The Brief

An L.A. county employee who allegedly had “a long history of sleeping on the job” was in charge of emergency workers sending evacuation alerts during critical moments of the Eaton Fire, according to a whistleblower complaint filed with the county.

The complaint was filed late last year by Nick Vaquero, an associate director in the county’s Office of Emergency Management (OEM) since 2023. The county’s Chief Executive Office confirmed to LAist that it received the complaint.

Vaquero reiterated the details of his written whistleblower complaint in interviews with LAist. He said he was speaking out now because he believes OEM’s leadership decisions about staffing during the emergency were shortsighted, and he was upset that his oral complaints to his bosses and to the team working on a major after-action report released in September were ignored. He filed his written whistleblower complaint in October.  

Vaquero said he saw Steve Lieberman, a nearly 40-year county employee, asleep at work more than a dozen times in two years prior to Lieberman supervising OEM’s overnight shift from the evening of Jan. 7 through the morning of Jan. 8, 2025. The whistleblower complaint alleges Lieberman was “sleeping in his office” during his overnight shift.

By the time Lieberman’s shift began, the Palisades Fire had devastated whole neighborhoods, multiple new fires had started, including the Eaton Fire, and the National Weather Service had the region under critical fire weather warnings. That night, the Eaton Fire went on to devastate Altadena, killing 19 people. The lack of any evacuation alert for West Altadena before 3:25 a.m. Jan. 8 has spurred state and local investigations.

LAist spoke with several witnesses to Lieberman’s on-the-job sleeping who corroborated Vaquero’s account about Lieberman’s history. LAist is not naming these sources, who said they fear their careers and reputations could be seriously harmed by speaking out publicly.

Lieberman told LAist in a phone interview that he was not asleep on the overnight shift from Jan. 7 to 8. He acknowledged that he may have fallen asleep at work at times over the years.

“I’m not going to say that never happened in 38 years,” Lieberman said. “I’m 63 years old. I’ve got some health issues. We worked a lot of overtime.”

He said he didn’t sleep at work “as a general rule, hell no.”

Lieberman, who retired two months after the fires, told LAist he had no specific recollections from the night he was on duty during the fires. He denied he would have been sleeping during a major disaster, calling Vaquero’s assertion “bogus” and saying it’s “amusing” that this issue is coming up more than a year later.

Kevin McGowan, OEM’s director, said in a statement: “It is unacceptable for anyone in the midst of an emergency response to fall asleep, and during the night in question, both I and my deputy only saw Steve [Lieberman] fully awake and doing his job. For LAist to imply otherwise is irresponsible and unsupported by the facts.”

A county response — sent via email from an OEM address and labeled “County Response to Media Questions” — stated McGowan and his deputy, Leslie Luke, said they “do not believe that Steve Lieberman regularly slept on the job.”

The county response also noted Lieberman had successfully served in the same role “during numerous prior disasters, including during the pandemic.”

Instead, they pointed to the McChrystal Group’s findings in an after-action report released last year that the extreme and chaotic nature of the Eaton Fire exacerbated long-running systemic challenges at the office, including a small staff and a lack of training and formalized procedures.

Vaquero, for his part, said he worries that despite recent and proposed changes at OEM, the public remains at risk. In his complaint and in interviews, he said systems and leadership in OEM aren’t ready for the next major emergency.

“There is an entrenched pattern of mismanagement within the Office of Emergency Management,” Vaquero wrote in the complaint.

“The agency’s [OEM’s] ability to perform its emergency management mission and safeguard county residents” has been “materially degraded,” he wrote.

The days leading up to the fire

In the week before the Eaton and Palisades fires sparked, Vaquero said he was acutely aware the weather forecast could present a nightmare scenario. At the time, his job included creating a staff roster spelling out OEM staffers’ roles in an emergency, he said.

He said he put together a roster in case a fire started and the Emergency Operations Center needed to activate, meaning they’d need to staff up to monitor and respond to the situation 24/7.

Vaquero was already concerned the office was stretched thin. The office had 37 staffers. Last year’s budget was about $14.5 million. Its mandate is to comprehensively plan for, respond to and recover from “large-scale emergencies and disasters” in a county of more than 10 million residents.

