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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • An East L.A. author's mission to honor vets
    Two old portrait photos side by side: On the left is a man wearing an old army uniform and cap, and on the right of a little girl wearing a white dress.
    Ruben Amaro in U.S. Army uniform (left) and his daughter, Julie Sands, at 6 years old.

    Topline:

    Boyle Heights Beat spoke with East L.A. native and author Julie Sands about her advocacy for veterans and how writing a book about her father helped her begin to heal.

    Why it matters: When Sands’ father returned from the Vietnam War in 1968, he was not the same man who had left. Sands explained that while many veterans come home and “get a job, resume their married life and have children,” it’s not always that simple.

    Why now: For the 14th year in a row, Sands will help organize the Memorial Day celebration at the Mexican American All Wars Memorial at Cinco Puntos in Boyle Heights. With a small-but-mighty team of planners, she works to honor those who died while serving in the U.S. Armed Forces.

    Read on... for Sands' reflections and more details about her involvement in the celebration.

    This story was originally published by Boyle Heights Beat on May 23, 2025.

    When East L.A. native and author Julie Sands’ father returned from the Vietnam War in 1968, he was not the same man who had left.

    Sands explained that while many veterans come home and “get a job, resume their married life and have children,” it’s not always that simple.

    Her father, Ruben Amaro, came back to East L.A. with post-traumatic stress disorder, struggled with drug and alcohol abuse, “and he could never resume a normal life,” said Sands.

    “Growing up and having to experience the ramifications of war on a child is something that no one talks about. Everyone speaks about the veterans, but they don’t speak about the children of veterans.”

    Sands chronicled her experiences in her 2010 memoir, “War Dad: A Daughter’s Story of Surviving PTSD and the Effects of War,” which recounts growing up in a military family in East L.A. The book led her to connect with other veterans and their families who had dealt with the same pain.

    An old sepia-colored photo of a man in army gear posing for a photo on an army vehicle with tents in the background.
    Ruben Amaro, Sands’ father, served in the Vietnam War.
    (
    Courtesy of Julie Sands
    )

    Now, for the 14th year in a row, Sands will help organize the Memorial Day celebration at the Mexican American All Wars Memorial at Cinco Puntos in Boyle Heights. With a small-but-mighty team of planners, she works to honor those who died while serving in the U.S. Armed Forces.

    “I am grateful to be able to do this for the city of Los Angeles,” Sands said. “No matter how hot the political scene gets in CD 14, community [members] are always the ones who come to the ceremony.”

    We spoke to Sands about her advocacy for veterans and how writing a book about her father helped her begin to heal. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

    BHB: How did growing up in a military family – especially with a father struggling with PTSD – shape your life and perspective?

    Julie Sands: Growing up with a parent who has a military background can be very tough and it’s tough growing up with a parent who has PTSD, because it affects generations, and it affects your home life. It makes you grow up fast. It makes you aware of political situations. There is fear and uncertainty, and you have to learn how to manage all of those feelings and emotions and still make it through life yourself. So it can be a tough road when a family member takes the military route.

    BHB: What emotional challenges did you face while revisiting your story to write “War Dad”?

    Julie Sands: The entire book was challenging because I had already healed. I had already put those memories away. I was married, I was raising my children, and to write that book was like getting a knife and slicing my heart open and letting it bleed. It was extremely painful, extremely difficult, extremely emotional, but I did it because I knew I could help other people.

    BHB: What drives you to keep honoring veterans through the annual Memorial Day celebration at Cinco Puntos?

    Julie Sands: When I wrote [“War Dad”], I thought to myself, ‘how am I going to reach out to the families of the veterans and try to rescue the daughters and the sons that are going to go through what I went through with the soldiers coming back from Iraq and Afghanistan?’ And the best way I could do that is to plug myself directly into the veterans community. And that’s what I did. In doing that, I was able to connect with family members and children and daughters of fathers of war and begin to help them to heal as well, and to teach them the skills on how to heal from their childhood when they had a parent with PTSD.

