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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Workers, indoor and outdoor, face more danger
    Two men with big hats work in a field in Coachella, Calif. Neither mans face is visible.
    Farm workers clear out hosing which was used to irrigate an okra field on July 13, 2022 near Coachella, California. According to the U.S.

    Topline:

    With more heat waves expected this summer, California officials are trying to assess the long-term economic impact on workers and businesses — and what more can be done to protect workers bearing the brunt of extreme temperatures

    Why now: A 2021 study of California worker compensation data by a left-leaning economic research nonprofit shows hot days lead to increased workplace accidents across California.

    The backstory: Although California is one of the few states with heat standards protecting outdoor workers, advocates and workers say enforcement is still a struggle. Meanwhile, the state has been trying for years to create indoor workplace heat rules.

    Read on... to see the breakdown of what is and isn't offered to workers.

    With more heat waves expected this summer, California officials are trying to assess the long-term economic impact on workers and businesses — and what more can be done to protect workers bearing the brunt of extreme temperatures.

    Although California is one of the few states with heat standards protecting outdoor workers, advocates and workers say enforcement is still a struggle. Meanwhile, the state has been trying for years to create indoor workplace heat rules.

    A 2021 study of California worker compensation data by a left-leaning economic research nonprofit shows hot days lead to increased workplace accidents across California. The Washington Center for Equitable Growth study estimates hot temperatures have caused at least 360,000 workplace injuries in California from 2001 to 2018, or about 20,000 injuries a year.

    The welfare impacts associated with heat-related workplace injuries may be on the order of $525 million to $875 million per year in California.
    — Workplace Heat Study by the Washington Center for Equitable Growth

    Researchers examined California workers compensation data and tracked daily temperatures down to the zip code. They compared the number of worker injuries and illnesses on 85-to-105-degree days to days when temperatures hovered around 60 degrees.

    A new state advisory committee is set to use this data as a roadmap to tackle hot workplace issues. The group of state agency staffers and scholars will examine persistent problems with underreported heat-related illness and injuries, as well as gaps in data collection and the financial toll on workers and businesses when temperatures rise and production falls.

    Young workers at risk

    A day above 100 degrees can lead to a 10-15% increase in same-day injuries on the job, the study says, with injuries hitting low-wage workers hardest. And recovering from a heat-related injury or illness costs the average worker $35,000, including health care and long-term wage impact.

    “This implies that the welfare impacts associated with heat-related workplace injuries may be on the order of $525 million to $875 million per year in California alone,” the study authors wrote.

    The study says workplace injuries include incidents not usually linked to heat, such as falling from heights, getting struck by a vehicle or mishandling dangerous machinery. Research links high temperatures to reduced cognitive performance and decision-making.

    The lead author of the study, University of Pennsylvania professor R. Jisung Park, is a member of the advisor committee. He and his coauthors found that low-wage workers, especially young men, face the greatest risks of heat injuries, even in mostly-indoor workplaces like restaurants or warehouses.

    The state's advisory committee met for the first time at the end of June. Its mandate is part of a package of heat-related legislation passed last year.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom in September signed several bills creating the first extreme heat warning and ranking system in the nation, directing the California Department of Public Health to study the impact of extreme heat on pregnant workers and encouraging local governments to invest in protections against extreme heat and other climate effects.

    “There are certain sectors that are going to be heavily influenced of course, including food production,” said Daniel Sumner, an advisory committee member who is an agricultural and labor economist at UC Davis. “I think we’d be remiss not to try to think through impacts that directly affect workers’ lower productivity, raise danger for workers, and as a consequence raise food prices.”

    Are California workers protected from heat?

    California is one of a few states with laws that mandate employers provide water breaks, shade and rest for outdoor workers once temperatures reach certain levels.

    The state implemented its outdoor heat standard in 2005, after several farmworkers – three in Kern County and one in Fresno County – died due to heat exposure. After the 2008 death of a pregnant teen working in a Central Valley vineyard drew national outrage, state officials frantically tried to strengthen and enforce the heat protections.

    The Washington Center study found occupational heat-related injuries in California declined by about 30% since the standards took effect in 2005.

    There still are no heat-related federal workplace protections, even for outdoor workers, although the Occupational Health and Safety Administration announced two years ago it was developing heat rules for outdoor and indoor workers.

