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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Voters approve statewide, SoCal bonds
    A collage of school facilities in various states of disrepair.
    (Clockwise from top left) Palos Verdes Peninsula Unified School District, Santa Monica-Malibu Unified School District, San Gabriel Unified School District, Manhattan Beach Unified School District, Centinela Valley Unified School District

    Topline:

    Voters gave Southern California schools the go-ahead to spend billions of dollars to repair and upgrade campuses. With the vast majority of ballots tallied, most local school funding measures and the statewide bond, Proposition 2, are passing.

    The numbers: Bond measures in 32 Los Angeles and Orange school districts have earned at least 55% of the vote, the threshold to pass. Saugus Union School District’s Measure N is the only school funding measure on track to fail.

    How bonds work: A bond is basically a loan that a school district takes out, and that property owners in that school district pay back through an increase in property taxes. Proposition 2 is a statewide bond, and works a little differently. The measure replenishes a pool of matching dollars to help districts pay for facilities projects—$8.5 billion for K-12 public schools and $1.5 billion at community colleges.

    But it’s not enough: California’s backlog of approved, but unfunded school facilities projects will eat up a significant chunk of money secured by Proposition 2, and it’s likely many of the districts with newly approved local bonds will apply for additional funds. “We've underfunded facilities for so long that even this much needed influx of state and local funding isn't enough to get schools up to where we think they should be in terms of quality,” said Sara Hinkley, the California program manager at the Center for Cities + Schools at UC Berkeley.

    Voters gave Southern California schools the go-ahead to spend billions of dollars to repair and upgrade campuses.

    Listen 1:40
    Voters approve more funding to fix LA, Orange County schools

    With the vast majority of ballots tallied, most local school funding measures met or exceeded the 55% of votes required to pass.

    • L.A. County voters approved 25 school district bond measures worth $14.8 billion. (Los Angeles Unified’s Measure US accounts for $9 billion alone.)  
    • Orange County voters approved nine school district bond measures worth $2 billion. 

    Between the two counties, just one bond, Saugus Union School District’s Measure N, is on track to fail.

    LAist reached out to the district for the comment, but officials there have not responded.

    Local bond measure results

    Sara Hinkley studies school facilities policy at UC Berkeley and said that since 2001 about 78% of local bond measures statewide have passed. Success rates are typically higher in presidential election years, though.

    Voters also approved Proposition 2, which replenishes a pool of matching dollars to help districts pay for facilities projects.

    How do local bonds work? 

    A bond is basically a loan that a school district takes out, and that property owners in that school district pay back through an increase in property taxes.

    In California, there’s no dedicated stream of funding to support school facility repairs, renovations or construction. The majority of the money schools receive from the state every year supports students, staff salaries and other day-to-day expenses.

    What happens now? 

    Local districts have already identified projects that could benefit from improvements, but must now determine which projects will be funded and in what order.

    There are often years of community meetings, design, and permitting that happen between the passage of a bond and the start of construction, though minor renovation projects could be completed sooner.

    For example, voters in the Culver City Unified School District approved a $358 million bond in March. The superintendent for that district, Brian Lucas, said smaller projects, like bathroom renovations and ceiling tile replacements, were completed over the summer, but larger projects must go through a lengthier approval process with state agencies.

    “We have a lot of work ahead because our facilities are in dire need of some infrastructure and repair, and our classrooms really need to be modernized,” Lucas said. “I hate to say it, but we're gonna need more [funding].”

    Will it be enough money to fix everything?

    School districts promised voters repairs to roofs, HVAC systems, plumbing and aging portable classrooms, but it’s likely there won’t be enough money for every fix.

    “We've underfunded facilities for so long that even this much needed influx of state and local funding isn't enough to get schools up to where we think they should be in terms of quality,” said Hinkley, who is the California program manager at the Center for Cities + Schools.

    It’s possible that Culver City, and others with recently approved bonds, will apply for funding from the state’s new Proposition 2 funding —$8.5 billion for K-12 public schools and $1.5 billion at community colleges.

    To get money from the state for repair and construction projects, local school districts have to provide:

    • 45-50% of the funding for new construction
    • 35-40% of the funding for renovations

    However, the money may not last long because there’s already a backlog of projects waiting for funding. The Office of Public School Construction told LAist that as of August, schools have submitted an additional $3.9 billion of school modernization and construction projects.

