The Brief

Detranay Blankenship was 16 weeks pregnant when she found out she was expecting. The days passed quickly, and soon she was 7 centimeters dilated at Martin Luther King Jr. Community Hospital.

The 26-year-old first-time mom wasn’t sure what to expect during labor, but the team at MLK’s maternity ward soon felt like family. Every hour midwife Angela Sojobi bustled in to check on her progress and offer cheerful words of encouragement. When it was time to push, a nurse lowered the lights and flipped on the soothing sound of rain.

After 14 hours of labor, baby Myla made her appearance in the world. “That’s my grandbaby!” Latrina Jackson, Blankenship’s mother, shouted. The family’s cheers rang down the hall.

Blankenship lives just blocks away from MLK, where her labor was cozy and personalized. It was the kind of birth that many parents-to-be hope for, but a decade of widespread cutbacks to maternity care in California has made it almost a luxury. It’s available only because MLK’s leaders are fighting to keep maternity services despite steep financial losses.

Over the last decade, nearly 50 maternity wards have closed across California, with more than half shutting down in just the last four years. Seventeen of them were in Los Angeles County, where maternity ward closures have far outpaced the region’s declining birth rate.

Driving the trend in L.A. are for-profit hospitals owned by multi-state corporations. For-profit companies owned 13 of the 17 hospitals that stopped delivering babies. State data shows more than half closed at a time when the hospital was making millions of dollars for investors. Those who lost the most access were the state’s poorest patients. One hospital that serves predominantly low-income patients was earning 13 times more than the median hospital operating margin in California when it shuttered its labor and delivery ward.

In contrast, government-run and nonprofit hospitals tend to maintain labor and delivery units even if they are losing money overall, according to state data on hospital finances. State law requires nonprofit hospitals such as MLK to address community needs as part of maintaining their tax-exempt status.

Hospitals raking in profits often do so despite losing money on maternity care — the service has long been deemed a money-loser. That’s in part because Medi-Cal, California’s public insurance program which covers half of all births statewide, has had the fifth lowest reimbursement rate for obstetrics in the country, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation. Private insurance pays roughly five times more for an uncomplicated vaginal delivery. Simply put, when for-profit hospitals look at the bottom line and choose to make cuts, one of the first services to disappear is usually maternity care. No law prevents them from doing so.

In the L.A. area, these decisions disproportionately affect low-income Black and Latino communities, a CalMatters analysis found. The closures in L.A. overwhelmingly took place in hospitals where up to 80% of patients had Medi-Cal. These populations have some of the worst pregnancy-related complications and mortality outcomes in the state.

First: Angela Sojobi, the lead midwife at Martin Luther King Community Hospital in Los Angeles, checks on the dilation progress of Detranay Blankenship, who will soon give birth for the first time on March 22, 2024. Last: Latrina Jackson, the mother of Detranay Blankenship, holds her hand as she is about to give birth for the first time at Martin Luther King Community Hospital in Los Angeles, on March 22, 2024.

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Jules Hotz

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CalMatters

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The morning after giving birth, Detranay Blakenship holds her child, Myla, at Martin Luther King Community Hospital in Los Angeles, on March 23, 2024.

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Jules Hotz

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“Marginalized patients, women particularly … have really observed the decline in their care even in a place like California,” said Dr. Laila Al-Marayati, division chief for obstetrics and gynecology at Keck Medicine of USC and Los Angeles General Medical Center.

This is because the state has failed to prioritize women’s health for decades, increasing Medi-Cal obstetrics rates only recently, Al-Marayati said. Hospitals with high numbers of Medi-Cal patients frequently can’t break even on labor and delivery. As a result, maternity care takes a backseat to more lucrative hospital services, leading to the wave of recent closures.

Residents in southern L.A. have been among the hardest hit. In the last few years they’ve lost two maternity wards: Centinela Hospital Medical Center and Memorial Hospital of Gardena Medical Center. Both hospitals are owned by for-profit corporations and happen to serve the highest proportion of Black Californians in the state.

