The Brief

Altadena is one of those rare places in Los Angeles County where people of many backgrounds and ethnicities have been able to afford the American Dream of homeownership.

Situated near the base of the San Gabriel Mountains northeast of downtown L.A., Altadena was known for its mixture of single-family homes, restaurants and businesses.

It’s been a sanctuary for Black residents in particular: according to census data, about 75% of African Americans living there own their homes — close to double the national rate.

So when the Eaton Fire ignited last week and tore through Altadena and parts of neighboring Pasadena, the loss was felt deeply in the community and beyond — both by those who are familiar with its history and by those just learning of it.

A brief history of Altadena

Until the 1960s, Altadena was almost an entirely white community largely because of redlining, the practice of discriminating against people in certain areas by denying them access to financial support, like mortgages. People of color and and other underrepresented communities, weren’t able to buy homes in Pasadena or parts of Altadena because of this practice.

Major societal change came during the Civil Rights Era. Racist property-use laws became unenforceable and later legal actions banned housing discrimination outright, helping end de facto practices that locked Black families out.

This contributed to a "white flight" from the area as one of L.A. County’s first middle-class communities to include Black people emerged: The Meadows neighborhood. The area is on the western edge of Altadena and was originally co-owned by abolitionist Owen Brown.

Many Black residents in Altadena were displaced when the 210 Freeway was built in the ‘60s, but local organizations continued to encourage people of color to move in. Between 1950 and 1960, the Black population rose from less than 1% to 4%.

Octavia Butler, a celebrated science fiction writer, and Sidney Poitier, the first Black actor to win the Academy Award for Best Actor, were once residents.

The community today is 58% people of color, more than 18% of whom are Black, according to Census data.

A firefighter extinguishes the remains of a hardware store destroyed in the Eaton fire in Altadena, California, on January 8, 2025.

(

Robyn Beck

/

AFP via Getty Images

)

Major losses in a historic Black neighborhood 

The Eaton Fire, named for the canyon where it first sparked, started the evening of Jan. 7 and by Jan. 13 had burned more than 14,000 acres in Altadena and parts of northeast Pasadena, reduced hundreds of homes to ash, and killed at least 16 people.

It is one of the deadliest fires in California history. The cause of the blaze is still unknown.

Of the confirmed and identified victims of the fire so far, many are older, Black homeowners who were rocks of their communities — people who held the community’s history in their lived experience and offered support and advice to younger generations.

The loss is immeasurable.

A screenshot of an old photo of Large's grandmother Maxine Morgan outside their family home in Altadena.

(

Courtesy Porsha Large

/

LAist

)

By Friday, the flames had mostly died down in Altadena and the winds had calmed. Firefighters went block by block, mopping up smoldering hot spots in the rubble of homes reduced to charred foundations.

Porsha Large spoke to LAist last week while standing at the corner Woodbury Road and Navarro Avenue, waiting to get to her grandmother’s home nearby. She knew that the house, which she said her grandmother bought in the 1960s for under $10,000, was a total loss.

The seven family members who lived there made it out safely.

Her grandmother, Maxine Morgan, was part of a wave of Black families who moved to Altadena during the Great Migration that started in the 1910s as they fled racial discrimination in the southern U.S. She died six years ago.

“She was a single mother from Oklahoma, four kids. And, she was the first Black grocery clerk in Sierra Madre,” Large said, tears in her eyes.

Over decades, the house, which once had paper walls, Large said, became a focal point for her family and the area.

“I'd say about five generations were raised in that house,” she said, her voice breaking. “It's always been a home — I mean, to the community, like, not just our family. My grandma opened her doors to anyone that ever needed anywhere to stay….

“The community knows my grandma's house.”

And now it’s gone.

The former home of Maxine Morgan and Porsha Large's family before it burned in the Eaton fire.

(

Courtesy Porsha Large

/

LAist

)

Porsha's brother, Justin Cook, stands on the rubble of their grandmother's house in Altadena.

(

Courtesy Porsha Large

/

LAist

)

The family members found shelter in an Ontario hotel room at first, then later in a two-bedroom apartment they own in Pasadena, Large said. But that’s a temporary solution, and one that keeps them removed from the community they loved and that may never again be the same.

