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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • How does a tough month affect fundraising?
    A large group of people with their backs mostly towards the camera stand in front of USC's Tommy Trojan statue. A red brick building with beige windows is visible in the background.
    USC students and faculty protest the administration's decision to cancel the valedictory speech at commencement.

    Topline:

    The University of Southern California's big donors are generally staying even as USC administrators face significant criticism for how they've handled campus issues related to the war in Gaza.

    Unlike at other universities ... such as Columbia University and University of Pennsylvania, where donors have pulled funding over how administrators have handled protests.

    Future donations might be another story: Many donors graduated from USC. Recent interviews suggest how administrators handled protests — including using police to clear encampments — have left a bad impression of the university on some students and families.

    Donations aren’t just for buildings: Many donors give for student scholarships. USC said it gave $724 million in scholarships in fiscal year 2022.

    When University of Southern California administrators canceled valedictorian Asna Tabassum’s commencement speech this spring, the stated explanation — safety reasons — left many students and faculty confused. How could a university with its own private security, access to LAPD assistance, and that only a year before hosted President Barack Obama for commencement, not protect a student?

    According to student journalists, in a call soon after with the university’s top administrators, faculty asked if perhaps the withdrawal of Tabassum’s speech — after she was criticized by pro-Israel activists — was meant to appease one or more donors.

    USC’s top academic officer reportedly denied the accusation.

    USC, like many other private universities, raises a lot of money. And as the faculty question alluded to, big university donors like to shape a university’s direction. But what is the relationship between donors and university policy? And how do those relationships change when the university draws widespread criticism?

    “My main reaction to questions about the role of donors is it's probably over-emphasized compared to its actual importance,” said John Matsusaka, a professor of business and law at USC. He worked at USC during the various scandals that led to the exit of USC’s last president, C.L. Max Nikias. Those scandals rocked the confidence of big-money donors to the university.

    And while USC administrators faced withering scandals in the last decade, how university officials have responded to protests on campus that seek to end Israel's war effort in Gaza — including by calling in police to clear student encampments — do not appear to be rocking the support of big time donors.

    “[T]here has been no impact on donations,” USC said in a written statement to LAist.

    Does the university answer to donors?

    That doesn’t mean donors aren’t upset.

    Two weeks after USC pulled its invitation for Tabassum to deliver a commencement speech, USC alumnus and benefactor Lloyd Greif — he has an academic center named after him — told the L.A. Times that administrators made a mistake inviting her in the first place.

    Greif has a history of criticizing administration actions. In 2018 he lashed out at USC’s top leaders for the removal of a popular business school dean.

    Other donors may simply tell their concerns to the staff members charged with raising money.

    “Development is collateral damage during scandals, I’ve experienced that,” said a former USC employee with knowledge of USC’s fundraising. The employee asked for anonymity for fear of repercussions.

    But donor reaction might be less about the original problem than it is about trust. That employee said one donor told them it’s not so much because of the scandals, "but because of the cover up, and other donors felt that way too.”

    The ways administrators are held to account

    There are all kinds of consequences — big and small — to administrative controversies.

    For example, university faculty voiced their displeasure with President Carol Folt's recent decision-making by censuring her earlier this month.

    “I always want our university leadership to succeed,” said Devin Griffiths, a USC English and comparative literature professor who authored the censure resolution. Censure is a formal statement of rebuke against top leadership, but not a call to resign.

    “I'm not sure if I've entirely lost confidence with [President Folt] yet but … it's very hard for me to imagine what she can do at this point to really restore the confidence of the faculty and students,” he said.

    The way the previous USC administration handled revelations about a campus gynecologist who had sexually abused hundreds of patients troubled Ange-Marie Hancock, then a professor of political science and gender studies at USC. She incorporated investigating university practices into an undergraduate class about the #MeToo movement.

    But an upset high-profile donor can draw attention to problems in a unique way.

    For many universities, “There is a history more recently of donors withdrawing their financial support, should there be a decision that they disagree with,” said Hancock, who is now executive director of the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University, after 15 years at USC.

    Another student encampment and university officials’ response to it at Columbia University have made the New York school an example of conflict over how to address protester demands.

