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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • What if Trump retaliates against the state?
    Monday, Jan. 13: Volunteers carry water for evacuees from the Eaton Fire at a donation center in Santa Anita Park in Arcadia.
    Monday, Jan. 13: Volunteers carry water for evacuees from the Eaton Fire at a donation center in Santa Anita Park in Arcadia.

    Topline:

    Californians have long relied on federal support to respond and recover from major disasters, but experts are sounding the alarm, saying the Trump Administration could delay assistance when it’s most needed.

    Threat to withhold aid: President Donald Trump has threatened to withhold aid after fires in 2018 and 2020, and on the campaign trail in 2024.

    The emergency response system: It has been compromised by staff reductions and an air of unease, brought on by the administration, experts say.

    Read on ... for more about the politicization of disaster aid and for FEMA's response.

    When the Big One or another major disaster hits California, the emergency response will need to be massive. Fixing roads and other infrastructure; restoring power and cellphone service; providing food, shelter and and other essentials.

    For decades, state officials have operated knowing the federal government would step in almost immediately when they request help with response and recovery, including by providing hundreds of millions of dollars in assistance. However, California and federal disaster recovery officials say they’re concerned that President Donald Trump may retaliate against the state by delaying or withholding major disaster aid.

    And they’re sounding the alarm.

    “ We never really thought about what the president would do if a disaster were to happen,” said one longtime Federal Emergency Management Agency insider.

    But today: “You don't really have any idea which way it would go,” said the California-based FEMA employee who spoke anonymously for fear of professional retribution. “ Everyone just has to plan to be self reliant. And I'm not talking just individuals, but the states.  Because honestly it's really unpredictable to know what you can rely on.”

    Emergency management professionals and observers told LAist they now expect that offers of federal help from the Trump administration will come with strings attached.

    “Disaster declarations, especially in California, will be conditional on political policies being made in the state,” the FEMA employee said.

    It’s a reality state leaders are preparing for.

    “The governor basically told us that we need to think through when the next disaster happens and there's no federal assistance,” said Brian Ferguson, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s deputy cabinet secretary for emergency management.  ”The modern era of emergency management, which started under Jimmy Carter, is forever changing.”

    Some experts told LAist it’s unlikely Trump would flat-out deny aid to California — the optics would be too bad, they said. But they did say delays wouldn’t be a surprise.

    Their concern is rising as the broader system of disaster response is compromised by cuts and attrition in FEMA and other agencies, leaving the state and its nearly 40 million residents even more vulnerable to disasters.

    A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson said FEMA is “focused on warranted, non-political disaster response.”

    “In California and throughout the country, FEMA remains fully prepared and capable of responding to natural disasters,” the spokesperson said via email.

    Before publication, the agency did not respond to a request seeking the name of the spokesperson and did not agree to a phone interview.

    Why insiders are worried

    Myriad signs point toward the likelihood Trump could curtail or deny disaster assistance.

    During the 2018 Camp Fire, which destroyed the Northern California town of Paradise, Trump waffled on giving aid until he was told that it was his supporters who were affected.

    “We went as far as looking up how many votes he got in those impacted areas … to show him these are people who voted for you,” a former Trump aide told Politico then.

    Trump also denied aid to California after a string of wildfires — including the Creek, Bobcat and El Dorado blazes — in 2020, according to CNN, before changing his mind.

    During his campaign in 2024, he talked about denying disaster aid.

    “We’re not giving any of that fire money that we send you all the time for all the fire, forest fires that you have,” he said in the Central Valley, according to KQED.

    And he threatened to withhold wildfire money in response to California’s water management policies.

    “The level at which this has become politicized is unlike anything we've seen,” said Mark Ghilarducci, who ran the California governor’s Office of Emergency Services from 2012 to 2022.

    Even now, California is waiting on $34 billion of wildfire aid requested by Newsom after the L.A. fires. It includes requests to Congress for more than $20 billion to help rebuild communities.

    It’s not just the threats to disaster response and recovery funds that have observers worried. It’s also a pullback from funding disaster preparation.

    In April, FEMA said it was ending its Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities Program, calling it “another example of a wasteful and ineffective FEMA program … more concerned with political agendas than helping Americans affected by natural disasters.”