    My father didn’t have a choice. He went to war, he was drafted, he came back with PTSD, and he wasn’t able to resume a normal life. So I wanted to represent my father, and that’s why I stand on that stage in Boyle Heights and East L.A., because I’m representing my father and his name and showing that no matter what happens in life, you can rise above your situation and you can make things better again.

    A white memorial with a plaque at the base and a black metal fence and stone posts circle around it.
    Mexican American All Wars Memorial at Cinco Puntos on May 21, 2025.
    (
    Andrew Lopez
    /
    Boyle Heights Beat
    )
    A plaque on a concrete base of a statue that reads "In memoriam" and text in Spanish. A small black fence and stone posts circle around it, and in the background across the street is a building with signage painted on it that reads "Los 5 Puntos."
    A plaque can be seen at the Mexican American All Wars Memorial.
    (
    Andrew Lopez
    /
    Boyle Heights Beat
    )

    BHB: What kind of impact have you seen from holding Memorial Day events in East L.A. and Boyle Heights?

    Julie Sands: Every single time I walk off that stage at the Mexican-American All Wars Memorial at Cinco Puntos, there are people just coming up to me crying, hugging me and telling me thank you. They thank me for telling my story, because they also went through that. And then they want me to talk to their daughters. They want me to meet their family member who has PTSD. Back in the 60s and 70s, there was no help for us. There was no counseling for families. So no one spoke of it. And so when they hear my story for the first time, it’s almost like, if they’re liberated as well, like they’re free now to speak about the trauma they went through, and that’s what I get every single ceremony.

    BHB: Beyond Memorial Day, how do you continue to support families of veterans?

    Julie Sands: I have a company called the Be Amazing Project. My objective was to use the skills that I created, exercises, verbalizations, and thought process, and take them into the schools so that I can get to the children of military families. And I’ve been blessed to be able to get into the Los Angeles Unified School District, the Montebello Unified School District. I’ve gone into high schools, middle schools, and continuation schools, and I connect with children of veterans and any children who have military family members, and I teach them how to rise above their situation and succeed in school and succeed at home.

    BHB: Are you planning any new elements for this year’s Memorial Day celebration?

    Julie Sands: This year, what I’d like to begin doing during the ceremony is to hold a space for people to stand with a picture of their fallen loved one, whether they passed in combat or they passed away after they came back from war. I’m going to give them the opportunity to call out their name. And I think that would be very, very powerful, because Memorial Day is a day to remember.

    Event details: 

    78th Annual Memorial Day commemoration at the Mexican American All Wars Memorial

    • Date: 10 to 11 a.m., Monday, May 26, 2025
    • Location: Cinco Puntos, 3300 E. Cesar E. Chavez Avenue

  • Various groups say they've seen increased activity

    Topline:

    In the weeks ahead of the midterms, various cities and states across the country are reporting a notable rise in ICE activity, according to reports gathered by NPR and its member stations.

    What authorities said: NPR wrote to the agency to ask if there has been a recent surge. It responded: "ICE agents uphold our nation's immigration laws in all 50 states, seven days a week, 24 hours a day." And yet NPR and its member stations have received tips from rural Illinois, Oregon, Detroit and California about surges in ICE enforcement throughout October.

    The impact: Weiser of the Brennan Center says there's no indication the raids are affecting turnout. On the contrary, she says there has been a surge in early voting in minority communities across the country. "The good news is: it isn't working. Americans are tuning this out and we are not seeing a significant impact on participation. And we are actually seeing huge surges in participation in communities of color, and in Latino communities, and in all the communities that have been targeted by ICE and DHS."

    Very early on Wednesday morning, Dover, N.J., Councilwoman Sandra Wittner started getting messages about immigration agents. A dozen or more were gathering outside a Walgreens, according to the messages she was getting. Throughout the day, neighbors in north New Jersey saw a spike in Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity.

    And New Jersey is not alone. In the weeks ahead of the midterms, various cities and states across the country are reporting a notable rise in ICE activity, according to reports gathered by NPR and its member stations.

    "The tactics that the administration has been deploying in communities really appear to be designed to try to intimidate voters," says Wendy Weiser of the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law School. Despite that, early turnout is surging.