    There’s currently little relief for California’s indoor workers. The state has been considering proposals for heat rules for employees in indoor settings like restaurants or warehouses for nearly seven years, missing a 2019 deadline the Legislature set.

    Last summer, a 24-year-old United Parcel Service driver died after collapsing from the heat during deliveries in Pasadena.

    The 340,000-strong union representing the UPS workers has been seeking heat rules that would cover its California members. The union reached a "historic" contract agreement with the company July 25 after threatening a strike, securing a deal with higher wages and more heat protections.

    A man with light skin tone drives a brown UPS truck. He is in a brown UPS uniform and is looking away from the camera.
    A United Parcel Service truck searches for a house while driving along the coast of Cape Cod on July 24, 2023 in Orleans, Massachusetts.
    (
    Robert Nickelsberg
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Jassy Grewal, a lobbyist for the United Food and Commercial Workers Western States Council and a member of the state’s heat advisory committee, said workers in high-intensity environments, or those who don’t have a cool place at home, are especially vulnerable without indoor heat rules.

    “What type of pressures from employers, like work quotas, contribute to heat-related illness,” Grewal asked during the first committee meeting. “And how does the intensity of work and how physically demanding it is relate to the impact of heat exposure while at work and while not at work?”

    Gaps in job protections

    Unions and worker advocates have sued the state in the past to enforce heat-related regulations, and they say the state needs to hold employers accountable.

    Advocacy groups warn that despite progress, the greatest risk to workers lies with the state’s troubled enforcement record.

    Some experts say it’s as simple as better outreach, informing workers about heat risks and their rights.

    "It's all implementation and ensuring that these workers actually get the benefits of these laws and having a culturally and linguistically appropriate messaging on the risk and severity of these heat waves. I think for any population it's confusing to understand how our climate is changing and how much risk they could have. So ensuring that we have trusted messengers and doing it in a culturally and linguistically appropriate way matters." said Michael Méndez, an environmental policy professor at UC Irvine.

    The United Farm Workers sued Cal/OSHA in 2012 to compel the state to enforce heat rules for farmworkers. In 2015, the state settled a suit the union brought on behalf of five farmworkers who alleged Cal/OSHA was systematically neglecting its duty to enforce the 2005 law.

    UFW spokesperson Antonio de Loera-Brust told CalMatters “people died to win” California’s enforcement standards.

    We expect state agencies to be out in full strength across California to make sure employers are being compliant with the state heat rules. Heat is still a deadly hazard.
    — Antonio De Loera-Brust, UFW spokesperson

    Farmworker health

    A February study on California farmworker health and safety by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center found that only a third of farm laborers could recognize the symptoms of a heat-related illness.

    Only half of the roughly 1,500 farmworkers surveyed said their employers always provide shade mandated by California law when it hits 80 degrees, while a quarter said their employers never or rarely provide the required shade.

    The study, which surveyed farmworkers in six languages, also found:

    • About 22% of farmworkers said their employer “never” monitors for heat illness. A slightly higher percentage in the Imperial Valley, where scorching temperatures are common, said the same. 
    • 82% of farmworkers in the San Joaquin Valley said they have received heat-related illness training.
    • About 43% of farmworkers statewide, including two-thirds of Central Coast farmworkers, said their employers never had a written heat illness protection plan. 

    Some farm employers still don’t comply with state rules about providing water, shade and rest, the survey shows.

    • 55% of farmworkers across the state said their employers always monitored the temperature on hot days — 76% said it in the Imperial Valley, but 46% did in Napa Valley and Sonoma areas. 
    • 75% of farmworkers said their employers provide clean drinking water every time.
    • Barely half of farmworkers reported their employers always provide a 10-minute cool down rest, while 21% said their employers “never” did. 

    Alice Berliner, worker health and safety program director at the community and labor center, said it’s clear some workers aren’t getting safety information or training in Spanish when they need it.

    “We know heat-related deaths are going up,” she said. “If we want to prevent future deaths from happening, we really need to ensure workers are protected at work.”

    State officials taking preventive measures, such as conducting heat sweeps ahead of heat waves, has helped, she added.

    What will the state committee do?

    Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, who authored legislation creating the advisory committee last year, called the panel of 13 a “solid first step.” He said he will work with the Legislature to do more for workers.

    “Climate change is accelerating, and extreme heat and heat-related illnesses are on the rise,” the Salinas Democrat said in a statement. “California is committed to protecting workers’ health and quality of life during extreme heat waves.”