    Who is in charge of all this money?

    State law lays out several accountability measures for local school district bonds, including:

    • Independent, annual performance audits of bond-funded projects and spending 
    • The creation of an independent bond oversight committee that includes:
      • At least seven members
      • Representatives of the business community, taxpayers, and parents. School district employees, vendors, contractors, and consultants cannot be appointed. 

    Search for your district’s bond oversight committee website to see upcoming agendas, summaries of past meetings, audits, and other information about how the district has spent bond funding.

    How does this impact property taxes? 

    Local school district bonds are paid back with interest through property taxes on parcels within district boundaries.

    To find the average estimated cost of your district’s bond, look for the language: “levying X dollars per $100,000 of assessed valuation.” (Sometimes, this will be listed as “levying X cents per $100 of assessed valuation.” The end result is basically the same.)

    Calculate the impact of school bonds on your property tax

    • Find your property’s assessed value on your local County Assessor’s website: 

    • Divide your assessed value by $100,000 and multiply that number by the estimated tax.
    • The resulting number is the estimate of the annual property tax increase if the bond passes. 
    • Remember: Your property’s assessed value will change, but increases are limited to 2% per year, except when a property changes ownership or undergoes new construction. 

    In some cases, residents do not see a property tax increase because the district structured the new bond so that as a prior voter-approved funding measure tapers off, the new tax kicks in and the cost to property owners is unchanged.

    Proposition 2 does not directly impact local property taxes.

    The bond would be paid back with interest from the general fund. The annual average payments — about $500 million annually for 35 years — account for less than one-half of 1% of the general fund budget, according to the Legislative Analyst’s office.

  • Safety plan in the works so business can reopen
    A GKN Aerospace Garden Grove building sits behind a chain-link fence, with a person standing near a parked car in the lot.
    The GKN Aerospace facility in Garden Grove.

    Topline:

    The company behind the Garden Grove hazardous waste scare earlier this year is planning to resume full operations in late September, subject to an independently monitored, court-approved safety plan. The company employs 500 people at its Garden Grove facility.

    The details: GKN Aerospace said in a news release that it had permanently decommissioned the tank that set off the hazmat scare in May and forced some 50,000 nearby residents to evacuate. Removal of the tank is pending review and approval from state regulatory agencies, according to an emailed response from Salma Elshakre, a spokesperson for the Orange County Health Care Agency, which is overseeing the cleanup.

    Read more ... for more information on the controversy.

    The company behind the Garden Grove hazardous waste scare earlier this year is planning to resume full operations in late September, subject to an independently monitored, court-approved safety plan.

    GKN Aerospace employs 500 people at its Garden Grove facility.

    Any reopening, however, is likely to face a backlash from the community.

    What happened?

    GKN Aerospace said in a news release that it had permanently decommissioned the tank that set off the hazmat scare in May and forced some 50,000 nearby residents to evacuate.

    Removal of the tank is pending review and approval from state regulatory agencies, according to an emailed response from Salma Elshakre, a spokesperson for the Orange County Health Care Agency, which is overseeing the cleanup.

    All of the toxic chemical, methyl methacrylate (also known as MMA), has been removed from nearby tanks as well, Elshakre said.

    What about the compensation fund?

    This week, the company also announced a forthcoming $100 million compensation fund for affected residents and businesses. GKN expects to release details on how to apply in the coming months.

    What's next?

    At least 39 lawsuits have been filed against the company in conjunction with the hazmat incident, according to a GKN webpage set up to track the fallout. The company pledged to explain the legal effect of participating in the compensation fund before it is launched.

    What's the community reaction?

    Garden Grove Mayor Stephanie Klopfenstein said in a statement that the city “welcome[s] this progress and will continue to expect GKN to address the broader effects on our community.”

    A coalition of community groups called GKN Out of Garden Grove Coalition wants the city to shut down the GKN plant completely. The coalition plans to release a report documenting the company’s alleged history of hazardous waste failures at a news conference Tuesday at 5:30 p.m. at 11300 Stanford Ave. in Garden Grove.

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  • Trump admin prepares to revoke up to 200K visas
    Two men are standing in front of a white wall and an American flag. One of the men with white hair, stands behind the other man, touching his arm with his right hand. The man in the foreground is clapping.
    President Trump walks past Secretary of State Marco Rubio as he arrives for a roundtable on the American mining industry on Aug. 7 at the State Department in Washington.