    "There was definitely a lot of apprehension and fear," Wittner recalls. "We just really weren't sure if something huge was about to happen. People were not feeling very comfortable or safe."

    Wittner is not sure who was detained or where, which is unsurprising: these days it's difficult to report on ICE crackdowns as they happen, because the Department of Homeland Security no longer publicly shares timely information on its operations.

    NPR wrote to the agency to ask if there has been a recent surge. It responded: "ICE agents uphold our nation's immigration laws in all 50 states, seven days a week, 24 hours a day."

    And yet NPR and its member stations have received tips from rural Illinois, Oregon, Detroit and California about surges in ICE enforcement throughout October.

    An official within New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani's office who was not authorized to speak publicly confirmed that they have noted a surge in ICE activity in the city.

    "We're certainly witnessing an uptick in activity, and have been since the summer," says a member of a volunteer group of neighbors in New York. She asked that NPR not use her name, as she is worried about retaliation. Her group goes to the scene where an ICE operation is happening, documents it, reminds those being detained of their rights, and alerts neighbors.

    "In the past few weeks we've seen numerous large operations, or what we call cluster raids, multiple agents going to one spot and then the next," she said.

    On the other side of the country, Oregon Public Broadcasting reporter Troy Brynelson has reported on a similar trend. "What we were seeing in early October and what we've seen continue, at least anecdotally throughout this month, is that ICE activity has really picked up in Portland." Brynelson says it seems to be concentrated in commercial areas. "I'd say it's a noticeable uptick compared to what we've seen over the summer."

    Juan Proaño of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), a civil rights organization, says he's concerned because this is happening so close to the midterm elections. "It's not about ICE at the actual polling station, it's ICE at the perimeter of the polling station," he says.

    "Mass enforcement actions could be away from the polls, but with social media and the news, it could be enough to dissuade somebody from actually going out to vote."

    Weiser of the Brennan Center says there's no indication the raids are affecting turnout. On the contrary, she says there has been a surge in early voting in minority communities across the country. "The good news is: it isn't working. Americans are tuning this out and we are not seeing a significant impact on participation. And we are actually seeing huge surges in participation in communities of color, and in Latino communities, and in all the communities that have been targeted by ICE and DHS."

    Even so, she says that intimidation at the polls is illegal, and should be reported.
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Sponsored message
  • Opposition from Trump administration poses threat
    Aerial view of a concrete canal curving through golden-green hills toward a large pumping plant, with wind turbines along the distant ridgeline.
    An aerial view of the Harvey O. Banks Delta Pumping Plant, which lifts water into the California Aqueduct, in Alameda County on May 11, 2023.

    Topline:

    California water regulators have approved a new plan overhauling how farms and cities take water from the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta and rivers that feed it, setting up the next fight over Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to balance water supplies with the needs of a struggling ecosystem. The plan gives water agencies a choice: agree to forgo some water and restore habitats, or fall under the regulatory backup — a set of mandatory rules for how much water must remain in rivers and streams to flow through the Delta. But the compromise the Newsom administration reached four years ago with the state’s most powerful water suppliers now faces opposition from unexpected quarters.

    Why it matters: Aubrey J.D. Bettencourt, principal deputy commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, which operates California’s federal water delivery system, wrote to the water board in September to express the Trump administration’s “serious concern” with the near-final draft. Bettencourt said it “reflects more of what has come to be expected from the State Board –- executive and regulatory overreach, questionable legal authority, and continued downward pressure on water users throughout the state,” referring to reduced water supplies.

    The backstory: Powerful water agencies that once backed it say Newsom’s voluntary agreements have become too restrictive. The Trump administration has threatened to withdraw support and several hundred million dollars in funding. And environmental advocates, tribes, and fishing groups warn that the deal and its regulatory backup gut protections for an ecosystem already in crisis.

    California water regulators have approved a new plan overhauling how farms and cities take water from the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta and rivers that feed it, setting up the next fight over Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to balance water supplies with the needs of a struggling ecosystem.

    The plan gives water agencies a choice: agree to forgo some water and restore habitats, or fall under the regulatory backup — a set of mandatory rules for how much water must remain in rivers and streams to flow through the Delta.