    Despite near-universal consensus among state officials and advocates that heat reform work is urgent, and despite recent record-shattering temperatures, the committee has been given a 2026 deadline to report results to the Legislature.

    The committee is set to meet quarterly. The next session is Sept. 19. Members indicated they’ll likely commission a study to guide the committee’s work.

    “I have no doubt the work this committee will do will save lives,” said Cal/OSHA chief Jeff Kilip at the meeting.

  • Where you can ride minibikes
    Minibikes are laid along the side of a road on a bridge as people stand on the other side of the bridge.
    Scores of minibikes were impounded by the Los Angeles Police Department during an enforcement operation on the 6th Street Bridge Sunday, Sept. 13, 2026.

    Topline:

    More than 70 people were cited and dozens of minibikes were impounded during a weekend enforcement operation on the 6th Street Bridge. Here’s what the law says about where you can ride.

    What are minibikes and pocket bikes? The California Highway Patrol defines pocket bikes as two-wheeled motorized devices with a seat or a saddle. They are not designed or manufactured for highway use, according to the CHP website. Minibikes, while similar to pocket bikes, typically feature open-tube steel frames, upright seating, larger wheels and more engine power, delivering speeds of nearly 30 miles per hour. With modifications, minibikes can approach speeds of 70 miles per hour according to an LA City Council motion.

    The backstory: The scene on the 6th Street Bridge on Sunday was hard to miss: Crowds of young people with minibikes were corralled along the bridge, some with their hands zip-tied behind their backs. More than 70 people were cited, and dozens of minibikes were impounded during a Los Angeles Police Department enforcement operation targeting “illegal motorized mini-bike activity.” Among those cited were youth as young as 13 years old, as well as parents who were riding with their children, according to news reports.

    Read on... for more on where you can ride minibikes.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    The scene on the 6th Street Bridge on Sunday was hard to miss: Crowds of young people with minibikes were corralled along the bridge, some with their hands zip-tied behind their backs.

    More than 70 people were cited, and dozens of minibikes were impounded during a Los Angeles Police Department enforcement operation targeting “illegal motorized mini-bike activity.” Among those cited were youth as young as 13 years old, as well as parents who were riding with their children, according to news reports.

    The LAPD said the motorized minibikes were unauthorized and were blocking the bridge, performing donuts and wheelies and riding on the wrong side of the roadway.

    To the LAPD, the show of force was necessary, saying pocket bikes have low visibility, high instability and no required safety equipment. “One wrong move can lead to catastrophic injury,” the LAPD said.

    But others, including parents, were taken aback by the enforcement operation.

    “As long as we ride together with them as a parent, it shouldn’t be a crime, and it shouldn’t be illegal for my daughter to be riding right next to her dad, riding and enjoying her minibike,” one parent told ABC 7 Eyewitness News.

    Here’s what the law says about riding a minibike on L.A. streets:

    What are minibikes and pocket bikes?

    The California Highway Patrol defines pocket bikes as two-wheeled motorized devices with a seat or a saddle. They are not designed or manufactured for highway use, according to the CHP website.

    Minibikes, while similar to pocket bikes, typically feature open-tube steel frames, upright seating, larger wheels and more engine power, delivering speeds of nearly 30 miles per hour. With modifications, minibikes can approach speeds of 70 miles per hour according to an LA City Council motion.

    The terms “pocket bikes” and “minibike” are sometimes used interchangeably by law enforcement. The California Department of Motor Vehicles classifies these types of vehicles as “miniature vehicles” that cannot be registered or operated on public streets.

    Unlike e-bikes, which are powered by their own electric motors and have their own classification, pocket bikes and minibikes may be powered by electric motors or small gas engines.

    Are minibikes new?

    While minibikes have grown in popularity in recent years, hobbyists have been scrapping together the motorized devices for decades.

    Recently, local minibike groups have attracted dozens of riders from around the Los Angeles area to participate in group “rideouts,” often described by law enforcement as “takeovers.” The subculture has also inspired young tinkerers and mechanics to build up their rides or even offer mobile mechanic services.

    Is it legal to ride minibikes on California public streets and highways?

    No. That’s because they are not equipped with the required safety features, such as headlights, taillights, and mirrors, according to Geovana Herrera, a Department of Motor Vehicles spokesperson.