Their closures mean that MLK now operates one of the last maternity wards in the area. The hospital gives patients access to a midwife-led program celebrated statewide for its healthy outcomes for both mom and baby.

It, too, is at risk.

Last year the hospital ran a $42 million deficit. A recent $20 million grant from Los Angeles County will keep it open until next summer, MLK’s chief executive Dr. Elaine Batchlor said, but it won’t fix the hospital’s primary funding problem: Medi-Cal doesn’t pay hospitals and doctors enough to keep up, she said.

Medi-Cal reimburses MLK about 71% of the cost of delivery, hospital spokesperson Gwendolyn Driscoll said. The hospital loses more than $2 million annually on its maternity ward. Despite the losses, Batchlor said the maternity ward is integral to the hospital’s mission.

“We serve a vulnerable community that has few other options,” Batchlor said. “The financial distress of our hospital threatens that mission, but we will continue to provide the care that we can as long as we’re able.”

California maternity wards closures outpace U.S. trend

Across the country, communities are scrambling to save maternity care. About 3% of U.S. hospitals, mostly in rural areas, have stopped delivering babies since 2011, according to a report by health consulting firm Chartis. California has lost an even greater share: More than 14% of the state’s 337 hospitals ended maternity services during the same period.

Baby Eren, the daughter of parents Stephanie Herrera and Guillermo Saravia, at Martin Luther King Community Hospital in Los Angeles on March 22, 2024.

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Jules Hotz

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CalMatters

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Parents Stephanie Herrera and Guillermo Saravia with Baby Eren at Martin Luther King Community Hospital in Los Angeles, on March 22, 2024.

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Jules Hotz

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CalMatters

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Some state lawmakers are trying to slow the loss of services. They’ve characterized what is happening in L.A. as “modern-day redlining” in recent legislative hearings.

“If you start looking at where these are being eliminated, I do think the local counties who are familiar with the communities are going to question why the decisions seem to be made around hospitals that are overrepresented of…people of color,” Sen. Dave Cortese, a Democrat from Campbell, told CalMatters.

Hospitals administrators say the state could make a difference by significantly increasing how much Medi-Cal pays for births to incentivize hospitals to keep these services open.

Last year lawmakers approved a rate increase that went into effect in January, bringing up pay for some obstetric services, but the state’s multibillion-dollar deficit makes further raises unlikely. Gov. Gavin Newsom has proposed canceling additional increases to address the budget gap, something that lawmakers have rejected in a counter proposal.

“I’m not sure how many more conversations we need to have about some of the crises that we have within our health care space,” Assemblymember Akilah Weber, a Democrat and an obstetrician from La Mesa said during a recent budget hearing on Medi-Cal rates. Weber said Medi-Cal rates are “embarrassingly low in the state of California.”

The California Department of Public Health in an emailed statement said it is aware of hospitals that have chosen to reduce or eliminate labor and delivery beds, but that in the last three years the total number of beds across the state has slightly increased. “CDPH is exploring any potential avenues within its authority to promote retention or further increases of these beds, in the interest of making sure maternal care across California remains protected.”

Some experts say it will take federal intervention to slow closures. On top of increasing reimbursement rates, they’ve also suggested putting policies in place that would make it harder for hospitals to close maternity services in already underserved communities.

For now, Cortese is carrying a bill to improve transparency and public notification when a hospital decides to close a maternity ward. Private hospitals aren’t currently required to disclose the reasons for eliminating services, he said. Another bill by Weber would require hospitals to notify the state a year in advance if a maternity ward is at risk of closure due to staffing or financial limitations.

Cortese and Weber say their measures would give the state and local governments information needed to intervene if there are potentially unnecessary closures.

They won’t, however, bring back services that have already been lost in communities like Blankenship’s.

Next to her delivery room, a young couple also covered by Medi-Cal rests while their newborn son sleeps in a bassinet. The mother didn’t think she would be able to deliver vaginally after a previous cesarean section, but MLK gave her the chance that other hospitals wouldn’t. At the end of the hall, a homeless woman living in a nearby shelter labors with a midwife by her side.