The McChrystal after-action report noted significantly larger departments in other metropolitan areas. New York City, with a population of about 8.5 million, has some 200 staffers in its emergency management department and a budget of about $88 million. San Diego County, with 3.3 million people, has an emergency department of 43 people with a budget over $12 million.

There were additional factors at play in L.A. County at the time of the fires. Vaquero said coming out of the holiday season meant available staff was thinner than usual.

He said his initial plan for staffing, which he shared with leadership Jan. 3 after warnings about dangerous fire weather coming, is not the one implemented. The initial plan drafted by Vaquero and documented in emails reviewed by LAist had him taking on daytime director duties at the Emergency Operations Center. That would put him in person at the building in East L.A., where OEM staff and partner agency representatives can monitor disasters, coordinate and send alerts to the public. He said he assigned McGowan, his boss, as lead on public communication.

The National Weather Service forecast on Jan. 2, 2025.

(

National Weather Service/Fire Safety Resource Institute report

)

For the night shift, the emails show Vaquero scheduled Luke, the department’s No. 2, as the center’s director. In both shifts, Vaquero said he assigned staff who he believed to be best trained on the county’s new alerts and warnings systems in the relevant roles. According to the McChrystal report, only two OEM staff were fully trained on the new systems.

One staffer fully trained on the new Genasys system was scheduled to be in Mississippi the week of Jan. 6 for a pre-approved training.

Vaquero said he suggested invoking OEM’s practice of canceling trainings in case of a potential major emergency to argue for keeping that staffer in L.A. He said he was told leadership had fought too hard for the person to go to the training to cancel.

“Everything that was lining up showed that this was going to be the most catastrophic wind storm that we'd ever had, like even worse than the 2011 windstorm,” Vaquero told LAist. “So the fact that we were kind of going back and forth about, ‘Oh, well who's available?’ No, every person should have been available.”

In its statement to LAist, the county wrote that at the time of the fires, there was no official policy to cancel all trainings in the case of significant weather forecasts and that staffing and activation decisions “scale to the incident.”

“OEM has to balance those with the tradeoffs of having a very small staff and having the staff trained and capable of performing very complex tasks,” the county statement said. They noted that one of the recommendations from the McChrystal Group after-action report “is to establish clearer staffing protocols and greater surge capacity so those decisions can be made more consistently in future events, and that work is underway.”

They added that the staffer left for the training Jan. 5 and that the following day, the National Weather Service issued its warning of a “particularly dangerous situation.”

“Had that rare forecast been issued before her departure, the training would have been canceled,” the county said.

Vaquero told LAist that after he made the initial schedule, McGowan and Luke told him to take them both off the Emergency Operations Center staffing roster altogether. Instead, he said they told him to designate them as agency administrators, meaning they could be at incident command posts with county sheriff and fire officials. The county told LAist assigning those roles to top leadership has become a common practice, especially since the COVID-19 pandemic started in 2020.

Vaquero said Luke told him to put Lieberman, another associate director, on the night shift.

Vaquero told LAist he expressed his concerns about Lieberman being on the night shift to OEM leadership. In his whistleblower complaint, Vaquero wrote: Lieberman “was a known liability that was allowed to continue leading OEM as an Associate Director despite years of documented disregard for the work. Steve [Lieberman] sleeping in meetings became a running joke in the office, with Kevin [McGowan] even acknowledging the issue, and little action had been taken against him leading up to this incident."

Nick Vaquero's 12-hour shift at the county Office of Emergency Management was ending as the Eaton Fire began on the evening of Jan. 7, 2025. He awoke to what he called "the doomsday scenario" in Altadena.

(

Carlin Stiehl

/

For LAist

)

Vaquero described one instance a few months before the fires, in which he said Lieberman fell asleep during a meeting led by McGowan. Vaquero told LAist that McGowan asked the sleeping Lieberman a question, then joked to those in the room that he’d ask again when he woke up.

In another instance in early 2024 when Vaquero said he witnessed Lieberman asleep in a meeting, Vaquero told LAist he approached McGowan afterward to express his frustration, and he said McGowan joked that Vaquero didn’t understand the context. Vaquero said McGowan told him that in the past Lieberman would sleep all day, not just a few hours.