    The program was supposed to provide almost $33 million in funding to help reduce Land movement in Rancho Palos Verdes has slowed down, but the city is bracing for winter rains, according to a lawsuit filed by California and other states in response. Other projects on the chopping block were $21 million for flood mitigation in Sacramento and $32 million to retrofit a hospital in rural Kern County.

    What you can do to prepare

    The standard advice applies: Be prepared to be on your own for at least 72 hours, though I personally shoot for three weeks.

    That can include one gallon of water per person per day. Extra food (along with a way to cook it), medicine and first aid, clothing, a tent and blankets.

    Make sure to have your most important documents filed or scanned online, so that if you lose your home, you have something to share with officials.

    And before disaster strikes, work to establish connections with the immediate community around you. You’re more likely to be saved by one of them than first responders, who will inevitably be overwhelmed during a large crisis.

    For more, LAist has an extensive breakdown of what it’ll take to prepare for the Big One.

    — Jacob Margolis

    What’s happening inside FEMA 

    Several officials told LAist that even if aid is granted, so much damage has been done to the emergency management system that immediate response and long-term recovery will likely be compromised.

    The California-based FEMA official said Region 9 — which responds to disasters in California, Arizona, Nevada and Hawaii — has been hemorrhaging employees with extensive experience in disasters.

     ”Most people at FEMA just don't know what the future really holds, so they’re looking for other jobs,” the official said.

    Between January and June of this year, the number of FEMA employees fell by about 2,500, according to a recent report from the Government Accountability Office. The losses include 20 senior executives. Exact numbers for Region 9 weren’t immediately available.

    There’s an air of unease among federal emergency response workers, said a former White House employee who worked on emergency management and requested anonymity because of the fear of harassment. Those workers worry they could rush to help in the immediate aftermath of a disaster but then be second-guessed by a presidential administration that might see them as assisting a political enemy, the former official said.

    “ The smallest little things that run counter to the narrative that this administration prefers  run the risk of retribution,” the person said.

    Emergency officials may worry they could be fired or “reassigned to ICE or something like that.”

    “Whether it's happening or not,” the person said, “I think the environment has been created where people feel fearful of that.”

    Meanwhile, Southern Californians affected by the January fires already have struggled with what they say is a lack of federal support.

    “The federal government was always a backstop in times of need. And it's very possible that there's no additional help coming beyond the state and local responders.  So we're going to adjust to that reality,” said Ferguson, the senior Newsom adviser.

    But, Ferguson added, the smaller, rural, Trump-voting parts of California would be hit most heavily by a federal pullback.

    “With FEMA  stepping back, we're actually going to be less ready at a local level for whatever the next disaster is,” he said.

  • Managing agency gets $1M to study improvements
    A train moves from left to right between grassy countryside on the left and the Pacific Ocean on the right, a cloudy sky is above.

    Topline:

    The Los Angeles — San Diego — San Luis Obispo (LOSSAN) Rail Corridor Agency, which oversees Amtrak's Pacific Surfliner, is getting $1 million from the state to look at how to make the service more reliable between San Luis Obispo, Los Angeles and San Diego.

    Why it matters: It will fund an update to a 2022 study reflecting changes in things like service schedules, infrastructure improvement plans and how passenger and freight trains share tracks. It will also look at how the 2028 Olympic and Paralympic Games in Los Angeles could affect rail operations and service needs. The money is part of a larger state grant of more than $66 million dollars to rail agencies across California.

    The backstory: The Pacific Surfliner has dealt with several closures in recent years along a stretch of the line in San Clemente where the track along the coastline has eroded. Earlier this month, state coastal regulators approved construction of a seawall along a section of the line south of San Clemente State Beach.

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  • Shop vintage, grab food at this marketplace
    A tostada topped with a seafood mix served on a plate with a lime.
    A tostada from seafood vendor Mariscos Mar-Es outside Sarah’s Market in City Terrace.

    Topline:

    An open-air food and art marketplace by the organizers of the popular Smorgasburg LA is coming to East Los Angeles this Saturday.