    Topline:

    The Trump administration is preparing to revoke the business and tourism visas of up to 200,000 foreigners who have applied for or are currently seeking asylum status in the United States. If it happens, the move would be the largest single mass revocation of visas in U.S. history and would likely face legal challenges.

    What visas could be revoked: Unless challenged or revised, the State Department is expected to announce in the coming weeks the revocation of so-called B1 and B2 visas issued between 2016 and 2026 whose holders have sought asylum or are now seeking asylum, according to State Department documents. B1 visas are generally issued for business trips and B2 visas are generally issued for tourism, family visits or medical care. Most of those with asylum cases currently pending would be recategorized but would lose their status as business or tourism travelers, according to the officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the revocations are not final yet.

    Why now: Since President Donald Trump took office for his second term last year, his administration has steadily ramped up restrictions on visa applicants — demanding more information about their social media histories, requiring the posting of expensive bonds for the processing of visas, and outright banning the issuance of visas to citizens of certain countries.

    WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump administration is preparing to revoke the business and tourism visas of up to 200,000 foreigners who have applied for or are currently seeking asylum status in the United States. If it happens, the move would be the largest single mass revocation of visas in U.S. history and would likely face legal challenges.

    Unless challenged or revised, the State Department is expected to announce in the coming weeks the revocation of so-called B1 and B2 visas issued between 2016 and 2026 whose holders have sought asylum or are now seeking asylum, according to State Department documents obtained by The Associated Press and two U.S. officials. The action will be taken in coordination with the Department of Homeland Security.

    “We are coordinating with DHS to identify and revoke the nonimmigrant visas of foreigners who have come to the United States claiming to be short-term visitors, but then file for asylum to stay here permanently,” said State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott.

    He declined to comment on the number of visas that might be revoked, saying “as the process will be ongoing, the number of revocations remains dynamic and will be done on a rolling basis.”

    The revocations would not necessarily result in their immediate deportation, the officials said. Most of those with asylum cases currently pending would be recategorized but would lose their status as business or tourism travelers, according to the officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the revocations are not final yet.

    Since President Donald Trump took office for his second term last year, his administration has steadily ramped up restrictions on visa applicants — demanding more information about their social media histories, requiring the posting of expensive bonds for the processing of visas, and outright banning the issuance of visas to citizens of certain countries.

    In a social media post on Monday, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau called out people who he said try to use tourist and business visas to get into the United States and then apply for asylum.

    “People in the US and all over the world are fed up with bogus asylum claims,” Landau wrote on X. “Asylum isn’t supposed to be a loophole to circumvent immigration law.” Landau cited the case of a Colombian citizen who came to the U.S. in 2015 on a tourist visa and then applied for asylum.

    B1 visas are generally issued for business trips and B2 visas are generally issued for tourism, family visits or medical care. It was not immediately clear from the documents or the officials how many of these visa holders are seeking or have sought asylum in the United States and would be affected by the revocations.

    Current applicants for B1 and B2 visas are asked to affirm that they will not apply for asylum in the United States and prove that they intend to return to their home countries.

    In the past 18 months, the State Department has revoked about 175,000 visas for people who have been convicted or accused of crimes ranging from drunken driving to rape and robbery, as well as for people who have spoken out publicly against U.S. policies, particularly in the Middle East.

    The administration has also moved to crack down on so-called birth tourism, a practice the administration claims is used by foreign pregnant women to come to the United States to give birth so that their child will benefit from birthright citizenship. Trump has tried several times to end birthright citizenship, but those challenges have been rejected by courts, including the Supreme Court.

    The State Department documents obtained by the AP suggest screening of current B1 and B2 visa holders began after the State Department received information about asylum requests from the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.

  • Queen of country music dies at 80
    A woman stands on a stage with a blue curtain background, singing into a microphone. She is wearing a red and white checkered shirt and a red fringed vest. A guitar is slung over her shoulders, her arms are outstretched.
    Dolly Parton performs on stage at ACL Live during Blockchain Creative Labs' Dollyverse event at SXSW during the 2022 SXSW Conference and Festivals in Austin, Texas.

    Topline:

    Dolly Parton, the country music icon whose soaring vibrato vocals, poignant songwriting and sparkling costumes defined her rise from a log cabin in the Tennessee mountains to the height of stardom and acclaim, has died. She was 80 years old.