Others with knowledge of the situation told LAist they also witnessed Lieberman asleep during meetings on at least three occasions, as well as in his office.

McGowan declined an interview request but said in a written statement that “no performance concerns of that nature were raised through supervisory channels.”

Lieberman was assigned to the Office of Emergency Management after county supervisors merged his previous department, the Office of Public Safety, with the county Sheriff’s Department in 2009. Lieberman retired in March 2025.

Lieberman told LAist that in the months before his retirement, he was “burning time,” using up sick days, vacation and holidays.

When asked about sleeping at work, he said he thinks it’s not uncommon for people to occasionally sleep at work.

“It’s the reality of being human,” Lieberman said in a phone call. “When you’re sitting in a chair, I might close my eyes, doesn’t mean I’m asleep. I think that’s true for a lot of people.”

The firestorm 

The day before the 2025 fires sparked, the National Weather Service upgraded its warning. The upcoming fire weather conditions were “life-threatening,” forecasters said, and they warned of a “particularly dangerous situation,” or PDS — a term reserved for only the most worrisome weather.

The county’s Emergency Operations Center in East L.A. was officially activated by Tuesday, Jan. 7.

Vaquero was set to be on duty from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. Lieberman would take over for the next 12 hours.

Vaquero said he arrived early Jan. 7 — about 6 a.m. At about 10:30 a.m., the WatchDuty app — a volunteer-led disaster monitoring service that emergency managers have also come to rely on for eyes in the field — was surfacing reports of a fire near Pacific Palisades. Soon after, Vaquero said, he and his team had a call with the city of L.A. and started to prepare evacuation alerts for nearby unincorporated areas. McGowan headed to the incident command post on the Westside.

Throughout the day, Vaquero said, he managed the OEM staffers on duty — including those whose job was to ensure areas in the county’s jurisdiction got timely evacuation warnings and orders.

At 6:23 p.m., the first reports of the Eaton Fire starting began to ping in Watch Duty.

Vaquero sent an agency representative to the newly established incident command post at the Rose Bowl in Pasadena, he said. The county would be in charge of alerts for the Eaton Fire because the fire started in an unincorporated area.

Vaquero said he stayed past the end of his shift, helping with the transition to night shift staff. Vaquero said he watched as a night shift staffer gave a crash course on how to use the new alerts software to the person Vaquero had assigned, with leadership’s approval, to alerts and warnings. The first advisory alert for the Eaton Fire was sent to eastern parts of Altadena, as well as parts of Pasadena, a little before 7:30 p.m.

Vaquero told LAist that at that point he passed off his duties to Lieberman and headed home around 8 p.m. He said he was exhausted.

The next day

Vaquero woke up before dawn on Jan. 8 and immediately turned on the news.

“ I'm like, ‘Oh shit, this is the doomsday scenario,’” Vaquero told LAist in a recent interview.

He rushed to work, arriving a little before 5:30 a.m. and went to find Lieberman for a briefing.

“ And the first thing he says is, ‘I don't know why we're activated. Nothing's even happening,’” Vaquero recalled to LAist. “So I went off. ... I was just absolutely pissed.”

In the whistleblower complaint, Vaquero wrote that Lieberman “was making inflammatory comments like ‘why are we even activated!?’ for all in the room to hear.”

By his own account, Vaquero said, a colleague had to calm Vaquero down because he was visibly upset with Lieberman.

In his whistleblower complaint, Vaquero said he then talked to the other night shift staffers, who told him Lieberman “was sleeping in his office.” A person in the office early the morning of Jan. 8 also told LAist they witnessed Lieberman asleep in his office before the end of his shift.

Lieberman told LAist that as director of the Emergency Operations Center, he would not have been involved in the details of every alert and warning and denied that he would sleep during an active emergency.

“If [L.A. County Fire] sent OEM something about the alerts, that would’ve been handled immediately,” Lieberman said. “I seriously doubt that anything that was sent to the EOC wasn’t acted upon.”

In its statements to LAist, the county reiterated that the Emergency Operations Center director is not typically directly involved in sending or approving alerts and warnings.

During the night shift, evacuation warnings and orders were sent to areas of Altadena east of Lake Avenue between 7:55 and 9 p.m.