    One major donor to that university said he had lost confidence in Columbia’s administration.

    “I am no longer confident that Columbia can protect its students and staff, and I am not comfortable supporting the university until corrective action is taken,” said Robert Kraft to the New York Times. Kraft is the owner of the NFL’s New England Patriots.

    In December, the University of Pennsylvania lost a $100 million donation and the following month, a big Harvard “mega donor” pulled his support.

    What’s the most important job of a USC president?

    The biographies of Folt’s two predecessors underline the extraordinary amount of money the two presidents brought to USC. President Steven Sample’s bio lists 10 major donations totaling $542 million. Nikias’ bio highlights his leadership of a $6 billion dollar fundraising campaign.

    USC’s board of trustees hired Carol Folt in 2019 in part because she had navigated a major college sports scandal while president of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

    “[Folt] has never been a fundraiser and part of the deal with her coming to USC was that she wasn't going to be as vigorous a fundraiser as [Steven] Sample and Max Nikias,” said emeritus USC education researcher William Tierney.

    It’s USC vice presidents, deans, the provost, and individual schools’ development officers that have the most interactions with big donors, according to the former USC employee.

    An LAist review of Internal Revenue Service filings, also provided by USC, show contributions — donations made outside of fundraising events, as well as non-governmental grants — declining over the past several years. Governmental grants have grown.

    The fundraising often brings relationships with funders that top administrators must cultivate and nurture. Hancock worries that students will suffer if donors pull out in response to a university crisis.

    “If you were to talk to most development or advancement professionals, they will tell you that … aside from big buildings and having your name on a building, doing student scholarships is one of the other major, major resources that private donors give to universities around the country,” she said.

    USC said it gave out $724 million in scholarships in the fiscal year 2022.

    What about future donors?

    Many of USC’s top donors are former students who have gone on to become wealthy. Current students are still processing whether the administration’s actions will affect their view of the university after graduation.

    “They've made some poor decisions. Yes. But at the end of the day, it is a school that I genuinely love,” said undergrad Gabrielle Annon at a graduation celebration earlier in May.

    USC is famous in Los Angeles for its cultivation of “The Trojan Family,” building school support among undergraduates and alum.

    “The basic idea is that we're one family, that we stay connected together and that that relationship lasts over time,” said Griffiths, the professor of English and comparative literature at USC.

    “I think there are many students and faculty and members of the administration who take that to heart and feel it,” he said.

    In the weeks after USC administrators called on police to clear an encampment of protesters, feelings among students for the university appeared to vary.

    “I still love the school, still a Trojan for life,” said undergrad Emma Adamson. She feels donating will be part of being a member of the Trojan Family after she graduates.

    “[Donating] depends [on] my future, but hopefully if I do have enough money to donate, if it's going to the right places, I'd have to make sure of that,” she said.

    But not all have forgiven the university’s missteps in the last month of the school year — canceling the valedictorian’s speech, clearing out protesters, and adding security checkpoints.

    "It felt like collective punishment to everyone," said Anusha S, a USC graduate student who doesn’t go by her last name. She’s made up her mind about donations. "I don't want my money to go to a college that didn't really give me the best experience."

    “I'm not a big donor but have always contributed to scholarships,” Viki Goto said via email to LAist. Goto said this is her reunion year as a USC alumnus and she won’t be attending.

    “I'm urging my fellow alumni to withhold their contributions until the University seriously addresses their many shortcomings in handling this situation,” she said.

    Griffiths, the professor, said he doesn’t embrace the culture of The Trojan Family. "The thing I always tell people is, institutions don't love you,” he said. But, he added, “The people who work at those institutions really do care about you.”

  • LA explores tax cut for Palisades rebuilds
    Fencing lines a sidewalk next to a home under construction. Signs on the fence bear the Horusicky name.
    Fencing lines a sidewalk next to a home under construction.

    Topline:

    As Los Angeles homeowners grapple with the expense of rebuilding after last year’s devastating fires, an L.A. City Council member is putting forward an idea that could lower some costs.

    Who’s behind it: Councilmember Traci Park, who represents the Pacific Palisades, has introduced a motion to explore waiving part of the city’s portion of the local sales tax for fire victims who purchase rebuilding materials in the city.

