The Brief

Popular weight loss drugs Ozempic and Wegovy would no longer be covered by Medi-Cal under a proposal unveiled by Gov. Gavin Newsom Wednesday in an effort to reduce cost overruns in the state health insurance program.

The costly drugs prescribed to fight obesity have been driving up the cost of Medi-Cal, the state program that provides health coverage for low-income Californians. Eliminating coverage for these drugs would save the state $85 million in 2025-26, and up to $680 million by 2028-29, according to the governor’s office.

Newsom’s proposal will be taken up by the state Legislature as the governor and top legislators tackle a state budget facing a $12 billion deficit.

As proposed, coverage of the drugs would end on Jan. 1, 2026. Medi-Cal patients trying to lose weight would have to pay for the prescriptions themselves, at a cost of more than $1,000 per month, making it unattainable for low-income people.

Some health professionals say the drugs are highly effective at combating obesity, a chronic disease that drives up health care costs because it can lead to many other disorders such as heart disease and diabetes.

An estimated 18 million adults in California are obese or overweight, according to the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.

“This is a bad decision. The people who are already taking this medication, what’s going to happen to them?” said Liz Helms, president of the California Chronic Care Coalition, a group of health consumer advocacy organizations and providers.

Dr. Wayne Ho, a Los Angeles obesity specialist and researcher, said patients will likely regain the weight they’ve lost, and also lose the health benefits they’ve gained, such as lower blood pressure and cholesterol.

“It is the best tool I have had as a primary care physician in practicing preventative medicine,” Ho said of weight management drugs. For patients on Medi-Cal, he said it can be especially difficult to access obesity specialists and nutritious foods, making their weight loss journey even more difficult.

On the other hand, the California Association of Health Plans said Newsom’s proposal “should send a strong signal to the Legislature that they should reconsider mandating that health plans cover these costly drugs for weight loss without the proper clinical safeguards in place.” 

California is not required by federal law to cover the cost of the weight loss drugs in its Medi-Cal program. Instead, the state opted to include them. Under Newsom’s proposed cuts, when Ozempic is prescribed to treat diabetes, it would still be covered by Medi-Cal.

Newsom’s proposal comes as Wegovy and Ozempic prescriptions among Medi-Cal enrollees are soaring along with overall prescription drug spending. In fiscal year 2023-24, drugs cost Medi-Cal close to $15.2 billion, according to state drug cost reports. That’s about a 10% increase from the previous year.

Between 2022 and 2023, Wegovy prescriptions in the Medi-Cal program jumped from 15,000 to 181,000, data from the U.S. Centers for Medicaid and Medicare Services show. Ozempic prescriptions for diabetes and weight loss rose from 178,000 in 2022 to 480,000 in 2023.

In 2023, the latest year for which data is available, Medi-Cal spent about $733 million on both drugs. (This amount does not include the refunds that Medi-Cal received from pharmaceutical companies as part of rebate programs.)

“This is a bad decision. The people who are already taking this medication, what’s going to happen to them?"LIZ HELMS, CALIFORNIA CHRONIC CARE COALITION In his budget presentation today, Newsom did not mention the drugs. But he said the state had to “tighten things up” in its massive Medi-Cal program so he proposed several restrictions, including a freeze on Medi-Cal enrollments by people who lack permanent legal immigration status. Medi-Cal covers nearly 15 million Californians.

Earlier this year, the state had to backfill a $6.2 billion shortfall in its Medi-Cal budget to pay providers through the end of June. The Department of Health Care Services, which oversees the Medi-Cal program, cited a number of reasons for going over budget, including the state’s expansion to undocumented immigrants and an increase in prescription drug spending.

Ozempic is primarily used to treat Type 2 diabetes, but some doctors prescribe it for weight loss, too. Wegovy is used only for weight loss. Both are manufactured by Danish pharmaceutical company Novo Nordisk, and there are no generic versions.

Semaglutide, the active ingredient in both drugs, works by mimicking the GLP-1 hormone, which helps regulate blood sugar and appetite. In an attempt to contain costs, Medi-Cal already limits the quantity of Wegovy that can be dispensed every 28 days to one carton of four pen injectors. Patients inject themselves once a week.

To qualify for Medi-Cal, a single person’s annual income cannot exceed $21,597. For a family of 4, the threshold is $44,367.

Erica Yee contributed to this report. 