    Queen of country music: Parton wrote hundreds of songs, including classics like “Coat of Many Colors” and “I Will Always Love You,” that totaled more than 100 million worldwide sales and more than 1 billion online streams. In 1973, she had the hit that made her career — “Jolene,” a country music standard with its steady, churning rhythm and Parton’s repeated delivery of the title as she pleads for the woman not to steal her man. The song topped the country charts, crossing over to pop and later being released internationally, opening up new audiences for Parton. “Jolene” is one of her most covered compositions, including by Miley Cyrus (Parton’s goddaughter), Olivia Newton-John and The White Stripes.

    Beyond the music: Parton, who plucked bejeweled banjos, guitar and dulcimers with her long fingernails during performances, was a generous philanthropist and successful businesswoman whose projects included a theme park in the Smoky Mountain foothills near her birthplace. In her first major film role, Parton played alongside Fonda and Tomlin as office workers who rebel against their tyrannical boss in “9 to 5.”

    Read on... for more on Parton's life and legacy.

    Dolly Parton, the country music icon whose soaring vibrato vocals, poignant songwriting and sparkling costumes defined her rise from a log cabin in the Tennessee mountains to the height of stardom and acclaim, has died. She was 80 years old.

    Known for her curvy physique, massive blonde wigs and skin-tight outfits that served her self-deprecating wit, she was among the most beloved personalities in music and beyond — the rare celebrity whose appeal transcended generations, geography and politics.

    She wrote hundreds of songs, including classics like “Jolene,” “Coat of Many Colors” and “I Will Always Love You,” that totaled more than 100 million worldwide sales and more than 1 billion online streams. Parton, who plucked bejeweled banjos, guitar and dulcimers with her long fingernails during performances, was a generous philanthropist and successful businesswoman whose projects included a theme park in the Smoky Mountain foothills near her birthplace.

    Her career was forever influenced by her upbringing as one of 12 children born into what she called a “dirt poor” Tennessee family. She started her education nonprofit, Imagination Library, to send free books to children in Tennessee because her father, who quit school to work on the farm, struggled to learn to read.

    Parton’s first musical performances were in church, where her grandfather was a preacher. By age 10, she was learning guitar and singing on local television shows. At 13, she appeared on the Grand Ole Opry in Nashville, where Johnny Cash introduced her as “a little girl here from up in East Tennessee.”

    With a suitcase of songs, she followed her uncle, Bill Owens, also a songwriter, to Nashville after graduating high school in 1964. Fred Foster, who produced Roy Orbison, Willie Nelson and more, saw her potential and got her songs cut by other artists, as well as recording and releasing Parton singing her own material. By the mid-1970s, Parton was a Nashville queen.

    A key collaboration with Porter Wagoner

    Parton’s partnership with Porter Wagoner, a pencil-thin pompadoured star with flashy rhinestone outfits, was key to her career. She honed her acting skills on his syndicated TV show and he advocated for her to get a record deal at RCA. Their first duet, “The Last Thing On My Mind,” was released in 1967, the same year she started her own publishing company.

    While their duets were often big radio hits, Parton’s solo singles didn’t chart as high at first. With Wagoner as a co-producer, she began to adjust her country warble to a more polished, pop-leaning style.

    She got her first No. 1 solo single with “Joshua,” and reached the Top 5 with the ballad “Coat of Many Colors,” about how her mother sewed together scraps of clothes to make a coat Parton wore “so proudly” even as her peers mocked her for being poor. The song, with its Biblical references and ode to maternal love, was later made into a children’s book and a TV movie.

    In 1973, she had the hit that made her career — “Jolene,” a country music standard with its steady, churning rhythm and Parton’s repeated delivery of the title as she pleads for the woman not to steal her man.

    The song topped the country charts, crossing over to pop and later being released internationally, opening up new audiences for Parton. “Jolene” is one of her most covered compositions, including by Miley Cyrus (Parton’s goddaughter), Olivia Newton-John and The White Stripes.

    She left Wagoner’s show in 1974, amid reports of squabbling between the two, although they continued to record together and Wagoner stayed her producer for years after that. But the relationship turned litigious when Wagoner sued her in 1979 for millions in management fees and royalties.