    Can you legally ride a minibike anywhere in California?

    Minibikes may only be operated on private property, racetracks or designated off-road areas, Herrera said. Their use is prohibited on public roads, sidewalks, bike paths, hiking trails, and other public lands, according to California Vehicle Code Section 21720.

    What happens if you’re stopped or cited riding a minibike in L.A.?

    Individuals can get cited for violating California Vehicle Code Section 21720.

    If you get cited for violating the law, your pocket or minibike may be impounded for up to 48 hours. The rider will be responsible for all costs associated with the removal and storage of the bike.

    Enforcing the law is up to local and state law enforcement agencies. Some Eastside minibike riders told Boyle Heights Beat they’ve had differing experiences depending on which agency pulls them over.

    What were the violations on the 6th Street Bridge?

    The LAPD said it detained 78 people at the Sixth Street Bridge, citing 49 juveniles and 17 adults for operating an illegal minibike on streets.

    Police said it also issued five administrative enforcement citations for being present at a street takeover and arrested two people on suspicion of aiding and abetting.

    A total of 76 vehicles were impounded, including 74 minibikes and two pickup trucks, the LAPD said.

    The LAPD also said it conducted an investigative report for misdemeanor child endangerment involving a parent who admitted allowing his 13-year-old daughter to participate in the Sunday ride that police referred to as a “takeover.”

  • Sponsored message
  • Park under 6th Street Bridge won't open until 2027
    A park underneath a bridge with graffiti on the columns of the bridge.
    Equipment delays have pushed the opening of the Sixth Street PARC (Park, Arts, River & Connectivity) to next year.

    Topline:

    A 12-acre park beneath the 6th Street Bridge won’t open until early 2027, months later than city officials had expected.

    Why now: The delay is due to scheduling changes to the installation of playground equipment, according to Mary Nemick, the director of communications for the city’s Bureau of Engineering.

    About the park: Known formally as the Sixth Street PARC (Park, Arts, River & Connectivity), the park will feature an arts plaza, complete with a performance amphitheater, garden and terrace seating. Other amenities include a café, dog park, fitness equipment and sports courts.

    Read on... for more on the why the park won't open until next year.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    A 12-acre park beneath the 6th Street Bridge won’t open until early 2027, months later than city officials had expected. 

    The delay is due to scheduling changes to the installation of playground equipment, according to Mary Nemick, the director of communications for the city’s Bureau of Engineering.

    Known formally as the Sixth Street PARC (Park, Arts, River & Connectivity), the park will  feature an arts plaza, complete with a performance amphitheater, garden and terrace seating. Other amenities include a café, dog park, fitness equipment and sports courts. 

    The delayed opening comes after months of concerns from residents over the park’s maintenance and safety. Community members have raised concerns about the possibility of homeless encampments forming at the park, as well as graffiti and whether copper wire theft from the bridge could affect the park’s safety. 

    A recent DTLA Insider video on Instagram ignited hundreds of comments from people worried about the park’s upkeep. The video posed the question, “How are they planning on keeping this park safe and clean?” 

    “Let’s all use it and embrace it, and keep it clean together. Tags do not equal “unsafe” i wish we could embrace street art a little,” one commenter wrote, adding, “I’m glad it’s getting attention and scrutiny to keep the city on their toes.”

    Others referred to it as the “next MacArthur Park” or “MacArthur Park 2.0.” One person suggested turning it into a state park “like L.A. historical park with park rangers.”

    An Arts District resident has also spearheaded an effort calling for the city council to consider a camping ban around the park.

    A park with benches, trash cans, trees, and more is located underneath a bridge where columns of it have graffiti sprayed on it.
    Graffiti is seen at the Sixth Street PARC (Park, Arts, River & Connectivity).
    (
    Steve Saldivar
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Earlier this month, Councilmember Ysabel Jurado said her office was working on a formal agreement with various city departments, including public works, recreation and parks and cultural affairs, to establish “responsibility for the park’s security measures, maintenance, programming, and day-to-day management before it opens.” 

    Her statement came as rumors swirled that the fencing surrounding the park would come down in October. 

    “Keeping this park safe requires clear accountability, consistent maintenance, regular programming, and a coordinated response when concerns arise. We will share additional details publicly once the agreement and opening plans are finalized,” Jurado said in a statement.