“If this community lost the services, I don’t know where these women would go,” midwife Sojobi said minutes after catching Blankenship’s daughter.

The insurance divide

More than 90% of the patients who go to MLK are covered by public insurance programs like Medi-Cal or Medicare. In contrast, most hospitals that still operate maternity wards rely heavily on private insurance. Patients with private insurance represent only 3% of MLK’s patient population.

Thirteen of the 17 maternity ward closures in L.A. County happened at hospitals that serve what the state calls a disproportionate share of low-income patients. Six of those closures happened in areas where shortages of medical providers make it difficult to get any type of health care, a CalMatters analysis of state and federal data shows.

Batchlor and other hospital administrators who serve mainly low-income patients say this creates a problem because public insurance reimburses far below the cost of care. The added expense of 24-hour staffing in a maternity ward makes it a loss leader for most hospitals.

Although more than 40 hospitals still deliver babies in the county, doctors say the swath of recent closures has caused care delays. The remaining maternity wards have to absorb new patients, sometimes overwhelming them, said Dr. Lisa Moore, a family medicine doctor with Venice Family Clinic, a community health center with clinics throughout the region. Since 2020, the number of babies born at L.A.’s three county-run hospitals has increased by several hundred each year, state data shows.

Medi-Cal patients often bear the brunt of delays. Appointments for pregnant Medi-Cal patients who need scheduled inductions have been increasingly postponed, and some hospitals have stopped taking all but the highest-risk Medi-Cal patients, multiple doctors interviewed for this story said.

“People are angry, and they’re scared often because we’re telling them ‘We need to induce you. It’s not safe for you to continue being pregnant.’ But then they’re also hearing ‘Not yet. There’s no appointment,’” Moore said.

Delays worsen existing maternal and infant health disparities and increase the likelihood of a pregnant patient needing a cesarean section, Moore said.

The role of for-profit hospitals

The high costs of keeping specialized staff available 24/7 combined with relatively low payment and high malpractice risk make labor and delivery particularly difficult for hospitals to maintain, but experts say hospitals can usually recoup losses on other services.

Two hospitals neighboring MLK that recently eliminated labor and delivery were high-earning for-profit facilities.

Centinela Medical Center, which is owned by national chain Prime Healthcare, averaged a 10% five-year operating margin when it stopped delivering babies in 2023. In contrast, the median five-year average operating margin for all California hospitals was 2%, according to a CalMatters analysis of hospital financial records. Prime Healthcare and its foundation have closed five maternity wards statewide since 2013, the most of any health system in California.

Elizabeth Nikels, a spokesperson for Prime Healthcare, denied that profitability or staffing shortages had anything to do with maternity ward closures at Centinela or its other four hospitals. She instead pointed to declining demand and low birth rates.

Like Centinela, many hospitals cite decreasing birth rates as a reason for eliminating labor and delivery. California’s birth rate has reached record lows and L.A. County is not immune to the trend, but maternity wards are closing faster than birth rate declines.

In 2023, 7,700 fewer babies were born in L.A. County compared to 2020. Maternity wards closed at a faster pace than that decline, forcing remaining hospitals to absorb about 3,800 additional births over three years, according to a CalMatters analysis of hospital utilization records.

“Prime Healthcare’s priority is always community need and patient care. Service line decisions are based on greatest benefit to patients with financial sustainability not a determining factor,” Nikels said in an email.

Centinela consolidated services with St. Francis Medical Center, also a Prime hospital located 10 miles away that delivers almost four times as many babies. In 2022, 732 babies were born at Centinela, state records show, roughly two per day. Another 2,762 were born at St. Francis that same year. Centinela’s consolidation with St. Francis gives patients access to “high quality care with expansive services,” Nikels said.

The other hospital near MLK that stopped delivering babies is Memorial Hospital of Gardena. Owner Pipeline Health System, another national chain, closed Memorial’s maternity ward in 2020. The hospital posted an average annual profit margin of 16% over the five years preceding its closing of labor and delivery services, state records show.