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

President Donald Trump suspended the green card lottery program on Thursday that allowed the suspect in the Brown University and MIT shootings to come to the United States.

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said in a post on the social platform X that, at Trump's direction, she is ordering the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services to pause the program.

"This heinous individual should never have been allowed in our country," she said of the suspect, Portuguese national Claudio Neves Valente.

Neves Valente, 48, is suspected in the shootings at Brown University that killed two students and wounded nine others, and the killing of an MIT professor. He was found dead Thursday evening from a self-inflicted gunshot wound, officials said.

Neves Valente had studied at Brown on a student visa beginning in 2000, according to an affidavit from a Providence police detective. In 2017, he was issued a diversity immigrant visa and months later obtained legal permanent residence status, according to the affidavit. It was not immediately clear where he was between taking a leave of absence from the school in 2001 and getting the visa in 2017.

The diversity visa program makes up to 50,000 green cards available each year by lottery to people from countries that are little represented in the U.S., many of them in Africa. The lottery was created by Congress, and the move is almost certain to invite legal challenges.

Nearly 20 million people applied for the 2025 visa lottery, with more than 131,000 selected when including spouses with the winners. After winning, they must undergo vetting to win admission to the United States. Portuguese citizens won only 38 slots.

Lottery winners are invited to apply for a green card. They are interviewed at consulates and subject to the same requirements and vetting as other green-card applicants.

Trump has long opposed the diversity visa lottery. Noem's announcement is the latest example of using tragedy to advance immigration policy goals. After an Afghan man was identified as the gunman in a fatal attack on National Guard members in November, Trump's administration imposed sweeping rules against immigration from Afghanistan and other counties.

While pursuing mass deportation, Trump has sought to limit or eliminate avenues to legal immigration. He has not been deterred if they are enshrined in law, like the diversity visa lottery, or the Constitution, as with a right to citizenship for anyone born on U.S. soil. The Supreme Court recently agreed to hear his challenge to birthright citizenship.
Copyright 2025 NPR

By law, the Justice Department has until Friday to release files related to the life and death of Jeffrey Epstein.

Under the Epstein Files Transparency Act signed by President Trump last month, the attorney general is directed to "make publicly available in a searchable and downloadable format all unclassified records, documents, communications, and investigative materials in the possession of the Department of Justice, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation and United States Attorneys' Offices" related to Epstein and his associate Ghislaine Maxwell.

More specifically, the law targets the release of information about individuals affiliated with Epstein's criminal activities, any decisions not to charge Epstein and his associates and "entities (corporate, nonprofit, academic, or governmental) with known or alleged ties to Epstein's trafficking or financial networks."

The files include "more than 300 gigabytes of data and physical evidence" in the FBI's custody and internal Justice Department records from criminal cases against Epstein. Some files include photos and videos of Epstein's accusers, including minors, and other depictions of abuse that will be withheld.

The text of the law that passed Congress with near-unanimous support also reads that "no record shall be withheld, delayed, or redacted on the basis of embarrassment, reputational harm, or political sensitivity, including to any government official, public figure, or foreign dignitary."

Ahead of the release, some members of Congress have expressed concern about what may be shared and when. Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., a co-sponsor of the bill pushing for the release of Epstein files, shared a 14-minute video online Thursday explaining his expectations.

Massie said that he spoke with lawyers for some of Epstein's victims who allege that "there are at least 20 names of men who are accused of sex crimes in the possession of the FBI."

"So if we get a large production on December 19th and it does not contain a single name of any male who's accused of a sex crime or sex trafficking or rape or any of these things, then we know they haven't produced all the documents," he said. "It's that simple."

While the law gives the Justice Department 30 days after Trump signed it to publish the files, there is notably no mechanism to enforce the deadline or seek punishment if the deadline is not met or if lawmakers argue some redactions are improper.

There's also language in the law that allows redactions for classified national security or foreign policy purposes as well as anything "that would jeopardize an active federal investigation or ongoing prosecution."

Politics at play

But in recent weeks, Trump called on the Justice Department to investigate Democrats and financial institutions that have been mentioned in Epstein's private communications that have been released by the House Oversight Committee, complicating potential disclosures.

The attorney general is supposed to submit to the House and Senate a report listing the categories of records released and withheld, a summary of redactions made and "a list of all government officials and politically exposed persons named or referenced in the released materials" without redactions.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., told reporters Thursday that Democrats "expect compliance" with Friday's deadline.