    Construction of the park began in 2023, just a year after the grand opening celebration of the bridge, which connects historic Boyle Heights with the Arts District neighborhood and crosses the Los Angeles River. The park was set to open later this year.

    The city’s Bureau of Engineering and the Department of Parks and Recreation did not provide any additional details about the delays, nor did they provide a specific date for the park’s opening. 

  • LA judge rules they're likely unconstitutional
    A screenshot of bodycam video showing an immigration agent arresting a person, who's faced is blurred, in a car wash parking lot.
    An immigration agent arrests a worker at the Hand J car wash in Los Angeles during a raid in August 2025.

    Topline:

    A Los Angeles judge has ruled federal immigration agents likely violated the Constitution by not assessing flight risk when making warrantless arrests.

    Why now? The ruling, unsealed yesterday, finalized a tentative ruling issued last month that immigration agents can’t just arrest someone, even if they’re in the country unlawfully, without determining if they’re likely to flee before a warrant can be obtained. Under federal law, immigration officers can arrest someone without a warrant only when they have probable cause both that the person is in the country unlawfully and that they are likely to escape before a warrant can be obtained.

    Why it matters: “This ruling is one of the most important decisions to date in the community’s effort to end the federal government’s cruel and illegal practice of abducting people and separating them from their families,” said Mayra Joachin, senior staff attorney at the ACLU Foundation of Southern California.

    On a hot day in Los Angeles in August 2025, a worker stood in the sun with a rag and a squeeze bottle in front of a Mazda SUV when he turned to see a Border Patrol agent running toward him.

    Seconds later, the agent grabbed him by his shoulder, gripping him by his Handy J Car Wash collared shirt like he was a recalcitrant child.

    “Hey sir, let’s go,” the agent said in Spanish. The man, seemingly confused, replied, “Go where?” He had papers, he said, pleading with the agent. Within 10 seconds, the man – known only by his initials A.T. in court documents – was in handcuffs. He was whisked away in the backseat of an unmarked Dodge Charger to an ICE facility for processing, the rag and squeeze bottle left behind on top of the Mazda. Later that day he was fingerprinted and released, once ICE realized he was a lawful permanent resident.

    Bodycam footage
    (
    Image via U.S. Border Patrol bodycam footage
    )

    In a ruling unsealed Wednesday, a federal judge ruled that immigration agents likely violated federal statutes by arresting people such as A.T. without a warrant before assessing whether they were flight risks.

    Judge Maame Ewusi-Mensah Frimpong finalized a tentative ruling issued last month that immigration agents can’t just arrest someone, even if they’re in the country unlawfully, without determining if they’re likely to flee before a warrant can be obtained.

    “This Court finds ample evidence that Defendants have an ongoing policy and practice of conducting warrantless arrests in violation of the requirement to conduct a likelihood-of-escape analysis,” the judge wrote.

    Under federal law, immigration officers can arrest someone without a warrant only when they have probable cause both that the person is in the country unlawfully and that they are likely to escape before a warrant can be obtained.

    “This ruling is one of the most important decisions to date in the community’s effort to end the federal government’s cruel and illegal practice of abducting people and separating them from their families,” said Mayra Joachin, senior staff attorney at the ACLU Foundation of Southern California.

    The preliminary injunction stems from a lawsuit the American Civil Liberties Union and a coalition of advocacy groups filed last year against the Department of Homeland Security in the aftermath of the aggressive raids across Los Angeles led by former Border Patrol official Gregory Bovino.

    DHS attorneys have argued that those operations ceased in February.

    But while the high-profile immigration raids have gotten quieter after the killing of Alex Pretti and Renee Good in Minneapolis in January, President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign has only intensified. Arrests reached their highest level in the second Trump administration in July, with nearly 50,000 arrests nationwide, according to data by the Deportation Data project.

    In California, agents arrested more than 15% more people than they did during the same time last year, when Bovino’s masked agents conducted aggressive street raids across Los Angeles.

    Advocacy groups obtained body cam footage, depositions and text messages from agents in discovery. Using that evidence, they successfully argued that federal immigration agents’ actions likely violated protections enshrined in the U.S. Constitution’s Fourth Amendment.

    In the case of A.T., the Border Patrol agent’s arrest report reveals that he skipped steps that would have prevented a lawful permanent resident from being handcuffed and sent to processing.

    In the report, the arresting agent says he identified himself as a Border Patrol agent and that A.T. made a “couple of sudden moves” as if about to run. The body cam footage does not appear to show that.