Pipeline owns four hospitals in L.A. County. Only one offers labor and delivery services. Jane Brust, a spokesperson for Pipeline Health System, said it would be “cost prohibitive” for Pipeline to implement obstetrics at its other three hospitals.

Meanwhile, nonprofit hospitals can also be part of large, well-funded systems, such as Kaiser Permanente and Sutter Health, but by law are required to assess the needs of their community and invest in those needs in exchange for their tax-exempt status. The attorney general holds additional regulatory power over nonprofit hospital acquisitions. This is not the case for transactions between for-profit systems.

“These aren’t public entities. They make the decisions in their boardroom, and nobody really knows what the basis was,” said Sen. Cortese.

That means for-profit systems tend to have more leeway in prioritizing the bottom line.

“In order to make money, you have to increase your revenue or decrease your expenses,” said Ge Bai, professor of health policy and management at Johns Hopkins University. “To decrease expenses is to cut off those unprofitable services.”

What do L.A. parents-to-be want?

Other experts say policymakers need to look beyond money.

“The bigger public policy question is, should hospital-based (obstetrics) be part of a set of services we feel everyone in California needs access to and should be a certain geographic distance from,” said Kristof Stremikis, director of markets and insights at the California Health Care Foundation.

For communities in the neighborhoods surrounding MLK, Centinela and Gardena, that’s an easy answer, said Gabrielle Brown, maternal and infant health program coordinator with Black Women for Wellness.

After Centinela ended its maternity program, Black Women for Wellness canvassed households within 10 miles of the hospital and held a community town hall to assess the impact. The verdict: Residents of Inglewood, a majority Black and Latino city, felt abandoned, Brown said.

The community was also reeling from the death of April Valentine, a young Black woman who died during childbirth at Centinela nine months before the hospital stopped labor and delivery care. Last year, state regulators fined Centinela $75,000 for lapses in care that led to the death. The hospital has previously denied allegations of improper care and racial bias.

“Instead of improving the services that they offer, they decided to remove them,” Brown said.

Prime spokesperson Nikels said Valentine’s death was not a factor in Centinela’s maternity ward closure.

If MLK were to close, patients including Blankenship and her daughter Myla would have to travel farther for delivery and postpartum services—barriers that often affect whether a pregnant patient sees a provider at all. In urban areas, the next hospital could be a few miles down the highway, but L.A.’s notorious traffic easily makes travel time untenable. They’d also lose the rare access to a midwife.

Patients and providers at MLK are acutely aware of how dangerous those barriers can be. A whiteboard in Blankenship’s room listedher birthing goals, the words “Safe Delivery” handwritten in bold. Frequently, laboring Black mothers arrive at the hospital terrified of what might happen having heard horror stories, midwife Sojobi said. Many never saw a doctor during their pregnancy.

“They look at me and go, ‘Please don’t let me die,’” Sojobi said.

Angela Sojobi, lead midwife at Martin Luther King Community Hospital in Los Angeles, on March 22, 2024.

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Next year, MLK is adding another midwife to its maternity team. A quarter of its financial loss comes from midwife salaries because Medi-Cal will not reimburse a midwife and an obstetrician working simultaneously, which is how MLK’s team works. The hospital will absorb the additional loss because midwives improve outcomes for communities of color, MLK executive Batchlor said.

For her, the decision to keep labor and delivery open no matter the cost comes down to believing patients deserve it.

“I think it’s leadership, and I think it’s values. I do,” Batchlor said.

It's 1,000 days out until the Paralympic Games come to Los Angeles, and organizers have released a preview of the competition schedule.

The opening ceremony for the Games will take place at SoFi Stadium on Aug. 15, and the closing ceremony will be at the L.A. Memorial Coliseum on Aug. 27. That's according to a first look published by private Olympic organizing committee LA28 on its website, which lays out the days for which each sporting event is tentatively scheduled.

It's the third time L.A. is hosting the Olympics, but the city's first Paralympic Games. Athletes will compete in 23 sports across a span of about two weeks. The Paralympics will follow the Olympic Games, which will take place in July.