    But the compromise the Newsom administration reached four years ago with the state’s most powerful water suppliers now faces opposition from unexpected quarters.

    Powerful water agencies that once backed it say Newsom’s voluntary agreements have become too restrictive. The Trump administration has threatened to withdraw support and several hundred million dollars in funding. And environmental advocates, tribes, and fishing groups warn that the deal and its regulatory backup gut protections for an ecosystem already in crisis.

    Opening this week’s final hearings, E. Joaquin Esquivel, chair of the State Water Resources Control Board, said he was struck by the opposing criticism. He called water agencies’ narrative that the plan has strayed from Newsom’ original deal “convenient theater.”

    "Some agencies say we kept too much oversight,” Esquivel said. On the other hand, tribes and environmental groups say “we kept too little. They are pointing at the same provisions from opposite directions. That doesn't make the plan perfect. It does tell me the plan sits where a regulator should.”

    The question is how California’s water regulators will move forward without the buy-in of major water users these agreements had aimed to bring on board, and whether the regulatory backup will hold if they don’t.

    “That creates a world of confusion and dysfunction,” Gary Bobker, program director at Friends of the River, said at a briefing Tuesday. “And I think the board recognizes that they're going to be handed an incredible morass.”

    Supporters say the deal has changed

    The Delta is the heart of California’s water delivery system, where state and federal pumps export Northern California river water to Central and Southern California. It’s also the center of California’s water wars, and in the throes of collapse.

    State officials have been warning for years that existing rules aren’t enough to stop the precipitous decline of native species like the state’s iconic salmon as they lose freshwater to cities and farms. Crashing populations forced the recent cancellation of salmon fishing for three unprecedented years in a row.

    But the state last overhauled the Bay-Delta Water Quality Control Plan, a keystone document governing water quality and flows, in 1995.

    Late Thursday night, after two days of public comments raising concerns with the plan and several hours deliberating last-minute changes, the State Water Resources Control Board approved an update centering Newsom’s voluntary agreements.

    Only one board member, civil engineer Nichole Morgan, voted against the update. Among the yes votes was Newsom’s former secretary for environmental protection Jared Blumenfeld, a signatory to the original deal.

    California Natural Resources Secretary Wade Crowfoot told a quiet room Thursday that he knew this path forward was uncomfortable for everyone.

    “We heard yesterday a lot of groups, including tribal governments, that continue to believe that this is not sufficient, and this is the wrong approach,” Crowfoot said. “We have water agencies that aren't comfortable with the way that their proposal — our proposal — has materialized … That’s natural. This is a paradigm shift.”

    Officially known as the Healthy Rivers and Landscapes Program and backed by $2.9 billion of mostly state as well as federal and water supplier money, the Newsom administration touted these agreements as a way to forestall legal fights while balancing competing demands on the Delta.

    But after years of regulatory processes, public comment and environmental review, the original signatories are balking. Water users, including Westlands Water District, a power player in the state’s $60 billion agricultural economy, say the current plan is not what they signed up for.

    “It's unrecognizable,” said Jennifer Pierre, general manager for the State Water Contractors, which represents public water agencies serving 750,000 acres of farmland and 27 million people.

    Pierre called the latest version a “complete system of micromanagement” that centers too much decision-making with the state water board’s executive director, and retains too little flexibility.

    “I think everyone's reviewing it to see, okay, we've all acknowledged this is not what we proposed, but is it workable?” she said.

    A second front opens up

    In a major blow to the voluntary agreements, the federal government — which pumps Delta water to millions of acres of Central Valley farmland — is threatening to jump ship. If it does, it would take hundreds of millions of federal dollars with it.

    State water regulators clarify that no one has yet officially withdrawn from the deal. But the threat hits harder than those from other water users, said Barry Nelson, a senior policy analyst for the Golden State Salmon Association.

    “They're the largest water project in the Central Valley. They have more storage than anyone else in the state of California. And they jointly operate the Delta with the state,” Nelson said at a briefing for reporters.

    Aubrey J.D. Bettencourt, principal deputy commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, which operates California’s federal water delivery system, wrote to the water board in September to express the Trump administration’s “serious concern” with the near-final draft.