    The details: The plan calls for returning the 1% of the local 9.75% sales tax that goes into the city’s general fund. The waiver could apply to lumber, appliances and other rebuilding goods purchased within the city.

    Read on … to learn whether economists think the proposed tax relief could make a difference.

    As Los Angeles homeowners grapple with the expense of rebuilding after last year’s devastating fires, an L.A. City Councilmember is putting forward an idea that could lower some costs.

    Councilmember Traci Park, who represents the Pacific Palisades, has introduced a motion to explore waiving part of the city’s portion of the local sales tax for fire victims who purchase rebuilding materials in the city.

    The 1% of the local 9.75% sales tax that goes into the city’s general fund would be given back to consumers under the proposal. The waiver could apply to lumber, appliances and other rebuilding goods purchased within the city.

    The motion, introduced Friday by Park and seconded by Councilmember John Lee, says: “The City should do everything within its power to alleviate the financial burden for these residents and businesses in order to facilitate their return and stabilize the Pacific Palisades community.”

    Would it make much of a difference? 

    Economists told LAist the proposal could help many homeowners mitigate the high cost of rebuilding, but likely wouldn’t tip the scales for under-insured, under-resourced property owners.

    “It wouldn't hurt if it's very well designed and easy to use,” said Alexander Meeks, a director at the Santa Monica-based Milken Institute. “But I'm not sure if it's really going to tackle the scale of the financial challenge that survivors are facing.”

    Meeks noted that the tax waiver wouldn’t lower up-front costs such as environmental testing, architectural design and permitting. And it may not help homeowners sourcing raw materials from outside the city.

    Zhiyun Li, a UCLA Anderson School of Management economist, said the waiver could help some homeowners justify the additional cost of rebuilding more fire-safe structures.

    “Homeowners must typically pay out of pocket to upgrade to IBHS+ standards, which are more stringent,” Li said. “The tax waiver could encourage upgrading to IBHS+ standards or investing more in mitigation, thereby reducing future risk and improving the likelihood of maintaining insurance coverage.”

    What’s next for the proposal? 

    The proposed tax relief would not be available to properties that have been sold since the fires started in January 2025.

    The motion has been sent to the City Council’s budget and fire recovery committees. If approved by the full council, it would require the city administrative officer, the Office of Finance and the city attorney to report back to the council within 60 days on options for crafting a tax relief plan.

    The motion calls for the report to consider factors such as how to minimize the burden of administering the tax relief, what documentation homeowners would have to submit and what it would cost the city to oversee the program.

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  • Republicans in Congress say they have a deal

    Topline:

    House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said in a joint statement on Wednesday that the House will take up a measure passed by the Senate last week to fund most of DHS except Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol through the end of September. Republicans would then attempt to fund ICE and Border Patrol for three years using a party-line budget reconciliation bill that would not require support from Democrats.


    About the deal: The agreement comes nearly a week after House Republicans dismissed an identical plan, refusing to take up the Senate-passed measure and instead passing a 60-day short term funding bill for all of DHS that had little chance of overcoming Democratic opposition in the Senate. Democrats welcomed the agreement as in line with their pledge not to give ICE any more money without reforms after immigration enforcement agents killed two U.S. citizens in Minneapolis. But the deal does not include any of the policy demands Democrats are pressing for, such as a ban on masks for immigration enforcement officers and requiring warrants issued by a judge, not just the agency, to enter homes.

    What's next: Congress is on a two-week recess, but the Senate and House could move to fund all of DHS except ICE and CBP as early as Thursday using a procedure known as unanimous consent that allows the chambers to circumvent formal voting as long as no member objects. Even during a recess when most members are not in Washington, this could be unpredictable, especially in the House, where many hard-line conservatives oppose a deal that does not fully fund DHS. If a member does object, that could require waiting for another vote when all members are back from recess.

    Senate and House Republican leadership have resurrected a stalled plan to fund the Department of Homeland Security after a record 47-day funding lapse.

    House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said in a joint statement on Wednesday that the House will take up a measure passed by the Senate last week to fund most of DHS except Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol through the end of September.