The Paralympic schedule provides a sketch of the excitement ahead for the summer of 2028.

The day after the Opening Ceremony, the first medals will be awarded for para athletics, wheelchair fencing, shooting para sport, para equestrian and para cycling track. Wheelchair rugby and boccia competition will start before the Games officially begin, starting a couple days ahead of the opening ceremony.

Blind football, wheelchair football, sitting volleyball and more sports will close out the summer of Olympic competition in Los Angeles, ahead of the closing ceremony.

The Los Angeles Paralympics also will welcome a new sport to the games: para climbing.

You can find the first look at the Paralympic schedule here. A more detailed schedule will come out next year.

Here’s a look at the Olympic schedule.

An ongoing dispute over maintenance of parts of the system that powers the LAX Automated People Mover could be the reason the long-awaited train won’t open until next summer, or even later, according to public documents reviewed by LAist.

The current dispute adds to a long series of disagreements between the city and LINXS, the group of companies contracted to design, build and operate the train, that have led to the ongoing saga of delays, hundreds of millions in cost overruns and diminishing public confidence that there’ll ever be a rail-only connection to LAX.

An L.A. County Civil Grand Jury report released earlier this year claimed that LINXS has used the dispute resolution process and “political pressures” to force contract extensions and additional compensation throughout the design and construction process.

In October, LAist reported about how the train’s estimated completion date moved from early 2026 to next summer. The dispute detailed in the public documents offers a more specific reason for the delay, which was previously opaque.

Dispute over metering cabinet equipment

In February, staff from city agencies directed LINXS to repair faulty equipment in a metering cabinet, according to a summary of the dispute and findings by a third-party evaluator. While the type of equipment isn’t specified, it’s likely related to measuring the power distributed throughout the system.

Power was partially shut down during the period of repair work, which lasted until July 2025.

That power shut-off delayed critical testing of the technology that allows for central control of the train’s systems, according to the third-party evaluator.

The third-party evaluator’s report said LINXS argued it was not required by contract to perform the repair work and is entitled to a schedule extension and compensation. The third-party evaluator, whose recommendations are not legally binding, agreed with LINXS’ position.

Los Angeles World Airports, the agency that manages LAX and the Van Nuys Airport, did not participate in an August hearing regarding the dispute, the third-party evaluator’s findings said.

The agency “rejected” the third-party evaluator’s conclusions, according to a November report from a management consulting firm retained by project lenders to monitor project progress.

What happens next?

According to the project contract, if a dispute remains unresolved after inquiring with the third-party evaluator, the next step is for LINXS to file a claim under a section of state law that governs complaints against public entities.

A section on the California Tort Claims Act on the Sacramento County Public Law Library website notes that the claim is a required precursor to any civil action.

“Filing a claim gives the agency the opportunity to settle the claim before a lawsuit is filed and to investigate the claim so that it can properly defend itself, or to correct the conditions or practices that led to the claim,” the website states.

The management consulting firm’s November report notes that LINXS “formally submitted” a claim on Oct. 21, triggering a 60-day period for the city to “respond to the claim and sets out the basis for the LINXS entitlements to relief.”

“Submission of [the] claim was explicitly requested by [Los Angeles World Airports] as a precursor to negotiation,” the report continues.

The status of the Automated People Mover

In a statement, Los Angeles World Airports said it’s not "unusual" to see "contractual disputes" on large capital projects like the Automated People Mover and that the train is still on schedule to open to the public next summer.

“LINXS continues to assure us the train will be ready for the FIFA World Cup, but we have back up plans in place to ensure an outstanding experience for all fans who visit Los Angeles,” the statement added. “[Los Angeles World Airports] does not comment on pending legal matters.”

Construction on the project is nearly complete, and most of the current work is focused on testing and ensuring all the parts of the system work together.

In November, Fluor, one of the companies that makes up LINXS, reported to investors that they can expect the Automated People Mover to “reach substantial completion over [the] next 3 quarters.”

The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, which was also named in the documents about the dispute, declined to comment.