    The agent wrote that when he asked about citizenship, A.T. replied “U.S.” However, the agent says A.T. appeared “confused and unsure of his answer, similar to individuals who I have arrested before.” The agent reported he arrested him to verify his citizenship. At no point prior to the arrest does the agent try to check A.T. ‘s identification or ask questions about his background, the body cam footage shows. That’s the kind of flight risk assessment required before a warrantless arrest.

    When body cam footage contradicts agents’ narratives 

    At that same Handy J Car Wash, a different Border Patrol agent detained another worker that day.

    In his arrest narrative, he wrote that the man followed his commands.

    But later in the report, the agent justified his decision to arrest the worker without a warrant because of “the fact that he ignored agent command.”

    Bodycam footage
    (
    Image via U.S. Border Patrol bodycam footage
    )

    The report highlights a key argument that advocates made in their court filings. In arrest reports, agents are supposed to explain why they determined someone was a flight risk and therefore couldn’t wait to get a warrant. Attorneys argued that, in 80% of all the arrest reports they reviewed, agents either did not make any assessment of flight risk or simply used boilerplate language.

    They argued the agent’s narrative used boilerplate language that contradicted other parts of his report.

    In her ruling, Frimpong cited this instance, noting the discrepancy between the official government narrative and the body cam footage.

    “In one arrest, the Government’s escape narrative claims that an individual – E.G.G. – was likely to escape before a warrant could be obtained based, in part, on ‘his flight from law enforcement,” Frimpong wrote. “… But a video of this arrest shows E.G.G. remained working and standing in the same place from the time that the agent entered the car wash to the time that the agent called him over….contrary to the Government’s written escape risk analysis, (he) did not flee.”

    In the same body cam footage a supervisory agent tells the worker, “We’re going to give you a ride, and check if everything is OK. If everything is OK, we’ll let you go.” The agents’ own words reveal how the sweeps operated: arrest first and verify later.

    In agents’ own words 

    In some cases, the agents arrested people without a warrant even though a court had already determined they weren’t a flight risk, according to advocates’ attorneys.

    In body cam footage from September, one Border Patrol agent asks another if they are still arresting people who have a notice to appear before an immigration judge. Such a notice signals someone is currently going through the immigration system, and likely has been deemed not a flight risk. They usually have been released awaiting a court date to determine whether they can stay in the country.

    Another agent says, “I don’t care if you have a court date coming up, you’re a (expletive) custody redetermination.” The agent is saying that even if an immigration judge already determined a person isn’t a flight risk, agents are reversing that decision.

    Bodycam footage
    (
    Image via U.S. Border Patrol bodycam footage
    )

    “Even those already in removal proceedings, who are ordered released on bond presumably due to lack of flight risk and are complying with court dates, are not immune from Defendants’ policy,” wrote attorneys for the detained, arguing that the immigration agents aren’t just neglecting to do a flight risk assessment themselves, but willfully ignoring the determination of an actual immigration judge.

    Border Patrol policy calls for agents to ask about flight-risk factors like identification or a home address before an arrest. But attorneys who brought the lawsuit say body camera footage shows agents often did not.

    In one video from August 2025, Border Patrol agents jumped out of a Penske truck and grabbed people in the Home Depot parking lot in Los Angeles.

    At around 6:50 a.m. a Border Patrol agent arrested a man identified as Tijerino-Garmendia in court documents. The agent’s arrest narrative says Tijerino-Garmendia “stated he had no identification stating his identity or home address.” Body cam footage shows the agent “showing no questioning on this topic,” attorneys for the detained said in court records.

    Bodycam footage
    (
    Image via U.S. Border Patrol bodycam footage
    )

    Agents arrested community members “with no inquiry into community ties or escape risk,” the lawsuit claims.

    Judges in Oregon, Colorado and Washington, D.C., have also ordered federal agents to stop making warrantless arrests. Courts in two of those cases later found agents kept on doing it anyway.

    In the Los Angeles case, Frimpong ordered that agents must document “the specific, particularized facts that supported the agent’s or officer’s prearrest probable cause to believe that the person was likely to escape before a warrant could be obtained.”

    Advocates argued the analysis should include community ties, like whether a person has a job and a home and a family, but the judge declined to require those specifics if the escape risk can be shown through other factors.