"But if the Department of Justice does not comply with what is federal law at this point, there will be strong bipartisan pushback," he said.

In the meantime, there has been a steady drip of releases by Democrats and Republicans on the House Oversight Committee of documents from Epstein's private files, handed over by his estate under a subpoena.

The way the Trump administration has handled the Epstein files — including downplaying the information for much of the year — means that this release likely won't be the end of the story.

Democrats have used the files and Trump's changing message as one of the few levers of power they have to go after the Republican Party, which controls Congress and the White House.

Before returning to office, Trump and other key figures vowed to release the Epstein files as proof that a cabal of child predators was being protected by the government and working to undermine Trump. Now, some of Trump's base believes that he himself is part of the cover-up.

Throughout all of this, Epstein and Maxwell's accusers say they're disappointed that their allegations of abuse have been used as a political cudgel wielded by politicians in Washington.

"It's time that we put the political agendas and party affiliations to the side," Haley Robson, one accuser, said in a Nov. 18 press conference outside the Capitol. "This is a human issue. This is about children. There is no place in society for exploitation, sexual crimes, or exploitation of women in society."

Copyright 2025 NPR

If you’re lucky, an L.A. Christmas means you’re unwrapping some incredible tamales.

And if you’re really savvy, you probably have your go-to tamal lady.

If you’re both, you probably already know about Yesenia Trujillo Carranza.

“December is tamales season,” Carranza tells The LA Local. “It’s much busier for me, but I love it. I love anyone who really gets joy from my tamales.”

Carranza has been feeding the Boyle Heights community hot tamales, champurrado and café de olla for 20 years.

“I have a lot of enthusiasm for feeding the community,” she said from her tamales cart, located across the road from Roosevelt High School at the intersection of South Fickett and Fourth streets.

Carranza makes her Guerrero-style corn-husk tamales fresh each day — preparing about 50 pounds of masa and offering sweet tamales, classic chicken, pork and queso con rajas.

The stand-out is definitely the tamales de pollo served with a vibrant green salsa that has just the perfect hit of spice to make you shout, “It’s a wonderful life!” this Christmas.

But Carranza isn’t alone on these streets.

Some of the best chefs and eateries in Los Angeles are elevating the portable masa meal to Michelin levels.

Don’t get us wrong, tamales like the ones Carranza and your favorite tamales lady sell do not need the glow up.

But these tamal makers offer a unique and adventurous take on the ancient masa masterpiece.

Komal

3655 S. Grand Ave., Los Angeles, Historic South Central

A tamal rojo from Komal.

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Marina Peña

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Komal opened in September 2024 at Mercado La Paloma and immediately made headlines for being LA’s first craft molino, which basically means it makes some of the best masa this side of the border.

That masa excellence is on full display in their pretty and plump chuchito tamal, a staple on the menu. The chuchito is a ball of masa stuffed with pork and topped with roasted peppers, tomato sauce, and pickled vegetables.

“The chuchito is from Guatemala, and it represents my team. Most of the people who work with me in the kitchen are from Guatemala, so this dish is a way to represent them,” says Komal’s chef and co-owner, Fátima Juárez. “Without them, we truly wouldn’t be what we are today.”

The flavors feel like a heartfelt nod to traditional dishes found in Mexico City and Oaxaca. The tamales are made with Indigenous corn sourced directly from farmers in Mexico and nixtamalized on site.

“In general, the masa and its consistency make the tamal very light. It melts in your mouth, almost as if you were eating a savory or sweet cake. It’s not very dense; it’s juicy and has a lot of flavor,” Juarez says. “A big part of that has to do with how the masa is made, we don’t use lard; we use olive oil and grape-seed oil.”

For the holidays, Juárez has added some beautiful seasonal tamales. There’s a rojo that’s bursting at the seams with sweet corn and calabacitas, topped with a spicy red sauce. Komal also features a tamal verde with chicken and tomatillo sauce, along with a sweet tamal de leche made with oranges and strawberry jam.

Guelaguetza

3014 W. Olympic Blvd., Los Angeles, Koreatown

A mole tamal from Guelaguetza.

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Guelaguetza’s tamales are simply stunning to look at. Opening one is as close to unwrapping a Christmas present as it gets.

Founded by husband and wife Fernando Lopez and Maria Monterrubio in 1994, this ode to Oaxacan cuisine has become one of the most lauded restaurants in the country, thanks in large part to the late Pulitzer Prize-winning food critic Jonathan Gold, who once called Guelaguetza “the most accomplished Oaxacan restaurant in the United States.”