    More details: Eastside Living will bring shopping, food, music and other activities to East L.A.’s Eugene A. Obregon Park. The free event is part of a collaboration between L.A. County and Smorgasburg LA to highlight more than 30 local “small businesses, makers, chefs, artists, and entrepreneurs who make L.A. County’s neighborhoods what they are.”

    The backstory: Smorgasburg LA launched in downtown L.A. in 2016 and has since amassed a following of foodies to taste plates from locally-based pop-ups. The event hosts thousands of hungry attendees each week and features food and shopping vendors as well as a beer garden.

    Read on... for more on the marketplace this weekend.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    An open-air food and art marketplace by the organizers of the popular Smorgasburg LA is coming to East Los Angeles this Saturday. 

    Eastside Living will bring shopping, food, music and other activities to East L.A.’s Eugene A. Obregon Park. The free event is part of a collaboration between L.A. County and Smorgasburg LA to highlight more than 30 local “small businesses, makers, chefs, artists, and entrepreneurs who make L.A. County’s neighborhoods what they are.”

    Vendors include Mariscos Mar-es, an Eastside-based seafood pop-up; Sus Arepas, which offers Colombian bites from its shop in City Terrace; Stairway to Pizza, a specialty pizza operation based in Boyle Heights; and coffee from UMO Coffee and East L.A.’s Enfermos Cafe. Shoppers can find vintage items from Boyle Heights’ Te Adoro Vintage or Whittier’s Newlin House. Visit  Smorgasburg’s Instagram for the latest list of vendors.

    Customers sort through racks of clothes and a bin on a sidewalk in front of a storefront.
    A customer sorts through clothing outside of Boyle Heights’ Te Adoro Vintage in Boyle Heights. The vintage clothing shop will have a space at East LA Living on Nov. 14, 2026.
    (
    Courtesy of Smorgasburg LA
    )

    For couple Victor and Leticia Rojas, who co-own Mariscos Mar-es, the market will give local vendors a chance to showcase their culinary creations to a wider audience of foodies right in their backyard. 

    “We see a lot of events happening in Culver City and the Arts District but not in East L.A. We’re really excited that Smorgasburg is partnering with East L.A. organizers and holding an event over here,” Victor Rojas said.

    His wife agreed, adding the need for a community-powered event in their neighborhood after a year of anxiety driven by ICE around the Los Angeles area. 

    “A lot of people are scared to go out, so it’s events like this that show the pride of East L.A. and allow people to come together as one to explore the foods and other vendors,” Leticia Rojas said. 

    Smorgasburg LA launched in downtown L.A. in 2016 and has since amassed a following of foodies to taste plates from locally based pop-ups. The event hosts thousands of hungry attendees each week and features food and shopping vendors as well as a beer garden. 

    Smorgasburg’s SGV Living, a similar event featuring vendors and other small businesses local to the San Gabriel Valley, launches on Nov. 28 in Rowland Heights.  

    How to visit

    East LA Living

    When: Nov. 14, 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. 

    Where: Eugene A. Obregon Park, 4021 1st St., Los Angeles, 90063

    More details: Street parking is encouraged. Parking will be available at the East LA Civic Center with shuttles to and from the event every 15 minutes. 

    More information: Find more on Instagram @SmorgasburgLA

  • Latest change from Trump admin has gone unnoticed

    Topline:

    In a 2023 campaign speech, President Donald Trump pledged to reclaim universities from what he called the radical left. His Education Department just finalized a rule to help him do it.

    The backstory: The Trump administration has made many changes to education policy that are hard to miss: cutting the U.S. Education Department's workforce by roughly half, canceling research funding, uprooting special education staff, upending student civil rights protections, overhauling student loan repayment plans, scaling back graduate school loans — the list goes on. But the latest change — one President Donald Trump has called his "secret weapon" — has gone largely unnoticed, even as it's set to take effect in July. That's because it's hidden inside one singularly boring word: Accreditation.

    What is accreditation? It's the system the U.S. government relies on to determine which colleges and universities are worthy of receiving millions, even billions of dollars in federal student loans and grants. In practical terms, colleges pay membership dues to third-party, nonprofit accreditors that then review the schools across a range of categories, including curriculum quality, faculty qualifications, physical facilities, the soundness of their finances and so on.

