solutions created a spyware tool called Graphite that can be used by government agencies to remotely hack into a cell phone without the user knowing or even clicking a link. Last year, WhatsApp found more than 90 users in various countries were targeted with Paragon Solutions spyware, and independent researchers were able to confirm the devices of journalists and activists in Italy were targeted with Graphite.

Last August, the Trump administration reinstated the ICE contract with Paragon Solutions and lifted the stop work order. By then the company had been acquired by an American private equity firm and merged with another company, REDLattice.

A notice in federal procurement documents says the Paragon Solutions contract was modified on Jan. 20 of this year to close out the contract.

Before that notice appeared, Democratic lawmakers led by Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.) wrote to the Department of Homeland Security last fall asking for all communications related to its use of spyware, including communications about Paragon Solutions' Graphite, who it was targeting with spyware, and the legal justification for its use.

When ICE's departing acting Director Todd Lyons responded on April 1, his letter made clear he had approved ICE's Homeland Security Investigations to use spyware, though he did not name the tool.

Yet the status of ICE's access to Paragon Solutions tools is unclear, raising questions about what tools the agency might be using.

The notice showing the contract has been closed out could mean the services from the original Paragon Solutions contract are no longer available to the agency, or they could have been rolled into a different contract, potentially with a third party that bundles various services together. Such a step would make it harder to track the agency's relationship with Paragon Solutions or its parent entities on procurement websites.

The notice of the contract closure "raises more questions than answers," said Julie Mao, an attorney with the nonprofit law firm and advocacy group, Just Futures Law. "Particularly since Director Lyons confirmed that ICE continues to use commercial spyware, we do not know whether ICE has ceased using Paragon spyware, continues operations under another contract, or uses some other spyware company that ICE has failed to disclose to the public."

Mao's organization is suing under the Freedom of Information Act for records related to the contract.

An unnamed spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security told NPR in a statement that the agency had not "entered another contract with Paragon Solutions, Inc." But since that company has been acquired, the significance of that statement is unclear. The agency did not respond to follow up questions seeking to clarify if that meant the agency had ceased having access to Paragon-developed tools.

NPR could not find evidence of a contract between REDLattice and ICE on federal procurement websites.

"Unfortunately, the confusion and lack of transparency is part of a long history of ICE and DHS secreting away its surveillance programs from the American public and Congressional oversight," Mao said.

In 2022 The New York Times reported the Drug Enforcement Administration was using Graphite, though the status of that contract is also unclear. DEA did not respond to an NPR inquiry about whether it had a current contract for the tool.

Meanwhile, staff for Sen. Ron. Wyden (D-Ore.) have been trying for weeks to schedule a briefing with Paragon Solutions' American owner, AE Industrial Partners, but the company stopped responding, according to Wyden's spokesperson Keith Chu.

Lyons' letter said he had approved Homeland Security Investigations' use of "cutting-edge technological tools that address the specific challenges posed by the Foreign Terrorist Organizations' thriving exploitation of encrypted communication platforms." The letter also stated that the agency "complies with all requirements" set forth in the 2023 executive order Biden signed on spyware use.

"Any use of the technology will comply with constitutional requirements and be coordinated with the ICE Office of the Principal Legal Advisor," the letter said.

But the letter has raised questions such as how broadly federal HSI agents are using the tool, whether it is being used domestically or only to target people in other countries, and what kind of authorization agents need to seek before deploying the tool.

Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.) told NPR she was concerned about the possibility that such a tool could be used inappropriately, citing the Trump administration's emphasis on combatting "antifa" that many fear could be used to justify a crackdown on political opponents.

Earlier this month the Trump administration released a counterterrorism strategy that targets "violent left-wing extremists," along with drug cartels and Islamist terror groups, while it does not mention violence from the far right, long considered to be a major domestic threat. Federal officials attempted to portray multiple U.S. citizens who were shot by federal immigration agents earlier this year as domestic terrorists.

"We already know that Trump has already attempted to change the definition of what a terrorist, or domestic terrorist is," Lee said. "So is this just anybody who opposes Trump's administration, its policies, can this be used against them?"

Maria Villegas Bravo from the nonprofit Electronic Privacy Information Center told NPR it was unclear to her based on Lyons' letter whether HSI agents using spyware are getting a warrant and proving probable cause first.

"They should be — they're legally required to because you have a Fourth Amendment protection in the content stored on your phone," Villegas Bravo said. "But we have no insight into what's going on."