    Bettencourt said it “reflects more of what has come to be expected from the State Board – executive and regulatory overreach, questionable legal authority, and continued downward pressure on water users throughout the state,” referring to reduced water supplies.

    These concerns include a new provision requiring that if state or federal managers make substantial changes to water deliveries that decrease flows through the Delta, they must submit a plan to make up for the loss.

    The addition comes after the Trump administration’s unilateral move last December to allow more federal exports from the Delta to Central Valley farms. California officials, who typically coordinate with federal water managers, warned at the time this risked leaving less for other water users and the environment.

    Bettencourt wrote that if the board fails to address the Trump administration’s concerns, federal water managers will pull out and stop funding a plan she said “threatens reliability of water supplies that support … the entire fabric of California’s agricultural economy, rural communities, urban centers, and natural vitality.”

    War among the water users

    State water regulators say the plan can still succeed without federal participation or money, which was originally anticipated to reach $740 million.

    “We're still committed to making the (voluntary agreements) pathway work for the other participants. It does complicate things, and we'll have to work through that,” said Eric Oppenheimer, the state water board’s executive director.

    The money is part of the voluntary agreements’ $2.9 billion price tag intended to pay for habitat restoration and water purchases.

    Oppenheimer said that if the Trump administration pulls out, federal water managers at the bureau instead would be bound by the backup plan.

    But he added the board’s modeling shows it’s in the Trump administration’s best interest to stick with the voluntary agreements because it will allow them to export more water.

    “It has a reduced water supply impact for Reclamation and its contractors, and we also think that the voluntary agreement itself is a benefit for the ecosystem,” Oppenheimer said. “But we can't make them volunteer.”

    Environmental advocates and the fishing industry are skeptical about many things, including that state regulators will truly hold the federal government to the regulatory backup. They point to increased federal releases from Lake Shasta to send water to Central Valley farms this past summer, despite state objections that this would sap cold water necessary for imperiled salmon.

    Those who fought voluntary agreements from the outset for failing to protect the Delta and all who depend on it say it’s ironic that water users are now fighting the deal, too.

    “There actually might be a war among water users,” Bobker said. “That's kind of what you're seeing here: people who think the (voluntary agreements) are a weak-enough gutting of the regulations, and those who think actually no, they don't go far enough.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • DOJ request to set aside ballots is denied
    Empty podium bearing the Department of Justice seal, in front of a U.S. flag, a Department of Justice flag and a Department of Justice plaque on a navy curtain.
    The U.S. Department of Justice logo is seen on a podium before a press conference, May 6, 2025, at the Justice Department in Washington.

    Topline:

    The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals on Friday rejected the Justice Department’s request for California to set aside disputed ballots received in the midterm election. The panel’s 2-1 ruling is the latest setback for the Trump administration’s efforts to assert control over state-run elections.

    Why it matters: The ruling comes during broader federal scrutiny of local elections, with the Trump administration issuing a raft of subpoenas in Alaska in a spoiler-candidate controversy. The Justice Department has also provided a list of alleged noncitizen voters to officials in Washington state.

    The backstory: The administration has alleged California sent ballots to some 20,000 people who may not be U.S. citizens. It wants the state to set those ballots aside and not count them until citizenship can be verified. California officials say the list is highly unreliable and likely includes many people who are U.S. citizens. A district court judge already forcefully denied that request and warned that the Justice Department’s demands could disenfranchise citizens.

    What's next: The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the ruling.

    The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals on Friday rejected the Justice Department’s request for California to set aside disputed ballots received in the midterm election.

    The panel’s 2-1 ruling is the latest setback for the Trump administration’s efforts to assert control over state-run elections.

    Read the decision

    The administration has alleged California sent ballots to some 20,000 people who may not be U.S. citizens. It wants the state to set those ballots aside and not count them until citizenship can be verified. California officials say the list is highly unreliable and likely includes many people who are U.S. citizens.

    A district court judge already forcefully denied that request and warned that the Justice Department’s demands could disenfranchise citizens.