    A pop crossover star

    She followed “Jolene” with a huge hit in 1974, “I Will Always Love You,” an ode and farewell to Wagoner that helped her win the Country Music Association’s female vocalist of the year back-to-back in 1975 and 1976. She famously turned down Elvis Presley, who wanted to record it, because she would not share publishing rights.

    Decades later, Whitney Houston’s version of “I Will Always Love You” became a smash for the soundtrack of her 1992 film “The Bodyguard,” and broke sales records. Houston won a Grammy for her performance in 1994, presented to her by Parton.

    “Here You Come Again,” a pop crossover hit and one of the few she didn’t write, further established Parton as a multi-genre entertainer and brought her first Grammy Award in 1979.

    “A lot of people thought I had totally lost my mind,” she told The Associated Press in 1979 of changing her singing style. “But I had no fear of change. I expected success, but I was braced for failure. I didn’t care if people thought I was wrong. In my own heart, I knew I was doing the right thing.”

    Parton’s other crossover hits included the title song from “9 to 5,” the 1980 comedy starring Parton, Jane Fonda and Lily Tomlin; and her duet with longtime friend Kenny Rogers, “Islands in the Stream,” written by brothers Barry, Maurice and Robin Gibb of the Bee Gees. In 1987, she collaborated with Linda Ronstadt and Emmylou Harris on the million-selling “Trio” album.

    Down home charm

    For millions of fans, she was simply “Dolly,” a mixture of Southern charm, humor and glamour. But she was also considered a feminist role model for holding the reins of her own career, writing her own songs, owning her content and looking after her finances in an entertainment world dominated by men.

    Parton was open to making fun of herself; when she hosted “Saturday Night Live” in 1989 she told the writers that her only restrictions were she wouldn’t curse and she wouldn’t make fun of Jesus. She regularly joked about her breasts or her dumb blonde appearance, but with a wink that she was the one controlling the laughs. In the memoir “My Life So Far,” Fonda remembered Parton’s way with a wisecrack, “usually high raunch,” and a laugh that was “somewhere between a girl’s giggle, an explosive shriek, and a cascade of little bells.”

    After her gown split down the front when she won CMA’s entertainer of the year in 1978, Parton quipped: “My Daddy said that’s what I got for putting 50 pounds of mud in a five-pound bag.”

    Throughout her career, she embraced her glamorous style, often wearing custom curve-hugging rhinestone dresses and bodysuits even if they drew tsk-tsks from others in the industry. Her look was always a part of her larger musical business plan.

    “I knew my songs were good even if I had been ugly as sin,” she told the AP in 2014. “So I thought, ‘Well, I would have probably chose to look this way even if I had been a waitress.’ I mean, this is my look. I mean, I like a lot of makeup. I like a lot of hair. I like flashy clothes. I like to show it off. But that’s just who I am.”

    She married Carl Dean, an asphalt paving contractor, in the mid-1960s; they were together until his death in 2025 at the age of 82. Though rarely seen in public, he was an influence on her career. She told NPR that she wrote “Jolene” about a flirty bank teller who seemed to take an interest in Dean.

    ‘9 to 5’ to Hollywood and Broadway

    In her first major film role, Parton played alongside Fonda and Tomlin as office workers who rebel against their tyrannical boss in “9 to 5.” Critic Roger Ebert called her a “natural-born movie star” and the title song earned her two Grammy Awards and a ranking of 78 on the American Film Institute’s list of top 100 movie songs. Starring roles in the “The Best Little Whorehouse In Texas” and “Steel Magnolias” followed.

    “I never thought of myself as a movie star,” she told AP’s Bob Thomas in 1979. “I knew I’d be a star, but as a singer or as a writer of songs or books or poetry. I wanted to be a famous performer and wear flashy clothes, but singing in movies was not one of my ambitions. My family lived in the mountains and we didn’t see movies.”

    Her love affair with TV and film continued for decades, with appearances alongside Cyrus on “Hannah Montana” and adaptions of her music for Christmas specials, films and streaming series. She also became an author, her books ranging from the memoir “Dolly” to a bestselling novel co-authored by James Patterson, “Run, Rose, Run,”

    The stage adaptation “9 to 5: The Musical” debuted in 2009, and “DOLLY: A True Original Musical” had been set to open in December 2026.

    United States of Dolly

    Beyond her music, Parton’s most lasting legacy might be her generosity and broad appeal.