In a statement, the unnamed DHD spokesperson said, "Like other law enforcement agencies, ICE employs various forms of technology while respecting civil liberties and privacy interests. DHS law enforcement methods abide by the U.S. Constitution including the Fourth Amendment."

Backsliding from a hardline stance on spyware

Last December, the Treasury Department took three senior figures affiliated with Intellexa, the maker of the spyware Predator, off of a U.S. sanctions list they had been added to in 2024. One of those individuals was later convicted in Greece in February in connection to Predator abuses in that country.

The reversal was a shock to privacy advocates who had welcomed the Biden administration's efforts to crack down on foreign spyware companies and their executives. Villegas Bravo told NPR the lifted sanctions represented "a real backslide."

Now she and others are focused on whether the Trump administration will be amenable to undoing other restrictions against NSO Group, which makes Pegasus.

"I'm very concerned that NSO group is trying to curry favor with the current administration and trying to get another contract," Villegas Bravo told NPR.

The Federal Bureau of Investigations piloted using Pegasus in late 2020 and the first half of 2021, reporting by The New York Times found.

The NSO group also currently appealing a court order that bars it from hacking WhatsApp messages that stems from a lawsuit Meta, WhatsApp's parent company, brought against it. In that court case and other public statements, the NSO Group has made clear that its goal is to gain business from the American government.

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But by the end of 2021, the U.S. government began to take punitive actions against the company. The Commerce Department put the company on its so-called "blacklist" also known as its Entity List, a trade restriction which makes it difficult for U.S. companies to do business with it.

The department said it was taking the step because NSO Group had supplied spyware to foreign governments that used the tool "to maliciously target government officials, journalists, businesspeople, activists, academics, and embassy workers."

The company, which like Intellexa and Paragon Solutions was founded in Israel, has spent close to $8 million lobbying the U.S. government since 2020, according to Open Secrets.

"They've tried pretty much everything," said Vas Panagiotopoulos, a freelance journalist and researcher at Deakin University in Australia who has written about the company's lobbying efforts. "Since 2018, they've hired like over 15 different sort of lobbying consultancies, law firms, PR agencies, external consultants, former diplomats — it's a long list."

The company's biggest priority is thought to be to get off of the Commerce Department's blacklist.

The company is also currently appealing a court order that bars it from hacking WhatsApp messages that stems from a lawsuit WhatsApp and its parent company, Meta, brought against NSO Group. In that court case and other public statements, NSO Group has made clear that its goal is to gain business from the American government.

"It is reasonably foreseeable that a law enforcement or intelligence agency of the United States will use Pegasus," the company wrote in a legal filing.

David Friedman, who once served as Trump's bankruptcy lawyer and later as his ambassador to Israel, became the chairman of NSO Group late last year. His appointment came shortly after the company announced that it had been acquired by U.S. investors, though the current status remains unclear.

During the Biden administration, the White House had warned against American companies acquiring NSO Group.

Rep. Lee wrote to the Department of Commerce earlier this month asking for a briefing on discussions about the purchase of NSO Group by an American company or the potential for U.S. government agencies to use the company's tools.

"The Trump Administration appears to be broadly receptive to using commercial spyware to infiltrate cell phones and allowing U.S. investment in sanctioned spyware companies like NSO Group," Lee wrote.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Will you ever get to see U.S. Men’s soccer captain Christian Pulisic on a soccer pitch at or near field level? Perhaps, for thousands of dollars on June 12 when Pulisic and the team take on Paraguay at SoFi in Inglewood for their first match in the World Cup.

But you can see Pulisic and his team in action four days before that match — at their practice facility down the freeway at the Great Park in Irvine. And it's free.

“This is going to be so epic," said Melissa Haley, Irvine’s engagement director.

The city worked for four years to be selected as the training facility for the U.S. Men’s team and made it a priority to hold a community day.

“I think it's… more than just hosting the team, it's about that connection, the historic connection because this is probably a once in a generation opportunity,” for Irvine to share the hosting of the team with area residents, Haley said.

The stadium at the Great Park in Irvine, where the U.S. Men's National Team will practice during the first stage of the 2026 World Cup.

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Fans need to register online for a chance to get tickets, which will be picked by lottery. Each registration is limited to two tickets, and 7,000 tickets will be given out. Sign-ups are now open and end this coming Monday, May 25 at 10 a.m. Winners will be notified by email on May 29.

You can register for the lottery here.

After the practice, a “Pitchside Kickoff” festival will be held outside the stadium for the general public. No tickets are needed for that. The festival will include booths, exhibitions, music, food, raffles, and giveaways.