    Read on... for more on the latest change from the Trump administration.

    The Trump administration has made many changes to education policy that are hard to miss: cutting the U.S. Education Department's workforce by roughly half, canceling research funding, uprooting special education staff, upending student civil rights protections, overhauling student loan repayment plans, scaling back graduate school loans — the list goes on.

    But the latest change — one President Donald Trump has called his "secret weapon" — has gone largely unnoticed, even as it's set to take effect in July. That's because it's hidden inside one singularly boring word:

    Accreditation.

    "The time has come to reclaim our once great educational institutions from the radical left," Trump said in a 2023 campaign video. "Our secret weapon will be the college accreditation system."

    Specifically, he pledged to overhaul it — a notably wonky threat from a politician who usually disdains wonkery. Now, the Education Department has kept Trump's promise.

    What is accreditation? 

    It's the system the U.S. government relies on to determine which colleges and universities are worthy of receiving millions, even billions of dollars in federal student loans and grants.

    In practical terms, colleges pay membership dues to third-party, nonprofit accreditors that then review the schools across a range of categories, including curriculum quality, faculty qualifications, physical facilities, the soundness of their finances and so on.

    An accreditor's job, essentially, is to make sure college students are getting good value and to prevent shady schools from pocketing taxpayer dollars without delivering quality degrees.

    Decades ago, Congress also made clear that accreditors are not part of the government.

    "Congress wanted accrediting agencies to be independent of the federal government. It wanted agencies to set standards independent of the federal government," says Antoinette Flores at the Council for Higher Education Accreditation.

    Federal law does require that accreditors assess schools in several key areas — such as student achievement, faculty and curriculum — and it gives the Department oversight. But Flores says, the law lets accreditors decide what standards a school must meet to determine its worthiness.

    In keeping with Trump's 2023 promise, the department has now overhauled the federal rules for accreditors — changes it says will foster innovation and lower costs. Some higher education experts worry these changes will not only hurt students but also allow the department to further punish schools it doesn't like and even police campus political speech.

    "This rule gives [the Education Department] the authority to meddle in the internal affairs of colleges and universities in ways that they never have been able to in the past," warns Bob Shireman, an accreditation expert and former top official in the Obama Education Department.

    Changes to what accreditors will measure

    While the Education Department cannot legally tell accreditors precisely how to evaluate colleges and universities, it does oversee some key requirements, and these new rules dramatically expand those requirements and the department's authority with them.

    Most notably, accreditors must now evaluate school policies on intellectual diversity, "ensuring that students are exposed to a range of viewpoints," according to a department press release.

    It's not entirely clear how that requirement will work in practice, but opposition has been loud.

    "For the first time," Shireman says, "you will have an avenue for the federal government to go in at least to an accreditor, but through accreditors to colleges, and tell them what balance of points of view the federal government thinks they should have."

    The department could then, conceivably, threaten a school's accreditation and, ultimately, its access to federal student aid if it considers them out of balance.

    Of this change, PEN America, a nonprofit dedicated to defending free expression, warned that "this is part of a plan to weaken [higher education] and its historic protections for the freedom to think, teach, research and learn."

    The Education Department argues it's doing the opposite, calling this "a commonsense step toward restoring intellectual diversity by … creating an environment where differing perspectives can be debated openly and fairly," wrote Ellen Keast, communications director for the under secretary, in a statement to NPR.

    "The regulations do not mandate any specific policies," Keast added, "nor do they give the Department any authority to police speech. Instead, they reinforce a fundamental principle: truth emerges through rigorous debate, not enforced consensus."

    Nevertheless, even some conservatives have expressed anxiety over this expansion of federal power. Beth Akers, an economist and senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, supports much of the overhaul but says this particular change goes too far.

    "[It] does put the administration sort of in a seat of judgment over the institutions, over the accreditors, about whether or not they are appropriately teaching ideology. And that is something I'm uncomfortable with," Akers says.

    While the Education Department insists it cannot police political speech on campus, that is what Trump promised in that 2023 video, when he pledged to "fire the radical-left accreditors that have allowed our colleges to become dominated by Marxists, maniacs and lunatics."