    When a deadly wildfire swept through the Smokies in 2016, she held an all-star telethon and set up a foundation that sent monthly checks to residents whose homes were damaged or destroyed.

    She opened up her Dollywood theme park in East Tennessee, a major economic driver in Appalachia that draws tourists from around the country, and established the Dollywood Foundation. She wrote books and memoirs, was inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame and was given a lifetime achievement award by the Recording Academy. She was selected for the Jean Hersholt Humanitarian Award from the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences in 2025.

    With 55 Grammy nominations and 10 wins, Parton is the third-most nominated woman in Grammy history, only behind Beyoncé and Taylor Swift.

    Parton spanned social and political divides, through multiple generations of fans, urban and rural and in between. In tumultuous election years, it wasn’t uncommon to see “Dolly for President” shirts. But she was strict in not voicing her own political beliefs, often turning aside questions about presidents, candidates, policies and other controversies.

    “I don’t do politics,” Parton told host Jad Abumrad on his hit podcast “Dolly Parton’s America.”

    “I have too many fans on both sides of the fence. Of course, I have my opinion about everything, but I learned years ago to keep your mouth shut about things.”

    When the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame Foundation sent out a ballot in 2022 with her name on it, though she said she felt she hadn’t earned it, the voters answered with a “Hello, Dolly.” Parton showed up to the induction ceremony, performed and then put out a rock album.

    Associated Press writer Hillel Italie contributed.

  • Sheriff defends seizure of 650,000 ballots
    Sheriff Chad Bianco, a man with light skin tone, gray short hair and mustache, wearing a khaki and green sheriff uniform, speaks in front of two small microphones. People and the American flags are out of focus in the background.
    Sheriff Chad Bianco of Riverside County speaks during a news conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on May 15, 2024.

    Topline:

    California’s Supreme Court justices appeared skeptical on Monday that Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco was acting within his legal rights when he seized more than 650,000 ballots from that county’s top election administrator in March.


    The backstory: Riverside County deputies seized the ballots as part of Bianco’s investigation into alleged voter fraud in California’s November special election on redistricting after activists alleged the ballots were undercounted. Bianco’s attorney, Bradley Hertz, argued that local law enforcement officers have the right to take ballots after obtaining a warrant, regardless of state laws detailing how election challenges, recalls and investigations should be handled. He also argued, in the second case, that California’s attorney general does not have the power to issue orders to county sheriffs like Bianco.

    Read on . . . for more on how at least one justice expressed skepticism over the legality of Bianco's ballot siezures.

    California’s Supreme Court justices appeared skeptical on Monday that Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco was acting within his legal rights when he seized more than 650,000 ballots from that county’s top election administrator in March.

    In back-to-back hearings in downtown San Francisco, Bianco’s attorney, Bradley Hertz, argued that local law enforcement officers have the right to take ballots after obtaining a warrant, regardless of state laws detailing how election challenges, recalls and investigations should be handled. He also argued, in the second case, that California’s attorney general does not have the power to issue orders to county sheriffs like Bianco.

    Deputies seized the ballots as part of Bianco’s investigation into alleged voter fraud in California’s November special election on redistricting after activists alleged the ballots were undercounted. Riverside’s registrar of voters has said repeatedly those claims were based on a basic misinterpretation of preliminary vote count data.

    Bianco grabbed national headlines at a time he was mounting his ultimately unsuccessful bid for governor and amid President Donald Trump’s efforts to undermine faith in the outcome of the 2020 elections and nationalize election administration.

    The ballot seizure drew two legal challenges, both of which the court considered.

    At a news conference after the first oral argument, lawyers and advocates who sued Bianco were optimistic.

    The case “is going to send a message around the country. That our election ballots are the voters’ ballots to be protected at all costs,” said Chad Dunn, with the UCLA Voting Rights Project, who argued the first case against Bianco. “We couldn’t be more satisfied with how the hearing went today.”

    Bianco, speaking to reporters on the courthouse steps, said he hopes the court will rule his way anyway. He said if the court orders his office to return the ballots, he will comply, but suggested that his office would continue its investigation.

    “I would expect that that’s what every Californian should expect,” he said.

    The justices may not release a ruling for months.

    Bianco’s argument ‘bizarre’ to one justice

    The first lawsuit came from a handful of Riverside voters, including two local Democratic elected officials, who argue that state law makes it abundantly clear how ballots in contested elections should be handled — and this wasn’t it.