The tamales come carefully wrapped in a large banana leaf so that there is just enough of an opening to decorate the masa with the Lopez family’s legendary black mole. Inside, you will find a treasure of juicy chicken breast meat.

Lugya’h by Poncho’s Tlayudas

4301 W. Jefferson Blvd., Los Angeles, West Adams

Lugya’h by Poncho’s Tlayudas features a savory amarillo sauce.

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Erick Galindo

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When the humble culinary genius Alfonso “Poncho” Martinez sunsetted his weekend pop-up Poncho’s Tlayudas for a six-day-a-week brick and mortar shop called Lugya’h inside the swanky Maydan Market, LA’s street food lovers both rejoiced and shed a tear. There was nothing like Friday nights feasting on Poncho’s tlayudas. But now we can get them all week long, and there are some added benefits like access to his beautiful Zapotec-inspired tamales.

“In the hills of Oaxaca, we wrap tamales with whatever kind of leaves we can find,” he tells The LA Local.

Lugya’h’s tamales are quite beautiful to look at, but they are also quite lovely to devour. They are turkey tamales wrapped in banana leaves and feature Poncho’s savory amarillo sauce, a blend of hot peppers, tomatoes and turkey broth.

A Tí

1498 Sunset Blvd., Los Angeles, Echo Park

A Tí serves a sweet dessert tamal.

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Erick Galindo

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Chef Andrew Ponce says he opened his fine dining-style Mexican restaurant A Tí as a tribute to his father. “My father worked his whole life and still had time to make it to my little league games,” he explained. “So this is for him.”

Ponce admits he was never great at baseball, but he hit it out of the park with his dessert tamal. Ponce uses blue masa quebrada — a crumbly, more coarse masa from Kernel of Truth Organics — whipped butter and a blend of seasonal squash from the farmers market.

“It can be from kabocha green and red squash or red curry squash and honey nut squash,” Ponce tells The LA Local. “And I season it with piloncillo and warm spices.”

The sweet tamal is topped with soft whipped cream and a pecan crumble.

Tamales La Güera

Southeast corner of Broadway and West Vernon Avenue in Historic South Central

The guajolota by Tamales La Güera.

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Kevin Martinez

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LA Local community engagement director Kevin Martinez swears by Elisa Chaparro Garcia’s guajolota — a hot tamal stuffed inside a bolillo, creating a thick tamal torta — because it’s the closest thing to a Mexico City tamal experience you can find in Los Angeles.

The combination creates a perfect balance between the melty ephemerality of the tamal and the sweet stickiness of the bread. The tamales are served with pork, chicken, queso con rajas, strawberry, pineapple or mole.

“The bolillo allows the tamal to linger a little longer in the mouth,” Martinez explains. “It’s not too soggy, not too dry, creating the perfect bite.”

Tamales La Güera has been serving her Mexico City-style tamales in South Central for more than 20 years and has become so popular that she opened a second stand across the street.

La Flor de Yucatán

1800 Hoover St., Los Angeles, Pico Union

The colado from La Flor de Yucatán.

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Marina Peña

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The LA Local

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This family-owned fixture in Pico Union specializes in Mayan-style, banana leaf tamales.

“Our tamales come from a family recipe from the Yucatán because that’s where our specialty is. We chose bits and pieces from aunts and uncles and made it our own,” says Annie Burgos, co-owner of the bakery.

La Flor de Yucatán has been in the neighborhood for more than 50 years, serving homestyle baked goods like hojaldra — a flaky, sugar-topped pastry with ham and cheese — and regional tamales.

Her parents, Antonio and Rosa Burgos, started the business after baking in their home kitchen in Pasadena in the late 1960s, with Antonio selling the goods door to door and from his vehicle.

“Yucatán is so far down in Mexico, so our tamales have more in common with those from Central America and the Caribbean,” Burgos says. “The consistency of the dough is different, the flavoring is different because you get some of the flavoring from the banana leaf itself, and the tamales tend to be moist.”

Today, they offer three classic Yucatecan tamales wrapped in banana leaves: the colado, a moist, fluffy tamal filled with chicken and pork; the tortiado, a hand-patted tamal with chicken and pork; and the dzotobichay, a chaya leaf tamal often filled with pepper jack cheese.