Meanwhile, around 11 p.m., radio and 911 dispatch calls indicated that the fire was moving in multiple directions, including westward, according to a timeline produced by the Fire Safety Research Institute at the California governor’s request. Multiple reports of fires west of Lake Avenue were reported just before midnight.

Notably, the McChrystal after action report’s timeline differs, citing the first reports of flames west of Lake at 2:18 a.m. on Jan. 8.

The county sent the first evacuation order to West Altadena at 3:25 a.m. An evacuation warning, alerting people to prepare to leave, was never sent.

According to the L.A. County statement to LAist, both McGowan and Luke were at the Emergency Operations Center at “various times” throughout that night, “including during the consequential period when emergency notifications for west Altadena were issued during the Eaton Fire.”

“Steve Lieberman was actively working throughout the times Director McGowan and Deputy Director Luke saw him and there aren’t observations that Steve Lieberman’s performance impacted the execution of alert and warning,” the county wrote.

People work in the L.A. County Emergency Operations Center in December 2024 during the Franklin Fire.

(

L.A. County Office of Emergency Management

/

Facebook

)

Ultimately, the decision to order evacuations, and the responsibility to communicate that need, rested with the L.A. County Fire Department that night. The county statement said that incident command notified the Emergency Operations Center to send an evacuation order to West Altadena at 3 a.m., about 25 minutes before the alert officially went out. The 25-minute turnaround time was noted in the McChrystal report as an improvement from previous emergencies. L.A. County Fire did not respond to a detailed list of questions from LAist, citing ongoing independent investigations into the response.

According to the McChrystal after action report, L.A. County firefighters recalled suggesting to incident command around midnight that an evacuation alert be sent to the foothill areas of Altadena and neighboring communities, as far west as La Cañada Flintridge, but staff at the command post did not recall this request.

The report pointed to the overall chaos of multiple fires and extreme conditions, as well as general concern at this time of the catastrophic impacts if the fire overcame the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, home to materials that could cause “toxic fumes if ignited.”

“No official form or documentation was used by LACoFD [the L.A. County Fire Department], LASD [the Sheriff’s Department] or OEM to jointly and formally record which zones should receive evacuation orders or warnings, the time the decision was made, or the time the zones were communicated to OEM staff at the EOC,” the report states.

All but one of the 19 Eaton Fire deaths occurred west of Lake Avenue.

The morning of Jan. 8, Vaquero said he angrily told McGowan about his experience with Lieberman. “I immediately requested that Kevin [McGowan] remove Steve [Lieberman] from the incident operations and this change took place,” Vaquero wrote in his whistleblower complaint.

The county’s statement to LAist attributed the change to another factor. It said Lieberman “was in the process of retiring and requested leave based on accrued leave and compensatory time, which was approved in connection with his retirement.”

The aftermath

Vaquero said he believed the details he laid out in his complaint should have been a part of the McChrystal after action report. He told LAist he shared the same details in his interviews with the McChrystal group.

He also said OEM could have acted sooner and been better prepared.

It’s not the first time OEM’s response to a disaster has come under criticism. In 2023, OEM’s own internal after action report about the response to Tropical Storm Hilary identified "opportunities for improvement.” That report, which LAist reviewed, documented confusing and inconsistent information sharing from management to staff, a lack of “established and codified processes” for activating the county’s Emergency Operations Center, lack of staff training on alert and other systems, and that leadership should have a roster of personnel with credentials “to allow for better staffing decisions.”

Since the McChrystal report was released in late September 2025, OEM has publicly acknowledged these “systemic weaknesses.”

“OEM faces challenges related to limited organizational autonomy, fragmented authority, resource constraints, and insufficient staffing and technology for a jurisdiction as large and complex as Los Angeles County, while facing catastrophic disasters,” the county’s statement to LAist said.

Since the fires, the office said it has restructured staff and is working to increase personnel, as well as expand training and joint exercises with the fire and sheriff’s department, and modernize its technology systems.

The Office of Emergency Management has been reorganized, officials said. County supervisors are also considering a proposal to add 44 positions to the office, increasing its size to about 80, as part of the first phase of a three-year expansion plan in response to the recommendations in the McChrystal Group after action report.