    “As the district court found — and we discern no clear error — there is no feasible way to identify and segregate the ballots of specific individuals without potentially catastrophic effects on the entire system,” the appeals court wrote.

    The ruling is the latest in an expansive legal battle between the federal government and the state before Election Day in the midterms Tuesday. Millions of people in California have already voted.

    The majority opinion was authored by Judge Mark J. Bennett, who was appointed by President Donald Trump, and Judge Gabriel P. Sanchez, who was appointed by former President Joe Biden.

    The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the ruling.

    Hundreds of thousands of ballots have already been processed. Elections officials have said that processed votes are completely anonymized and can’t be matched back to the voters who submitted them.

    The ruling comes during broader federal scrutiny of local elections, with the Trump administration issuing a raft of subpoenas in Alaska in a spoiler-candidate controversy. The Justice Department has also provided a list of alleged noncitizen voters to officials in Washington state.

    Outside groups sued for access to the disputed list

    Earlier on Friday, a federal judge in Washington ordered the Trump administration to share the disputed list of names with lawyers for the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights and the UCLA Voting Rights Project. They want the list so they can examine who is on the list and assess its impact on eligible voters.

    It will be the first time that a nongovernment organization will have the opportunity to evaluate the merits of the list of some 20,000 names.

    Prosecutors with the Trump administration have argued that there is just as much to lose from noncitizens illegally voting, arguing that to tally those votes would dilute the voice of citizens.

    Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra is an adviser to the UCLA Voting Rights Project.

    The two groups sued the Homeland Security Department in early October to prevent it from using federal immigration data to challenge state voter rolls. The lawsuit cited examples in other states where the federal government’s data has been proven to mistakenly include thousands of citizens. It argued that the data-matching methods risk disenfranchising or deterring citizens from voting. On top of that, plaintiffs argued, the lists could disproportionately target naturalized citizens who are legally entitled to vote.

    Another suit seeks to defend election workers

    A coalition of unions on Friday also joined the growing list of groups challenging the federal government’s efforts.

    The unions, including the A.F.L.-C.I.O. and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, are asking a federal judge to temporarily block the Justice Department from demanding that local officials stop counting ballots and to drop threats to criminally prosecute officials who do not comply with their demands.

    The top federal prosecutor in Los Angeles, Bill Essayli, has warned that “any election official who knowingly processes the ballot of a noncitizen is opening themselves to legal jeopardy.”

    On Thursday the Associated Press obtained subpoenas issued to election officials in Los Angeles County. The subpoenas request any documents and communications related to letters sent in July and October by federal officials to state election officials outlining the allegations about noncitizen voters. They also seek any information about efforts to prevent noncitizen votes from being counted. At least three L.A. County election officials have been asked to appear before a grand jury on Nov. 4, the day after the election.

    The lawsuit accuses the Justice Department of issuing threats against election officials that could interfere with their ability to process votes.

    It is unclear whether the Justice Department intends to bring criminal charges against anyone. The department does not typically subpoena people whom it regards as targets of a criminal investigation to appear before a grand jury.

  • Last call for Pasadena's last gay bar
    Interior of a bar with Halloween decorations. A black bartender is talking to a drag queen.
    The Boulevard, Pasadena's last gay bar, is closing after 45 years.

    Topline:

    The Boulevard, Pasadena’s last gay bar, is closing after 45 years on Saturday with a farewell bash of drag and karaoke.

    Why it matters: The watering hole on 3199 E. Foothill Blvd. has stood witness to Pasadena's LGBTQ+ history, including the worst years of the AIDS crisis.

    Why now: The bar is shutting down after a farewell bash on Saturday, Oct. 31, unless a buyer steps up.

    Read on ... for the history of The Boulevard and details on how to send it off.

    The Boulevard, Pasadena’s last gay bar that has stood witness to the worst years of the AIDS crisis and so much more, is closing after 45 years on Saturday with a farewell bash of drag and karaoke.

    “We’ve had weddings. We’ve had funerals. We’ve had college graduations,” said Steven Terradot, owner of The Boulevard, who’s retiring and has put the bar up for sale.

    “You always feel welcome,” said David Imai, who first came to the bar in 2012. “This place has a reputation of being the gay Cheers for a reason.”