LAist also reached out to LINXS and the companies that make up the group, but did not receive any response.

The management consulting firm also did not respond to emails requesting an interview.

Once spanning parts of the Inland Empire and the outskirts of the Coachella Valley, the newly redrawn U.S. Congressional District 41 will be uniquely different.

When voters approved Proposition 50 in November, it allowed California to use new congressional maps drawn by Democratic state officials to elect members of Congress from 2026 through 2030. Before this, maps were drawn by the state’s independent redistricting commission.

The maps — which state Republicans are trying to block — are expected to benefit Democrats.

Shortly after Election Day, California Republicans announced they were challenging Prop. 50 in federal court, arguing the new district maps favor Latinos at the expense of other groups in violation of the Constitution. The federal Department of Justice filed last week to join the lawsuit. A similar legal battle playing out in Texas — where congressional maps were redrawn to favor Republicans — saw the new maps blocked Tuesday by a federal court.

At the moment, Prop. 50 is going forward in California, and the new maps put the previously safely Republican 41st Congressional District in Riverside County in a now primarily blue district in L.A. County and even a small portion of Orange County.

“There's a lot of changes and some musical chairs that are happening,” Jodi Balma, political science professor at Fullerton College, told LAist. “Your house hasn't moved, but your congressional district boundary has moved around you, and so you might be interested to know who is likely to represent you at the end of the 2026 elections.”

Here’s how the chairs have shifted and why it matters in this corner of Southern California.

Why is the race for District 41 unique? 

Balma said District 41 is unlike many other California districts in the wake of Prop. 50.

“The others, you could kind of understand how the borders changed and some segment of the district remained the same,” Balma said. “But this one just wholesale was picked up from the Inland Empire and moved to Los Angeles, and it's a completely new district.”

The new district brings together residents who might have different lived experiences and cultural backgrounds, said Sara Sadhwani, assistant professor of politics at Pomona College.

“This district is substantively and geographically quite different from that, so you certainly can't compare 41 from before to 41 today,” Sadhwani said. “We have seen an incredible amount of growth throughout the Inland Empire, and notably, many Latino and Black communities moving into the Inland Empire, and with them brings a different kind of politics.”

While those communities might lean Democratic, she added, they have varied interests.

“For whoever wants to run in District 41, or any of the districts representing the Inland Empire, I think that those are some of the dynamics that they will need to be attuned to in order to earn those voters' votes,” Sadhwani said.

What are the big changes?

In the original map, District 41 stretched from Norco to Palm Desert. It included Lake Elsinore, Menifee, Palm Desert and La Quinta. Census data show that the congressional district originally was made up of 56% white, 30% Latino, 7% Asian and 6% Black voters. Before the passing of Prop. 50, District 41 was represented by Republican Congressman Ken Calvert for more than 30 years. Calvert now is running for the newly drawn 40th District.

The original District 41 has been sliced into several congressional districts. Norco and part of Corona now are included in the new District 35; Menifee and Lake Elsinore are in District 40; and Palm Springs and La Quinta are split into separate districts.

Whereas Prop. 50 made some slight regional changes to certain districts in Southern California, the newly redrawn District 41 encompasses completely different counties — including parts of L.A. and Orange counties.

District 41 now includes Whittier, Downey, La Habra and Los Alamitos. More than half the voters in the newly redrawn area are Latino, 28% are white, 11% are Asian and 5% are Black, according to state Census data.

Who could represent the new District 41? 

Rep. Linda Sánchez, currently representing the 38th District, announced her run for the newly redrawn 41st. Sánchez could have chosen to run in either the new District 38 — which includes Bell, Diamond Bar, Rowland Heights and part of Yorba Linda — but chose the new District 41 instead.

“After Proposition 50 passed and split my current district, deciding where to run was an emotional but ultimately an easy choice — I chose home,” Sánchez said in a statement. “Boundaries may change, but my commitment to fighting for the people I love will never waver.”

There are 80 House seats up for grabs in the California primary election, as well as 20 Senate seats. More than half of those are in Southern California.