Nearly a third of the budget has historically come from federal grants, the Washington Post has reported, and that “pot is shrinking” under the Trump administration, said the county Chief Executive Office’s acting chief, Joe Nicchitta, at a recent budget hearing. So the county is largely looking to fulfill the McChrystal Group’s recommendations to expand the office via limited local funding.

Supervisor Kathryn Barger, who represents Altadena and some of the most disaster-prone unincorporated areas of the county, said, among other things, the county has shifted the OEM to report directly to the Chief Executive Office, instead of another branch within that office.

“Since last year’s fires, my priority has been strengthening our emergency management system so it is better equipped to respond to increasingly complex disasters,” Barger wrote in a statement. “I believe this change will help streamline decision-making, strengthen accountability, and position OEM to evolve in a way that meets the 21st century emergency management needs of Los Angeles County.”

Helen Chavez, a spokesperson for Barger, added that the supervisor “is not aware of Mr. Lieberman. Personnel performance management is a duty that falls to county department leadership and typically does not rise to the attention of the Board of Supervisors.”

Vaquero says he worries that if he doesn't speak out, nothing will change at the Office of Emergency Management.

(

Carlin Stiehl

/

For LAist

)

Why speak out now?

Vaquero was born in Lancaster and raised in Santa Clarita, he said, and today lives there with his family in a hillside neighborhood near wildfire-prone wilderness.

“ We could easily be Altadena next,” Vaquero said.

He said that speaking publicly could put his career and reputation at risk, but he’s worried nothing will change if he doesn’t sound the alarm.

“My kids, I always teach them the most important thing is to have integrity, to be kind and to do the right thing,” Vaquero told LAist. “And if I'm not going to live by that example, then I'm just a hypocrite. And I hate hypocrites.”

Addendum : Updated statement from the county

County officials sent LAist the following statement late Wednesday, March 11:

“Steve Lieberman had no responsibility for receiving or issuing evacuation alerts and warnings. Emergency alerts and warnings are issued based on decisions made by Unified Command in the field and relayed directly to the Office of Emergency Management Alert and Warning unit. It is unacceptable for any OEM employee in the midst of an emergency response to fall asleep. However, to be absolutely clear, Mr. Lieberman had no impact on the timing of alerts and warnings to Altadena. To take these allegations and suggest that this led to the tragic deaths of 19 Altadena residents is patently false and seems intended to recklessly escalate residents’ concerns. Nonetheless, as per County policy, we have forwarded all of Nick Vaquero’s claims for investigation. As these claims were submitted as part of a confidential personnel matter, we are unable to comment further.”

The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power officials said crews made significant progress overnight to repair a rupture in a 100-year-old water main in West Hollywood that caused a massive sink hole and severe flooding in the area on Thursday.

Repairs included cutting and removing a 25-foot-long section of the broken pipe and putting a replacement in place.

LADWP officials said the pipe will be repressurized, checked for leaks, and tested for regulatory compliance. It will need to be refilled before street paving.

The department doesn't have a specific completion date for the fix.

Sunset Boulevard between Sherbourne Drive and San Vicente Boulevard is still closed to traffic. Nearby streets have limited access, including at Cynthia and San Vicente, for public safety.

A map of road closures provided by LADWP as of July 18.

(

Courtesy LADWP

)

Where things stand for local businesses

Dialog Cafe on Holloway Drive said on Instagram on Thursday that the cafe sustained significant damage and didn't know when it can reopen.

And Book Soup reported on social media Saturday that they remained closed. The said they hope to reopen within a few days, noting the "the neighborhood remains inaccessible except to residents."

Republicans are leaning into immigration enforcement as one of their top campaign issues this midterm cycle — despite a rocky start to the year for messaging on the president's top policy.

An NPR analysis of advertisement data from the firm AdImpact shows that when it comes to immigration, Republicans are spending more money and running more ads than Democrats are. The data set includes ads purchased from January through June, before immigration enforcement officers shot and killed people in Maine and Texas this month.

These political ads offer one indication of where each party sees its momentum going with voters, as candidates across the country gear up for the general election in November. The data suggests Republicans see immigration as a winning issue: Since the start of the year, Republicans and their supporting organizations have run nearly 300 ads nationwide that either include a mention of immigration or are solely about immigration. This compares to 62 ads from Democrats and their supporting organizations.