    She also declined to require agents to document cases where they talk to someone but don’t arrest them.

    The government asked for a two week delay to decide whether to appeal before the order takes effect. Frimpong denied that, saying the government “cannot reasonably assert that it is harmed in any legally cognizable sense” by being ordered to follow the law.

  • Federal court revives antisemitism lawsuit
    American flag flying at half-staff beside the United States Court House entrance, with a carved eagle seal on the stone facade.
    Exterior view of the United States Court House building located at 312 North Spring Street in downtown Los Angeles, California, May 2022.

    Topline:

    A three-judge federal appeals court panel has breathed life into a federal lawsuit over a ‘liberated’ version of ethnic studies that some teachers in Los Angeles Unified use; Jewish parents and teachers had sued, arguing the curriculum is biased.

    Why now: A lower court judge had dismissed the case, arguing that the parents and teachers failed to show actual harm and thus lacked standing.  

    Why it matters: The ruling sets the stage for renewed litigation over content in those Los Angeles Unified courses that have continued to use elements of the contested “liberated” curriculum. The enactment this year of Assembly Bill 715, which extends protections from discrimination based on religion and national identity to cover textbooks, materials and teacher training programs, could benefit the plaintiffs’ case, according to their attorneys.

    The backstory: In their lawsuit, filed in 2022, the Jewish Los Angeles Unified teachers and parents group alleged that the Liberated Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum Consortium’s “overtly racist and antisemitic teaching material . . . discriminates against a segment of California residents on the basis of their religious beliefs.”

    A group of Jewish parents and teachers are celebrating a recent court ruling that will allow them to refile a lawsuit against the United Teachers Los Angeles union and creators of the controversial “liberated” ethnic studies curriculum that some Los Angeles Unified teachers use.

    A three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed a lower court ruling that had dismissed the case, Concerned Jewish Parents and Teachers of Los Angeles v. Liberated Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum Consortium.

    The panel also voided about $600,000 in legal fees that U.S. District Court Judge Fernando Olguin had awarded the defendants’ attorneys. The court issued an eight-page ruling on Sept. 4. Los Angeles Unified was a minor defendant in the suit.

    While the appeals court agreed with Olguin that the plaintiffs had not shown they were personally harmed by the curriculum, the court preserved the plaintiffs’ right to resubmit an amended complaint for a future trial on the merits.

    The ruling sets the stage for renewed litigation over content in those Los Angeles Unified courses that have continued to use elements of the contested “liberated” curriculum. The enactment this year of Assembly Bill 715, which extends protections from discrimination based on religion and national identity to cover textbooks, materials and teacher training programs, could benefit the plaintiffs’ case, according to their attorneys.

    “The case took several years, but we stood firm because we knew the initial ruling was wrong; Jews are protected from a public trampling of their rights, just as every other category of Americans are,” said Lori Lowenthal Marcus, legal director of The Deborah Project. The public interest law firm filed the lawsuit on behalf of two Jewish Los Angeles Unified teachers and parents, who are part of Concerned Jewish Parents and Teachers of Los Angeles.

    In a press release, the Liberated Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum Consortium said the reversal will not thwart its “unwavering commitment to developing ethnic studies that is anti-racist and liberatory” for California classrooms.

    “The ongoing litigation is part of a broad, coordinated attack on academic freedom that seeks to silence educators and censor what students can learn about the complexities of our shared history,” the consortium said. “Developing educational resources and advocating for marginalized voices are core expressions protected by the First Amendment.”

    UTLA did not respond to a request for comment.

    Roots of a long-standing conflict

    In their lawsuit, filed in 2022, the Jewish Los Angeles Unified teachers and parents group alleged that the Liberated Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum Consortium’s “overtly racist and antisemitic teaching material . . . discriminates against a segment of California residents on the basis of their religious beliefs.”

    The authors of the “liberated” curriculum — mainly instructors and professors in ethnic studies departments at California State University and the University of California — included anti-Zionism and opposition to Israel as a key element of their American ethnic studies curriculum. The curriculum characterizes Israel as a modern prototype of 19th century European colonialism, which the plaintiffs say is inaccurate as well as prejudiced.

    The lawsuit said United Teachers Los Angeles and then-president Cecily Myart-Cruz, along with two members of the LAUSD-UTLA Ethnic Studies Committee, promoted adopting the instructional materials in high school ethnic studies courses, even though the district had not adopted the curriculum. Gov. Gavin Newsom, and the Legislature, in approving a 2021 law mandating an as-yet unfunded ethnic studies mandate, disavowed it.