“My favorite would be the tortiado, but in all the pop-ups that we do, everywhere that we go, the one that reigns supreme is the colado,” Burgos says. “You can scoop into the colado, the other tamales you have to cut into.”

To those barreling through city streets: Your days of speeding are numbered.

Automatic speed cameras will start issuing tickets along Long Beach’s most nefarious roadways next year, in a bid to curb rising traffic fatalities and injuries.

This comes after the Long Beach City Council on Tuesday approved two plans that outline the locations for the cameras, explain their placement, chart the expected cost of the program and govern how data will be collected.

Officials expect to install the cameras in the spring and begin issuing warning citations for 60 days through the summer. Speeding drivers will begin receiving fines in the fall.

How will it work?

The 18 camera locations were chosen for their high rates of street racing, speeding and pedestrian collisions. Most locations are also in or near a school zone.

Cameras had to be placed within either a federally designated safety corridor, school zone or an area that has received calls for enforcement for four separate incidents within the last two years.

A screenshot from a City Council presentation shows the locations for speed cameras.

There is some overlap. Long Beach Boulevard, for example, will have cameras installed at three locations, each for different reasons: one between E. San Antonio Drive and 45th Street, due to being a high-injury network and a bustling truck route; another between Victoria and Market Street for its rampant street racing despite being a school zone; and a third one covering Artesia Boulevard to 70th Street, due to having the highest rate of street racing in the city. It is also a common route for trucks.

There will be warnings you’re approaching a speed camera, said Public Works Director Josh Hickman. Signage will be posted within 500 feet of the pole-mounted devices with “Photo Enforced” in bold below, with other signage posted further back to allow drivers a chance to decelerate.

The only data collected will be a photograph of a driver’s rear license plate. Using that, Public Works employees will issue tickets to their registered owners, who could be a different person than the driver. Cameras will not photograph people’s faces, and license plate data will not be shared with any law enforcement.

Drivers will have time to adjust. Tickets issued in the first 60 days will come only with a warning. Afterwards, owners of any car speeding over 11 mph face a fine of $50, with a cost escalator up to $500 for those driving 100 mph.

Tickets can be paid, negotiated down as much as 80% based on income level or swapped for community service. Data is erased once the ticket is resolved.

The program will cost $835,000 in the first year, with an annual operating cost of about $1.6 million. Over the five-year period it’s expected to run, officials estimate it will cost a total of $8.9 million, covered wholly by citations issued.

Any additional profits from citations will be used to pay for traffic calming improvements, like speed bumps, flashing beacons and lane narrowing.

How’d we get here?

This comes two years after the city was approved to join a state pilot for speed cameras alongside six other cities. But so far, only one, San Francisco, has launched the program, while others continue to lag behind.

Since the bill authorizing the pilot was signed in October 2023, there have been more than 3,200 crashes in Long Beach — of those, more than 20% resulted from speeding, according to state collision data. Of the nearly 3,000 people injured in traffic collisions in 2024, speed was the leading factor in a quarter of the crashes.

According to a 2025 report released last week by the Southern California Association of Governments. The city from 2014 to 2024 saw more than 400 people killed and another 40,000 injured by collisions.

Long Beach’s 55 traffic fatal collisions this year have outpaced homicides and exceeded last year’s total of 36 killed in crashes.

Erin Hoops, with the pro-street-safety group Carlite Long Beach, said this has been “the deadliest year since before the 1990s.”

What’s next?

The pilot will be deemed a success if it can bring a 20% reduction in excessive speeding or repeat offenses at the chosen locations, officials said.

“I know there’s a lot of enthusiasm here, on the public side, the City Council side, I think the timing couldn’t be better,” said Mayor Rex Richardson. “The traffic safety, the incidents of vehicle fatalities have increased post-pandemic and also fluctuate wildly.”

Depending on the pilot’s success, council members said they plan to push California legislators to bring additional cameras to nearby state roads, including Pacific Coast Highway.

Recent legislation will allow Caltrans to install 35 cameras to ticket drivers speeding through construction and maintenance zones along PCH. Signed in October, it will run through 2032.

How does the public feel?

Despite the public concern over fatalities, the camera’s introduction was received with mixed results. Surveys that ran from October to November found 48% of respondents opposed the cameras, while 41% supported them. Ninety-five of the 98 responses received focused on the city’s impact report, though officials were scant on details of what was said in the responses.

No changes were made as a result of the public engagement, officials said.