"Republicans stood up for Americans. Democrats sat down for illegals. Thomas Massie sides with these radical-left lunatics," reads one ad funded by the MAGA KY PAC, a political action committee that was set up to defeat Republican Rep. Thomas Massie in the primary. The ad cost over $831,000; Massie, a frequent critic of President Trump, went on to lose his race to Trump-endorsed candidate Ed Gallrein.

Among the most expensive was a $928,000 ad buy in the Michigan governor's race.

"No greater example of waste, fraud, and abuse in Michigan than using our tax dollars to give benefits to illegal immigrants. As governor, I'll be incredibly supportive of ICE coming here and removing these fraudsters," says Republican candidate Perry Johnson, who calls himself a "MAGA Conservative" and has pitched his business approach to running a state.

Immigration was a winning issue for Republicans in the 2024 elections, with themes like increasing border security and reducing crime.

"Campaigns are not trying to change minds. They're trying to shape what the election's about. They're trying to energize the voters they already have," said Cameron Shelton, a professor of political economy at Claremont McKenna College. "If Republicans are investing much more heavily in immigration advertising, one interpretation is that they believe immigration is exactly that kind of [mobilizing] issue in today's electorate."

Immigration and enforcement are among the top issues for both parties

Most of the ads have run during the primary season, which is now more than half over. Since more than 90% of seats up for grabs in gubernatorial, House and Senate races are considered safe for one party or another, the primary campaign has become decisive for many candidates nationwide.

Some Democrats became more vocal on the issue of immigration at the start of 2026, particularly in states that were seeing intense waves of enforcement. Democrats in New Jersey, Illinois and Minnesota, for example, referenced the administration's tactics in their calls to "abolish ICE," or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and argued the administration had gone too far.

The Illinois Future PAC ran two ads, each worth more than $800,000, earlier this year to support Juliana Stratton's stance on abolishing ICE. The current lieutenant governor later won the Illinois Democratic primary for Senate.

But months into the year, Democrats have prioritized other topics, often to differentiate themselves from members of their own party, like on healthcare, while Republicans are keeping immigration-related themes on Americans' screens.

During the primary season, Shelton said, campaigns are testing out the issues they think might matter through the general election.

For both parties, "Donald Trump" is the top subject in TV ad buys, according to data from AdImpact. "Immigration" is the issue with the second-highest spending for Republicans; for Democrats, "ICE" is the third-highest, after "healthcare."

"It's a signal to donors, it's a signal to activists, to interest groups, to local candidates. It helps coordinate a lot of the actors that we think of as the party," Shelton said. "That's another reason why some of these early ads are interesting, because they are signals of the direction that is trying to be set out."

Republicans link top issues to immigration

Between January and June, Republicans outspent Democrats on immigration-related political advertising by about $36 million. Republican ads focused on immigration, which total $53 million in spending, have aired across the country in 88 races and 27 states. Ads for Democratic candidates, which total $17 million, have run in 20 races and 11 states, primarily those that have seen increased immigration enforcement action like California, New York and Illinois.

"Republican candidates have a large menu of issues we are on the right side of that are all very popular amongst voters," said Mike Marinella, national press secretary at the National Republican Congressional Committee. He listed the border, crime and the economy as issues that Republican candidates can connect to immigration.

"Immigration intersects with each of them," he said. "The most effective message depends on the district and how those issues are affecting that particular community," he added.

Zach Lahn, who won the GOP primary bid for Iowa governor, spent about $475,000 on an ad in May that vowed to ban H-1B visa holders from being hired by Iowa government agencies and universities, linking immigration and economic concerns.

Crossings at the border have plummeted since Trump took office. Marinella said candidates are still keeping the issue of border security top of mind for their voters.

A majority of the ads promoting Republican candidates include keywords such as "securing the border" and discuss border wall funding and crime. Some also go a step further to talk about specific proposals supported by the administration, such as limiting commercial driver's licenses and supporting the SAVE America Act, which would require stricter proof of citizenship to vote.

For example, in Florida's 19th congressional district, Jim Oberweis, one of several candidates vying for the GOP seat, spent $880,000 on seven ads that advocated for ending birthright citizenship.