    Advocates of the “liberated” ethnic studies approach had shaped the original version of the state’s Model Ethnic Studies Curriculum Framework. State leaders, including State Superintendent of Instruction Tony Thurmond and State Board of Education President Linda Darling-Hammond, rejected it and in 2019ordered that contested sections be largely rewritten.

    The lawsuit alleged that the parent plaintiffs and their children are “imminently threatened” by the “liberated” curriculum and are “being forced . . . to choose between protecting the sincerely held religious beliefs of their children and availing themselves of their legal right to send their children to a California public school.”

    In a November 2024 decision, Olguin dismissed the lawsuit, characterizing the complaint “as difficult to understand and contains a morass of largely irrelevant — and sometimes contradictory — allegations.” He said that plaintiffs failed to demonstrate specifically “with any degree of clarity precisely what plaintiffs believe defendants have done or, more importantly, how plaintiffs have been harmed.”

    Olguin concluded that the plaintiffs’ complaint raised significant First Amendment concerns over prior restraint of speech.

    “In effect, plaintiffs seek to litigate the propriety and legality of a potential curriculum with which they disagree,” he wrote. “It would be of great concern for the educational project and for academic freedom if every offended party could sue every time they did not like a curriculum or the way it was taught.”

    Olguin cited California’s “anti-SLAPP law,” which awards damages to discourage meritless lawsuits intended to intimidate defendants from exercising their speech rights. It stands for Anti-Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation. After concluding it would be unlikely that the Jewish parents would win the case, he dismissed the lawsuit and granted the defendants lawyers fees of about $600,000.

    At the time, defendants celebrated Olguin’s decision.

    “This is a win for liberatory critical ethnic studies and academic freedom. It’s a testament to the power of solidarity and liberation, whether that be in South Los Angeles or in Gaza,” Theresa Montaño, a professor of Chicano and Chicana Studies at Cal State Northridge and a defendant in the case, said in 2022.

    Mark Kleiman, an attorney for the defendants, told teachers on the press call at the time, “The moral of this story for people in the other school districts is, you don’t have to be afraid of these kinds of attacks. Given half a chance in a fair courtroom, you will be vindicated.”

    The celebration proved premature. In their ruling, appeals court judges Kenneth K. Lee, Patrick J. Bumatay and Jennifer Sung agreed with Olguin’s decision that the plaintiffs had not shown harm. But they reversed Olguin by allowing the plaintiffs to file an amended complaint, and canceled the requirement that plaintiffs pay defendants’ legal fees.

    Lowenthal Marcus confirmed that the Deborah Project will refile an amended lawsuit. “It has not been hard finding people who have been harmed in the past; getting people to come forward for fear of retribution has been more difficult,” she said.

    Major settlement of Bay Area antisemitism lawsuit

    The ruling was the second legal victory involving California education for the Deborah Project this summer. On May 26, the project attorneys and the Sequoia Union High School District in Redwood City reached a far-reaching settlement to end a 2024 lawsuit brought by Jewish families whose children attended Woodside and Atherton high schools. The families alleged that the district “has a long history of tolerating casual antisemitism on its campuses.”

    “Students and faculty have openly joked about Nazis and the Holocaust, while certain teachers have peddled antisemitic falsehoods about Middle East history without facing consequences. District leadership has consistently turned a blind eye to such behavior,” the lawsuit alleged.

    Marcus, the legal director for the Deborah Project, called the settlement “a model in litigation we and others are pursuing in antisemitic discrimination cases across the country.”

    Among the settlement’s provisions:

    • The “Israel-Palestine Conflict” will fall under the district’s “Controversial Issue” policy requiring teachers to discuss issues impartially, with adequate and appropriate factual information and without promoting any point of view.
    • A neutral decision-maker selected by the plaintiffs and the district will resolve disputes about teaching materials and antisemitic incidents. That person will also review supplementary materials on the conflict before use in classrooms.
    • Antisemitism training, also chosen jointly by plaintiffs and the district, will be mandatory and teach about all forms of antisemitism “from both the Left and the Right, both focused on individual Jews and on the Jewish state,” according to Marcus.

    This story was originally published by EdSource. Sign up for their daily newsletter.