    Come November, what Pasadena loses isn't just a cozy watering hole, but a keeper of its LGBTQ+ past.

    “We were more than just a place that sold drinks — or more than a party,” Terradot, 69, said. “I like to think that we had a conscience here, you know?”

    How The Boulevard survived the AIDS crisis

    The Boulevard, Terradot said, opened in 1981, when original owners Randy Biggs and partner Carl got a liquor license after buying its predecessor, The Office, a gay beer-and-wine bar.

    At the time, Pasadena had a cluster of queer night spots, Terradot said. Among them: The Vermie’s on Foothill Boulevard; Nardi’s, which became Copa; and The Whistle Stop, near The Office when it was on Colorado Boulevard.

    Terradot first set foot inside the newly opened Boulevard in his mid-20s. “I looked both ways to see if anybody saw me come in, because there was a shame and a guilt in those days about who you were,” he said.

    The place was packed, filled with people seeking belonging, sex, friendship — even as the AIDS epidemic was becoming full blown. He became a regular, eventually moonlighting as a bartender.

    The Boulevard felt the devastation of HIV.

    “I saw it as a young man here,” Terradot said.

    The daytime crowd of mostly older gay men, Terradot said, “started dropping like flies and it was scary, it was sad, and you couldn't do anything.”

    Funerals were commonplace at The Boulevard and bar regulars started a fund for those in need.

    “All we could do was try to get money for medicine or food or rent because people would get fired, they'd lose their health insurance,” he said.

    Farewell and Halloween bash at The Boulevard

    Event: Last Call at the Boo-levard! (costumes encouraged)
    Where: The Boulevard Bar, 3199 E. Foothill Blvd., Pasadena
    When: Saturday, Oct. 31, starting at 7 p.m.
    Ages: 21+

    To say hi to Steven Terradot, look for the guy with an unlit cigarette dangling between his lips.

    Why he bought a struggling bar in 1999 

    In 1999, Terradot bought The Boulevard, three years after the introduction of the so-called “AIDS cocktail,” which turned HIV into a manageable chronic condition.

    At the time, business was slow. The internet was making it easy for LGBTQ+ folks to find each other. And his regulars were going to West Hollywood and Silver Lake to meet new people.

    “The first Friday night I owned this bar, we did $200 on the register,” Terradot said.

    But he saw it as a calling of sorts.

    “I lost 11 friends during the AIDS epidemic,” he said. “I wanted to do something.”

    A new generation finds community 

    A drag performer wearing a soccer jersey sits at a bar, smiling.
    Honey B. Hive hosts Tuesday trans nights at The Boulevard.
    (
    Fiona Ng
    /
    LAist
    )

    To give the bar a jolt, Terradot started its now-signature karaoke nights. He then made drag a weekly night.

    In recent years, The Boulevard has become a place for trans folks to build community, adding trans nights on Tuesdays.

    “For a long time I would come to The Boulevard in drag, and I would just pick up a lot of the queens' tips, and that was my way of paying my dues,” said Honey B. Hive, a drag performer.

    Before long, she was anchoring Tuesday trans nights.

    “A lot of the San Gabriel Valley comes for Tuesdays,” she said. “People have been coming ever since it started. It feels very familial.”

    One last rush, and hope for a buyer 

    On its final Sunday, after the leather social and before karaoke, Terradot was pitching in behind the bar.

    An Asian man with a buzz cut and a Mickey Mouse shirt sitting at the bar.
    David Imai is a Boulevard regular.
    (
    Fiona Ng
    /
    LAist
    )

    Business has more than tripled, he said, as old-timers and newcomers flood in after hearing about the closure.

    “It does feel like we are losing a resource and a local hangout for those of us living in the San Gabriel Valley,” Imai, the longtime regular, said.

    A buyer could still reopen The Boulevard. Terradot said he’s holding out until mid-November for an offer before packing it all up and walking into the sunset.

    He hopes someone out there sees the importance of a neighborhood gay bar.

    “You still have kids that are lost that come in here, OK? You need to stick a hand out to them,” Terradot said. “So that is the role of the gay bar.”