Democrats lean into pro-immigration statements

Ads promoting Democratic candidates, on the other hand, shy away from specific policy proposals. Instead, they include criticism of incumbents for recent votes on bills that have provided funding to immigration officers or expanded the scope of who could be detained. Others focus on personal connections to immigration, proposals to limit enforcement and general pro-immigrant statements.

"Democrats are finding their voice on immigration after a rough few years during the Biden administration," said Frank Sharry, senior fellow at Third Way, a centrist think tank. "I don't think they'll be running a bunch of ads on it. I do think they'll be speaking to the issue and winning the argument, which is more important than whether they run ads on it or not."

A poll from Gallup released in July shows that most Americans think immigration is a good thing, and a majority support some form of pathway to citizenship rather than a blanket deportation policy — though there are sharp differences by party. A majority of Republicans favor hiring more Border Patrol agents, deporting anyone without legal status and banning sanctuary cities.

Republican ads broadcast during Senate races in Ohio, Texas and Alaska and gubernatorial contests in New York and Iowa are already starting to target Democrats. Strategists said this trend suggests how each party may lean into immigration leading up to the November election. But they also caution against reading too much into advertisements to gauge party strategy.

"Back in the day, ads were king. Now you have so many diverse streams of information arriving to people on their phones that it's just not the same," Third Way's Sharry said, noting interviews, debates, and other forms of public statements aren't captured in the ad data.

Copyright 2026 NPR

Making daylight saving time permanent moved a step closer to reality this week, when the House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly to pass a measure to eliminate the annual clock-changing ritual.

But some Orthodox Jewish organizations are fighting to prevent the bill from becoming law.

The measure, called the Sunshine Protection Act, passed in a 308-117 vote in the House on Tuesday (July 14). It now heads to the Senate, where its passage is uncertain. President Donald Trump has championed the effort, describing on his Truth Social account moving the clocks forward and back as a "ridiculous, twice yearly production."

If passed, the bill would give Americans an extra hour of sunshine in the evenings during the winter. But it would also push winter sunrises one hour later. That's of concern to Orthodox Jews, who pray three times a day, beginning with the Shacharit morning prayer service, which by tradition cannot begin in the dark.

"The bottom line is, if prayers have to start an hour later that will have a direct effect on people getting to work and on when schools can start," said Rabbi A.D. Motzen, national director of government affairs for Agudath Israel of America, an organization representing U.S. Orthodox Jews.

A constellation of other Orthodox Jewish groups also opposes the measure, including the Orthodox Union and the Coalition for Jewish Values.

In Jewish law, some prayers, such as those in the morning service, can only be said communally, in a quorum of 10 Jewish adults, called a minyan. That requirement means going to synagogue every morning before heading out for work or school and saying prayers, such as the Shema, the central prayer of Jewish life, collectively. The morning service typically lasts 35 minutes but on some occasions can last close to an hour.

"It becomes a communal issue when, for example, a synagogue that has had a morning prayer service for 100 years suddenly does not have a quorum of 10 men who can show up at the prayer time close to 9 o'clock because they have jobs," Motzen said.

Motzen, who works in the Washington, D.C., office of Agudath Israel, said the organization already has the support of Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., who last year objected to fast-tracking the bill.

Orthodox Jews make up only 9% of the estimated 5.8 million Jewish adults in the U.S., according to Pew Research Center. Larger Jewish groups have not publicly taken a position.

Congress has grappled with turning back the clocks many times. In 1974, it tried to abandon clock-switching, but repealed the law a few months later following public outcry. In 2022, the Senate unanimously passed a measure making daylight savings time permanent, but the bill died in the House.

Orthodox Jews are not the only constituencies opposed to the change. Some medical and health advocates argue that the human body's internal clock is better aligned with the sun during standard time rather than daylight saving time. School boards and parents are also concerned about children walking to school in pitch-black conditions during winter mornings.

That latter concern, which Motzen described as a safety issue, is one Orthodox Jews share as well.

Making daylight saving time permanent would make sunrise after 8 a.m. in most parts of the country, and after 9 a.m. in a few select places. For example, according to a list compiled by Agudath Israel, sunrise would take place after 9 a.m., (and as late as 9:13 a.m.) for 55 days a year in South Bend, Indiana. In Detroit, Michigan, sunrise would take place after 9 a.m. for 23 days a year.