    Republicans would then attempt to fund ICE and Border Patrol for three years using a party-line budget reconciliation bill that would not require support from Democrats.

    "In following this two-track approach, the Republican Congress will fully reopen the Department, make sure all federal workers are paid, and specifically fund immigration enforcement and border security for the next three years so that those law-enforcement activities can continue uninhibited," Thune and Johnson wrote.

    The agreement comes nearly a week after House Republicans dismissed an identical plan, refusing to take up the Senate-passed measure and instead passing a 60-day short term funding bill for all of DHS that had little chance of overcoming Democratic opposition in the Senate.

    Johnson called the agreement a "joke" and President Donald Trump declined to publicly endorse the deal. Trump had previously resisted any package that did not include his push to overhaul federal elections known as the Save America Act.

    "I think any deal they make, I'm pretty much not happy with it," Trump told reporters last week.

    Democrats welcomed the agreement as in line with their pledge not to give ICE any more money without reforms after immigration enforcement agents killed two U.S. citizens in Minneapolis. But the deal does not include any of the policy demands Democrats are pressing for, such as a ban on masks for immigration enforcement officers and requiring warrants issued by a judge, not just the agency, to enter homes.

    "For days, Republican divisions derailed a bipartisan agreement, making American families pay the price for their dysfunction," Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., wrote in a statement Wednesday. "Throughout this fight, Senate Democrats never wavered."

    Trump seemed to bless the revived plan earlier Wednesday, writing on social media that he wants a party-line bill to fund immigration enforcement on his desk by June 1.

    "We are going to work as fast, and as focused, as possible to replenish funding for our Border and ICE Agents, and the Radical Left Democrats won't be able to stop us," Trump wrote.

    Despite the shutdown, ICE has been minimally impacted because Republican lawmakers approved $75 billion for ICE through another party-line budget reconciliation bill last year.

    Congress is on a two-week recess, but the Senate and House could move to fund all of DHS except ICE and CBP as early as Thursday using a procedure known as unanimous consent that allows the chambers to circumvent formal voting as long as no member objects.

    Even during a recess when most members are not in Washington, this could be unpredictable, especially in the House, where many hard-line conservatives oppose a deal that does not fully fund DHS.

    "Let's make this simple: caving to Democrats and not paying CBP and ICE is agreeing to defund Law Enforcement and leaving our borders wide open again," Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa., a member of the ultra-conservative House Freedom Caucus, wrote on X. "If that's the vote, I'm a NO."

    If a member does object, that could require waiting for another vote when all members are back from recess.

    Claudia Grisales contributed reporting.
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Youth baseball program expanding
    A child with black hair and light skin poses for a photo with a mascot wearing a Dodgers uniform.
    Logan Cattaneo, 6, poses for a photo with the Dodgers mascot during Dodgers Dreamteam PlayerFest at Dodgers Stadium in 2024.

    Topline:

    The Dodgers Foundation says it's expanding Dodgers Dreamteam, its program for underserved youth. The foundation says the program will be able to serve 17,000 kids this year, 2,000 more than last year.

    Why it matters: Now in its 13th season, the program connects underserved youth with opportunities to play baseball and softball and provides participants with free uniforms and access to baseball equipment. It also offers training for coaches in positive youth development practices, as well as wraparound services for participant families like college workshops, career panels, literacy resources and scholarship opportunities.

    How to sign up: For more information and to sign up, click here.

  • Low snowpack could signal early fire season
    Aerial view of a forest of trees covered in snow
    An aerial view of snow-capped trees after a winter snowstorm near Soda Springs on Feb. 20, 2026.

    Topline:

    California clocked its second-worst snowpack on record Wednesday, a potentially troubling signal ahead for fire season. It’s an alarming end to a winter that saw abnormally dry conditions briefly wiped from California’s drought map in January, for the first time in a quarter-century.

    What happened? Though precipitation to date has been near average, much of it fell as rain rather than snow. Then March’s record-breaking heat melted most of the snow that remains. The state’s major reservoirs are nevertheless brimming above historic averages and are flirting with capacity, and a smattering of snow, rain and thunderstorms are dousing last month’s heat wave.