No one else has announced their candidacy for District 41 yet, but that could change. The deadline to decide to run in the June primary is March 6. Here’s an election schedule.

The California Science Center unveiled Tuesday the first of many launch vehicles, engines and other artifacts set to be installed in the museum’s 200,000-square-foot expansion coming to Exposition Park.

Once complete, the new Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center will include multi-level galleries built around a towering centerpiece — the space shuttle Endeavour — displayed in its 20-story vertical launch position.

It’ll be the only place in the world where visitors can see an authentic space shuttle in its “Go for Stack” position, which is what museum officials called the process of moving each of the space shuttle components into place.

Museum admission will be free.

Jeff Rudolph, president and CEO of the California Science Center, said the $450 million expansion is California’s biggest “endeavor” yet to inspire the next generation of scientists, engineers and explorers.

“The enthusiasm that people have when they come in and see this stuff and get excited about it will hopefully lead to many more people, young and old, but particularly young people wanting to pursue more education in science,” Rudolph told LAist.

Museum officials expect to announce next year an opening date, according to Rudolph.

A look inside the center

The Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center will feature three main galleries: the Samuel Oschin Shuttle Gallery, the Korean Air Aviation Gallery and the Kent Kresa Space Gallery.

Guests will be guided through hundreds of exhibits and authentic artifacts focused on the exploration of the universe — including rocket ships that carried humans into space and telescopes used to view stars and galaxies beyond our reach.

A real Electron launch vehicle from Rocket Lab in Long Beach spans several stories tall in the Kent Kresa Space Gallery.

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The first artifacts in the expanded museum were placed in the Kenta Kresa Space Gallery, including a three-story-tall Electron launch vehicle from Rocket Lab in Long Beach.

Adam Spice, chief financial officer of Rocket Lab, told LAist the Electron helped lower the cost of getting to space by sending satellites in smaller, cheaper rockets. The new center is an opportunity to get up close and personal with an Electron for the first time outside of a factory.

Spice said he hopes it’ll show visitors their dreams can become a reality.

“They can be part of something much bigger than probably they ever thought they could,” he said.

The first artifacts installed in the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center include a solid rocket booster segment. Kenneth Phillips, aerospace curator, shows the scale of the piece, which has flown into space several times.

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Makenna Sievertson

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LAist

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The solid rocket booster segment will become a walk-through interactive experience in the Kent Kresa Space Gallery.

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Makenna Sievertson

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LAist

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A segment of a solid rocket booster that flew into space several times is laid on its side on the second floor of the gallery.

Kenneth Phillips, the California Science Center’s aerospace curator, told LAist it’ll be turned into an interactive exhibit with audio, video and educational graphics.

“It's 12 feet in diameter, so people can actually walk through it and learn about the function of it from the inside out literally,” Phillips said.

Visitors will be able to get up close and personal with a space shuttle main engine.

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A detailed model of a space shuttle main engine is set up next to the solid rocket booster. Three of those main engines helped boost space shuttles into orbit by providing about 20% of their power, Phillips said.

What's next

Construction of the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center started more than three years ago and is on track to be completed in the coming weeks, according to museum officials.

With construction of the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center weeks away from completion, crews have started to put in landscaping around the outside of the expansion.

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Makenna Sievertson

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LAist

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The exterior of the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center as of Tuesday.

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Makenna Sievertson

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LAist

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The remaining exhibits and artifacts will then be installed over "many months," Rudolph said. Officials expect to announce next year an opening date for the expansion.

The California Science Center also is looking to raise about $70 million more for the $450 million project before it opens. You can learn more about its “EndeavourLA” fundraising campaign here.

Catch up on our coverage ...

• Last chance to see the Endeavour before the space shuttle is taken off public display indefinitely
• Another major milestone for the space shuttle Endeavour’s 'Go For Stack' mission is here
• The final lift for space shuttle Endeavour’s 'Go For Stack' mission
• The Endeavour’s new home is more than halfway done. Here’s a first look at the exhibits
• The Endeavour space shuttle’s new home is inching closer to completion