    Not all of the changes are controversial. One enjoys some bipartisan support, says Emily Rounds, senior higher education policy adviser at the center-left think tank, Third Way.

    That change will push accreditors to give more weight to student outcomes, Rounds says, focusing on questions like, "How much are they going to be earning? What are the licensure pass rates for certain programs? What is the graduation rate? Does an institution retain students year to year or are students dropping out?"

    The new accreditation rule changes are set to go into effect ahead of the 2027-28 academic year. Because they were made through the traditional rulemaking process, it will be difficult for Democrats to undo them.

    How we got here

    Fresh political tension over accreditation began to boil during the Biden administration — between Republican-led states and accreditors they considered too powerful and too liberal.

    "The way in which [accreditors] are exerting their authority has really rubbed people the wrong way when it came to these ideological standards they're putting onto institutions," Akers says.

    Florida and North Carolina actively clashed with their accreditors over issues including diversity, equity and inclusion and viewpoint diversity on their public university campuses.

    "When we said, 'No DEI,' the accreditor was telling our universities, 'Oh no no, you're not gonna get accredited unless you do DEI,'" said Florida's Republican governor, Ron DeSantis, in June 2025. "Who the heck are they to say what our universities have to do?"

    DeSantis pushed for the creation of a new accreditor to replace the longstanding accreditor of Florida's public universities, saying he hopes to "upend the monopoly of the woke accreditation cartels."

    Five other state university systems — in Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas — have also said they will switch to this new accreditor, the Commission for Public Higher Education.

    Making it easier to become an accreditor

    Another of the Trump administration's stated goals with its accreditation overhaul is cutting red tape and making it easier for schools and even states to create new accreditors. That, the administration hopes, will lead to more accreditors for schools to choose from.

    "The rule promotes greater competition and innovation," the department said in its press release.

    Competition, according to the administration, will allow schools to shop around for an accreditor that best fits their needs and lowers costs for schools and students alike. What's more, if a school doesn't like its accreditor, it will be easier to switch mid-stream.

    One thing is certain: This will weaken traditional accreditors and strengthen schools.

    AEI's Beth Akers argues that's not a bad thing and that this shift will empower schools to innovate and take chances. "We've been teaching students the same way for a very long time. Come sit in a lecture, take a test and then after you've sat there long enough, we give you the credits."

    Under the new rules, Akers hopes, schools will be freer to experiment with everything from the value of a credit hour to how much time a student actually needs to spend inside a classroom.

    But Bob Shireman, the former Obama administration official, warns that forcing accreditors to compete for the schools they'll be auditing won't increase quality. "One person's red tape is another person's consumer protection: Checking to see if the fire extinguishers have expired is red tape."

    Similarly, Shireman worries that making it easier for colleges and universities to jump from one accreditor to another could also weaken student protections.

    "If one [accreditor] starts identifying problems, [schools] simply shift their weight over to another accreditor. And so it becomes whack-a-mole in terms of oversight of colleges, and we fail to catch problems soon enough."

    Edited by Nirvi Shah
    Copyright 2026 NPR

  • Huang steps down amid alleged spy scandal

    Topline:

    Jensen Huang, CEO of the chipmaking juggernaut Nvidia, is stepping down, the company's board announced Thursday.

    Why now: The decision comes days after the company took the extraordinary step of launching an investigation following news reports alleging that Huang had had an extramarital affair with one of the company's clients, who U.S. intelligence officials concluded had been recruited by China's top spy agency, according to the New York Times. NPR has not independently confirmed those reports.

    Why it matters: Huang was widely seen as one of the most important business leaders in the United States. Nvidia dominates the market for the chips used to train and run artificial intelligence. Huang also had President Trump's ear on AI policy, with Trump even calling Huang's phone in September while Huang was onstage during a conference.

    Read on... for more on what's next to Nvidia.

    Jensen Huang, CEO of the chipmaking juggernaut Nvidia, is stepping down, the company's board announced Thursday.

    The decision comes days after the company took the extraordinary step of launching an investigation following news reports alleging that Huang had had an extramarital affair with one of the company's clients, who U.S. intelligence officials concluded had been recruited by China's top spy agency, according to the New York Times. NPR has not independently confirmed those reports.