Hawaii and most of Arizona abide by standard time year round, as do Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, the U.S. Virgin Islands and the Northern Mariana Islands.

This story was produced through a collaboration between NPR and Religion News Service.
Copyright 2026 NPR

Updated July 18, 2026 at 14:11 PM ET

After Medicaid officials improperly shared data about millions of people in January with immigration officials, ICE then shared that data with the data analytics firm Palantir, according to new court filings. Palantir operates an app called ELITE that is used by ICE agents to show the addresses of noncitizens who may be subject to deportation.

That revelation was made public in a motion filed Thursday by more than 20 Democratic attorneys general who sued the Trump administration last year over its data-sharing agreement between the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and ICE.

Palantir said in a statement to NPR that the dataset in question had been purged.

U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria in California ruled in December that health officials could share with ICE certain details from Medicaid data about immigrants without lawful status from the states that had sued, such as home addresses, dates of birth and immigration status.

Chhabria, who was appointed by former President Obama, then temporarily paused data sharing between CMS and ICE for immigration enforcement purposes in late May after federal officials admitted CMS had shared data with ICE in January that went beyond what the court order allowed. One dataset of refugees in Minnesota included U.S. citizens, and another that was transferred on Jan. 7 contained data of millions of people, including those in the country legally.

ICE was supposed to delete the improperly shared data. Chhabria set a hearing for August to further clarify his order and clear up ambiguity regarding which categories of noncitizens' data could be lawfully shared with ICE.

But in recent days, federal officials have admitted to additional instances of improper data sharing.

In a court filing last week, the Justice Department said that CMS again inadvertently reshared with ICE the dataset with millions of names that CMS had first improperly shared with ICE in January. The government said the error occurred during an effort to share data from states not involved in the lawsuit.

Alberto Briseno, a section chief for ICE's Homeland Security Investigations, wrote in a declaration that ICE personnel deleted the file after it was discovered and it was not used for law enforcement purposes.

Then Briseno revealed that a day later, the agency had done a broader search and discovered that half a dozen users still had a copy of the Jan. 7 dataset.

In that most recent declaration, Briseno said he was not aware of any additional copies of the dataset, but said the recent searches have "highlighted technological difficulties of making a representation that every possible variation of the file has been searched for and located." He added, "ICE will continue to make good faith efforts to delete any copies that may be found in the future."

Meanwhile, the Department of Justice is asking the judge to expand his order to allow ICE to receive data on a broader category of noncitizens – to potentially include all immigrants who are not legal permanent residents, citizens or have another form of permanent status.

"ICE's inability to identify Medicaid records in its possession undercuts any claim that the agency should be entitled to more access to that data," the Democratic attorneys generals wrote in their motion filed late Thursday.

Their motion continued, "Each successive revelation of a violation of the Order makes it more difficult for Plaintiff States to have confidence in Defendants' ability to maintain and secure this data in compliance with the Order, and more difficult for Plaintiff States to communicate assurances to Medicaid providers, enrollees (and their counsel), and the public at large about the privacy and confidentiality of their healthcare data."

Palantir provided the following statement to NPR: "Our customers control their own data and manage access to that data. When Palantir employees are granted access to a customer's dataset, it is solely to help integrate and analyze that data — which is what our software does — not to store it or use it for our own purposes. Palantir can confirm that the dataset in question was purged pursuant to government instruction."

DHS didn't immediately return a request for comment about its transfer of data to Palantir.

According to a declaration filed by California deputy attorney general Anna Rich, when plaintiffs asked what federal officials did to ensure Palantir and other contractors had purged the data, defendants responded that the data had been shared over a Microsoft Teams chat and the shared data was deleted from the chat. Rich shared in her declaration a document turned over in discovery from federal officials that shows a redacted transcript of what appears to be ICE personnel asking Palantir to delete the file.

In an April 30 hearing, Chhabria had warned the federal government would not be able to continue using Medicaid data for deportation efforts if it continued improperly sharing the data of citizens and legal immigrants.

"If the federal government cannot be sufficiently careful then it can't use the information, ok?" Chhabria had said.

Copyright 2026 NPR