    “The election code provides a process” for who, how and under what circumstances ballots should be handled, Dunn told the court. Any recount should take place in a public, transparent way, conducted by trained, properly sworn officials and initiated by a district attorney, county board of supervisors and the California secretary of state, he said.

    State law does not permit simply “taking ballots into a back room” with “officers trying to assemble a vote-counting airplane while they’re flying it,” said Dunn.

    Dunn’s legal argument focused on one California election law regarding recounts and criminal prosecutions into election results that says “In no event shall the (ballots) be taken from the custody of the elections official.”

    Hertz countered that because Bianco obtained a warrant from a judge, the penal code applies instead. Bianco ultimately obtained three warrants from Riverside County Superior Court Judge Jay Kiel. Kiel is a political ally of Bianco’s.

    Justice Kelli Evans appeared unpersuaded, noting that the language of the state election law is pretty straightforward. “So it’s ‘in some event,' despite the fact that it says ‘in no event?’” she asked with apparent skepticism.

    Hertz also argued that the election code in question only applies to criminal prosecutions, not to the type of preliminary investigation Bianco was conducting.

    But if that were true a sheriff could seize the ballots during an investigation, only to be forced to hand them back during prosecution, said Justice Goodwin Liu. “That seems bizarre.”

    Direct supervisor or elder statesman?

    Bianco’s argument in the second case didn’t fare much better.

    The legal challenge Attorney General Rob Bonta brought focused on whether Bianco was required to abide by directions from the state attorney general, which ordered Bianco to hold off on executing the warrants in late February. Bianco ignored it. Bonta then ordered the sheriff not to do anything with them. Bianco’s office began counting the seized ballots and only stopped when ordered to do so by the state Supreme Court in April.

    Bianco didn’t have the authority to do any of that, said California Solicitor General Sam Harbourt. The California constitution grants the attorney general “direct supervision” over sheriffs, which has been affirmed by the state Legislature. Though attorneys general have been loath to exercise such sweeping powers in the past for political reasons, the law is clear, said Harbourt.

    Hertz argued that the authority apparently conferred on the attorney general was actually like that of an “elder statesman” — someone able to dispense advice and arguably step in when necessary action wasn’t being taken, but otherwise restricted from going further. He acknowledged that such a reading might seem “counterintuitive.”

    Once again, the justices didn’t seem to be having it.

    “It’s more than counterintuitive,” said Justice Joshua Groban. Terms like “direct supervision” have a clear, intuitive meaning, he said. He described a hypothetical conversation between a manager and a new employee to illustrate his point. “‘I’m your new supervisor, but funny thing, I don’t have any control over your actions,’” he said.

    That line of questioning seemed to undercut more than just Bianco’s specific legal argument, but the entire “constitutional sheriff” movement with which Bianco has been associated. Members of the movement believe that elected sheriffs have the power to ignore laws they deem unconstitutional and have ultimate political authority within a given county.

    The stakes for 2026

    Bianco’s gambit was never going to alter the outcome of the November special election, even in Riverside County, where it passed with an 80,000 vote margin.

    But many voting rights advocates see the dispute as an important test case for the 2026 midterm elections.

    Trump has spent half a decade lobbing unsubstantiated allegations of voter fraud and election irregularities to undermine public confidence in results that don’t go his way, this year seizing old ballots and other election records from officials in Fulton County, Georgia and Maricopa County, Arizona and seeking voter roll data from nearly every state.

    At the press conference, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra, who advises the UCLA Voting Rights Project, tied the case to Trump’s proposed federal legislation to create a national voter ID requirement and to California’s Proposition 39 on this November’s ballot, which would do the same for the state.

    “The assault on elections, the assault on voters’ rights, is real, it’s imminent,” he said.

    The supporters of both lawsuits argue that the court must demand that Bianco give the ballots back to prevent Trump-aligned local law enforcement officials throughout California from seizing, auditing or otherwise interfering in local elections in ways and at times that could affect the outcome.

    Justices Groban and Leondra Kruger pressed Hertz on whether, according to his argument, Bianco could have taken the ballots while votes were still being cast.

    Hertz said that ballots are subject to “other protections” so close to Election Day. Upon further interrogation by the justices, he admitted that he did not know what those protections might be. “I don’t have them handy,” he said.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.