    In an email to Nvidia staff on Sunday, Huang admitted to cheating on his wife, and said he would cooperate with the investigation.

    The company's share price dropped sharply on Wednesday, after the New York Times reported that Huang had had a second affair, this one with an Nvidia executive who reported to him.

    Nvidia did not immediately respond to an NPR request for comment.

    Huang was widely seen as one of the most important business leaders in the United States. Nvidia dominates the market for the chips used to train and run artificial intelligence. Huang also had President Trump's ear on AI policy, with Trump even calling Huang's phone in September while Huang was onstage during a conference.

    The scandal that brought down Huang snowballed quickly over the past two weeks. The New York Times reported in late October that Huang had a close relationship with a Chinese woman at a Singapore-based company that was buying Nvidia chips. Citing unidentified sources, it said U.S. intelligence officials believed she had been recruited by the Chinese government to spy on him and possibly try to influence policy. NPR has not independently confirmed this reporting.

    A drip-drip of scoops followed — from the Times and other outlets — suggesting that the relationship was romantic, that senior Trump administration officials knew about the allegations some time ago, and that Huang had had a second affair.

    China's foreign ministry has said the allegations of spying are baseless and part of a smear campaign against China.

    What's next for Nvidia

    Huang's departure launches Nvidia into uncharted territory.

    Huang's relationship with the alleged Chinese agent and what the Trump administration knew about it will likely be the subject of an investigation when Democrats take control of Congress in January.

    "We should all be extremely concerned about this, and the fact that the White House knew about this for weeks, maybe months now, is is is very disturbing as well," said Rep. Yvette Clarke, D-NY, a senior member of the House Energy and Commerce Committee in an interview with NPR.

    The company's Chief Financial Officer, Colette Kress, has been appointed interim CEO. The board said in their statement they would conduct a full search for a new CEO and consider both internal and external candidates.

    "There's no obvious replacement," said Stephen Witt, author of a book about Nvidia called The Thinking Machine. "It's not even clear Nvidia can be the same kind of company without Jensen. I have a hard time imagining what Nvidia looks like without Jensen."

    Nvidia still plans to report its quarterly earnings on Tuesday.

    Huang was one of the longest-serving CEOs in U.S. corporate history, stepping into the role after launching the company with partners over bottomless cups of coffee at a Denny's restaurant in San Jose, Calif., 33 years ago. Nvidia got its start making specialized chips to create 3D graphics for computers that would come to be known as graphics processing units, or GPUs.

    He was the face of Nvidia and an unlikely celebrity, giving countless keynote speeches and interviews in his trademark leather jacket, or posing for selfies with adoring fans.

    Huang was also the company's driving force. Under his leadership, Nvidia made a big and early bet on artificial intelligence, investing heavily to transform its niche graphics chips into general-purpose processing units that were ideal for the volume of computations required to create AI.

    That bet would pay off in spades as GPUs became the go-to chip for AI creators. When AI burst into the public consciousness in late 2022 with the launch of OpenAI's ChatGPT — a chatbot trained and run on Nvidia chips — the firm was worth about $400 billion. Today, it's valued at more than $4 trillion, among the most valuable in the world, and it dominates the market for GPUs.

    But analysts say despite Huang's visionary management of the business, he had a blind spot for succession and hadn't articulated a clear plan, at least publicly.

    In a Bloomberg interview from mid-October, Huang was vague about succession plans. "I'm really hoping that the next CEO of the company is already at the company, but 20 years from now, I hope I stay healthy and I hope I continue to earn my keep."

    Huang's adult children, Spencer and Madison Huang, both work at Nvidia. Asked about talk that Madison might be in line to succeed him, he paused, and told Bloomberg: "if that's their aspiration, Spencer or Madison's, they have to go earn it. And it's really, really hard work. It takes a lot of sacrifice."

    Daniel Newman, CEO of the Futurum Group, a tech research firm, said the company will inevitably be different without Huang, and its future success is unclear.

    "They've always had Jensen as this sort of visionary at the front," he said. "I don't think that's replaceable."

    Katie McQue contributed to this story.
    Copyright 2026 NPR