The World Cup begins June 11. Read more of LAist's coverage here.

Wide-open land on L.A.’s Westside is rare. And where it does exist, it’s extremely expensive. But Santa Monica will soon get a chance to redevelop an amount of land unprecedented in the city’s recent history.

The Santa Monica Airport is set to close at the end of 2028. Residents have supported turning it into a park. Proponents of that approach say all 227 acres should be reserved for green space.

But with rents out of reach for many Westside workers, others are fighting to set aside some land for affordable housing.

“If we don’t do it here, I don't know where we’ll get it done in such big numbers,” said Ralph Mechur, a member of the pro-housing group Cloverfield Commons and a proponent of a measure now aiming to qualify for the November ballot.

The ballot initiative would ask Santa Monica voters to approve using 25% of the airport’s land for 3,000 units of low- and moderate-income housing. The other 75% would be kept as a park.

But park proponents don’t want to sacrifice any of the airport land.

“It's not to do with housing, per se,” said Frank Gruber with the Santa Monica Great Park Coalition. “Somebody could say to me, we need 20 acres to build a laboratory that will guarantee that we will cure cancer — we'd still be opposed to it.

“This land, every square foot, we think of as precious for the park,” he said.

Little affordable housing leads to long commutes

The competing visions for the future of the Santa Monica Airport highlight tensions over creating more affordable housing in wealthy communities where thousands of people work, but can’t afford to live.

One of those workers is Luis Martinez. He spends up to 90 minutes commuting from his home in Canoga Park to his job as a server and bartender at Santa Monica’s Fairmont Miramar Hotel.

Martinez recently worked eight days in a row, picking up shifts from co-workers. It was great for his paycheck, he said, but all those hours stuck in traffic were not great for his wife and 2-year-old son.

“He doesn't see me as much, because I'm always working,” Martinez said. “The time is what makes him miss me. It puts a strain on us.”

Luis Martinez spends hours behind the wheel each day he commutes from his home in Canoga Park to his job in Santa Monica.

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Martinez’s family moved into their one-bedroom apartment three years ago with a monthly rent of $1,900. At the time, he said, they would have needed to spend at least $2,800 to rent a comparable apartment near the Fairmont.

“I cannot afford that,” he said. “I know it's a good place to raise a family. I would love to live there if I could afford it.

Who would live in proposed airport housing?

Martinez belongs to the union Unite Here Local 11, which is helping to collect signatures to qualify the measure for the November ballot.

The measure would ask voters to make half of the 3,000 apartments available to renters earning up to 80% of the area’s median income. The rest would be reserved for middle-income workers earning up to 120% of the area median. If the apartments were built today, L.A. County's current income limits would disqualify individuals earning more than $89,550 and families of four earning more than $127,900.

“It begins to provide housing for our kids, our grandkids, possibly your teachers, janitors, cooks and hotel workers who might be priced out of lower-income affordable housing,” said Mechur, who supports the ballot initiative.

A "for lease" sign hangs on the exterior of an apartment building in Santa Monica.

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In 2014, more than 60% percent of Santa Monica voters supported Measure LC, which instructed the city to “prohibit new development on airport land, except for parks, public open spaces and public recreational facilities.”

But that measure left open the possibility to change plans through another public vote. In the current cycle of state-mandated housing goals, Santa Monica must plan to allow about 6,100 units of affordable housing by 2029.

“Here's an opportunity to build up to 3,000 units in one time period, to help reach numbers that will provide housing for people who need to be in Santa Monica,” Mechur said.

The airport’s history — and future

Planes have been taking off at the Santa Monica Airport site for more than a century. Pilots who flew in and out of the airport include Amelia Earhart and the first team to aerially circumnavigate the globe.

During World War II, the nearby Douglas Aircraft Company built military planes. To provide aerial camouflage during the war, the entire airport was covered with chicken wire, on which Hollywood set designers built lightweight structures made to look like rows of suburban homes.

But by the 1970s, nearby residents were lodging frequent complaints about noise and pollution. After decades of arguments, the Federal Aviation Administration agreed in 2017 to let Santa Monica close the airport after Dec. 31, 2028.

Frank Gruber stands on the observation deck of the Santa Monica Airport, overlooking land he envisions turning into a sprawling public park.

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Frank Gruber, one of the park supporters, said the aviation industry tried to fight closure of the airport by telling residents it could end up being used for high-rise developments. He said changing plans now could reopen the question of keeping the airport.