    Why it matters: Experts now warn that California’s case of the missing snowpack could herald an early fire season in the mountains. State data reports that California’s snowpack is closing out the season at an alarming 18% of average statewide, and an even more abysmal 6% of average in the northern mountains that feed California’s major reservoirs. “I think everyone's anticipating that it will be a long, busy fire season,” said Lenya Quinn-Davidson, director of the UC Division of Agriculture and Natural Resources Fire Network.

    California clocked its second-worst snowpack on record Wednesday, a potentially troubling signal ahead for fire season.

    It’s an alarming end to a winter that saw abnormally dry conditions briefly wiped from California’s drought map in January, for the first time in a quarter-century.

    Though precipitation to date has been near average, much of it fell as rain rather than snow. Then March’s record-breaking heat melted most of the snow that remains. The state’s major reservoirs are nevertheless brimming above historic averages and are flirting with capacity, and a smattering of snow, rain and thunderstorms are dousing last month’s heat wave.

    But experts now warn that California’s case of the missing snowpack could herald an early fire season in the mountains.

    On Wednesday, state engineers conducting the symbolic April 1 snowpack measurement at Phillips Station south of Lake Tahoe found no measurable snow in patches of white dotting the grassy field.

    “I want to welcome you call to probably one of the quickest snow surveys we’ve had — maybe one where people could actually use an umbrella,” joked Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources. “We’re getting a lot of questions about are we heading into a hydrologic drought? The answer is, I don’t know.”

    State data reports that California’s snowpack is closing out the season at an alarming 18% of average statewide, and an even more abysmal 6% of average in the northern mountains that feed California’s major reservoirs.

    Only the extreme drought year of 2015 beat this year’s snowpack for the worst on record, measuring in at just 5% of average on April 1st, when the snow historically is at its deepest.

    “I think everyone's anticipating that it will be a long, busy fire season,” said Lenya Quinn-Davidson, director of the UC Division of Agriculture and Natural Resources Fire Network.

    “Without a snowpack, and with an early spring, it just means that there’s much more time for something like that to happen.”

    ‘It’s pretty bizarre up here’ 

    In the city of South Lake Tahoe, which survived the massive Caldor Fire in the fall of 2021 without losing any structures, fire chief Jim Drennan said his department is already ramping up prevention efforts.

    “It's pretty bizarre up here right now. It really seems like June conditions more than March,” Drennan said. “People are already turning the sprinklers on for their lawns.”

    Without more precipitation, an early spring may complicate prescribed burning efforts. But Drennan said fire agencies in the Tahoe basin can start mechanically clearing fuels from forest areas earlier than usual.

    “That means we can get more work done,” he said.

    It also means homeowners need to start hardening their homes now, said Martin Goldberg, battalion chief and fuels management officer for the Lake Valley Fire Protection District, which protects unincorporated communities in the Lake Tahoe Basin’s south shore.

    Goldberg urges residents to scour their yards for burnable materials, create defensible space and reach out to local fire departments with questions. The risks are widespread — from firewood, wooden fences, gas cans, plants, pine needles — even lawn furniture stacked against a house.

    “In years past, I wouldn't even think of raking and clearing until May,” Goldberg said. “But my yard's completely cleared of snowpack, and it has been for a couple weeks now.”

    ‘A haystack fire’

    Battalion chief David Acuña, a spokesperson for Cal Fire, said fire season is shaped by more than just one year’s snowpack.

    Climate change has been remaking California’s fire seasons into fire years. And California’s recent average to abundant water years have fueled what Acuña called “bumper crops of vegetation and brush.”

    “Most of California is like a haystack. And if you’ve ever seen a haystack fire, they burn very intensely because there's layers of fuel,” Acuña said.

    Like Quinn-Davidson, Acuña wasn’t ready to make specific predictions about fires to come.

    But John Abatzoglou, a professor of climatology at UC Merced, said the temperatures and snowpack conditions this year offer a glimpse of California in the latter decades of this century, as fossil fuel use continues to drive global temperatures higher.

    How this year’s fires will play out will depend on when, where and how wind, heat, fuel and ignitions combine. But it foreshadows the consequences of a warmer California for water and fire under climate change.

    “This,” Abatzoglou said, “is yet another stress test for the future in the state.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.