Plus, Gruber argued, this land is not a great location now that the city has changed policies to encourage affordable housing elsewhere.

“There's no provision for putting schools there,” Gruber said. “There's no provision for supermarkets. They're basically creating isolated super blocks, to use that urbanism kind of expression, where people would be car dependent. It just doesn't make sense.”

‘We want to be part of that community, too’

The ballot measure would not include specific plans for funding new housing. It would only change land use to allow residential development. Proponents say because the city owns the land, housing revenue could help fund park facilities, which the city also needs to budget for.

While driving through slow-crawling traffic along the Sepulveda Pass, Luis Martinez — the Fairmont hotel worker — said his Westside roots run deep.

Martinez grew up in South L.A., but he would wake up early to attend Paul Revere Charter Middle School and Palisades Charter High School. Later, he studied at Santa Monica College.

“I grew up being in traffic,” Martinez said. “I grew up commuting.”

Luis Martinez stands in front of the Fairmont Miramar Hotel in Santa Monica, where he has worked for eight years.

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After eight years of working at the Fairmont Hotel, he said he feels even more connected to Santa Monica. And he believes workers like him deserve a chance to live there.

“It's such a good environment for kids to grow up, and I want my kid to be a part of that,” Martinez said. “Everyone's very involved in what happens in Santa Monica. They're very informed. They're very pro-Santa Monica. It's its own community. Just know that we want to be part of that community, too.”

Ballot initiative proponents need to turn in 7,038 valid signatures by mid-June to qualify for the November ballot.

A new analysis of alerts sent during the Eaton Fire found “no failure” by emergency officials to issue timely evacuation orders to areas west of Lake Avenue in Altadena.

The timing of alerts to neighborhoods west of Lake, where all but one of 19 deaths in that fire occurred, has been under scrutiny since the January 2025 fire.

The independent report by Citygate Associates was commissioned by the L.A. County Fire Department at the start of this year and was released Monday.

Its conclusions are similar to those of after-action reports from other firms — that officials did the best they could amid unprecedented fire conditions and strained resources.

“While the report provides an honest account of our operations, we recognize that no investigation can truly capture the horror and tragedy residents endured,” said L.A. County Fire Chief Anthony Marrone in a prepared statement. “My focus is to ensure that the lessons learned from the Eaton and Palisades fires are turned into lasting changes that will better protect our residents and neighborhoods into the future.”

Altadena resident Zaire Calvin — whose sister died in the fire and whose own home burned down — said the report feels like another “slap in the face.” He said he wanted to see details on any mistakes that may have been made. But reading the report, he felt blame was once again largely placed on unprecedented fire conditions.

“A  community that's already down, a community that's fighting for their lives, a community that's fighting all of the people trying to take property from them — at some point you just want accountability,” Calvin said.

L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger, who represents Altadena, said in a prepared statement that the “investigation should not be interpreted as dismissing the experiences of residents. Public trust requires both accountability and a willingness to learn from every aspect of a disaster response.”

Citygate Associates, which produced an after-action report on the 2018 Woolsey Fire, used interviews, operational records, dispatch records and internal communications to analyze decisionmaking between 9 p.m. on Jan. 7, 2025, and 6 a.m. the following day.

Some of the main findings include the following:

• With aircraft grounded by  high winds, “Incident Command was forced to fight a fire while blind to its movements.” 
• Evacuation decisions were not based on “race, age or socioeconomics.” 
• “Evacuation planners who created the evacuation zone areas well before the fire tried to use, where possible, major north/south and east/west streets. … Thus, Lake Avenue was a natural, very long street that could be utilized as an anchor for creating evacuation zones.” 
• Other fire timeline reviews cite reports of fire moving westward between 11 p.m. and just before midnight, but Citygate staffers write that strained resources were focused on the eastern front of the fire at that time, which was the direction the fire was initially spreading, and that “fire progression maps … do not show the the Eaton Fire directly impacting western neighborhoods at that time.” 
• The fire initially spread westward more slowly, and did not escalate significantly until early in the morning on Jan. 8.
• Reports of fires before 1 a.m. west of Lake Avenue were likely a result of downed power lines.
• By 2 a.m., radio reports indicated embers were being cast deeper into Altadena. 
• Discussions to expand evacuation orders west started at 2:18 a.m., with evacuation orders being sent to residents west of Lake by 3:25 a.m. 
• The main fire front crossed west of Lake Avenue by about 5:15 a.m. 

Find the full report here.