“That's what Altadena was, a bunch of grandmothers and grandfathers that raised us all,” said Whitney Large, Porsha Large's sister. “We didn't go to parks and play. If you were raised right here, you came to my grandma's yard, six kids at a time.

“We played football and basketball and we raced up and down the streets."

'Angry' winds 

A few blocks away, Tamara Carroll and her nephew, Akeem Mair, stood outside Carroll's one-story house. It survived the blaze. Many other houses on the same street did not.

“My neighbors three doors down... there's like six houses that were burned to the ground,” Carroll said, shaking her head.

Carroll said her parents bought the home in 1966. When the fire approached the house early Wednesday, she didn’t evacuate.

Akeem Mair, left, and his aunt Tamara Carroll outside Carroll's home. Both of their family homes survived, but they worry how Altadena will change in the rebuild.

(

Erin Stone

/

LAist

)

She said she just didn’t expect it to get so bad.

“Growing up here with the Santa Ana winds, we used to come out in the street and play,” Carroll recalled. “Me and my brothers, it’d be pitch black and we would try to see who could stand the longest without moving in the winds. But these winds were different. They were more angry.”

The winds that drove these fires deep into the flatlands were the strongest Santa Ana winds since at least 2011. Combined with an abnormally dry start to the winter, it was a recipe for disaster.

“We've never had any type of fire like this — they've always been in the mountains,” Carroll said. “We've seen fires, but nothing like this.”

William Jackson of Altadena stands at the driveway of the home where he found his neighbor Tuesday deceased in the rubble of his home on Monterosa Drive at on January 9, 2025 in Altadena, California. "I keep calling his name, Victor, Victor. He died with the water hose still in his hands." Jackson said.

(

Gina Ferazzi

/

Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

)

Carlos Martinez, who lives a street over from Carroll, said despite the orders to evacuate he stayed as flames burned around his home. Ultimately, his home survived.

“I got 30 years living here, I worked for this house,” Martinez said as he stood outside his home last week. “I wasn’t going to let it burn to the ground.”

His wife, Ana Martinez, said the house is much more than just property.

“This is where my two kids were born and my third was almost 5 when we moved here,” she said. “This is our home. So it means everything. Everything.”

Juan Carlos Martinez and his son Manolo try to put out a fire that burned down their neighbor's home in Altadena. They decided to stay overnight to protect their home, which is safe for now.

(

Brian Feinzimer

/

LAist

)

A promise to retain Altadena’s roots and character

At a community meeting about the Eaton Fire on Sunday afternoon, residents said they worried their community will change into something they don’t recognize when and if residents can rebuild.

In recent decades, rising prices have already changed the demographics of many of these neighborhoods.

Carroll’s nephew, Akeem Mair, who lives in the Meadows neighborhood with his 94-year-old grandmother, said he worries the fire will only accelerate that, deepening inequality.

“ We already had people start moving out of here because of the prices,” Mair said. “But now the fire…so it's just…I don't know. I don't know.”

L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger, whose district includes Altadena, promised the community she wouldn’t let that happen, saying, among other things, that she would promote policy to prevent developers from replacing single-family homes with luxury condos.

“This is not a transient community, so I’m going to be looking at what we can do to protect those that are going to be priced out,” Barger said. "I’m going to speak with the governor to…suspend legislation that’s made it easy for developers to build dense condominiums…so that we can maintain Altadena the way it belongs.”

Altadena residents pour water onto neighboring properties.

(

Brian Feinzimer

/

LAist

)

At least 100 people were at the meeting at Pasadena City College.

“We’re not gonna let what happened in Lahaina happen in Altadena,” Barger promised, referring to the situation after the 2023 fires in Hawaii, which became the deadliest in modern U.S. history.

Displaced people from that largely working and middle-class enclave have been fighting what’s been called “climate gentrification” since then.

Even for those who didn’t lose their homes, there’s a lot of uncertainty about whether they’ll stay.

 "My intention was to continue leaving this home to the next generation,” Carroll said. “But I honestly have to say, this has changed my thought process. Although the house didn't burn down, it's going to be a lot to repair it. It's gonna be very, very difficult for people to become whole again.”

Malibu is pushing back the next phase of its speed camera program along a deadly stretch of PCH to November. The 60-day warning period was originally set to start in November, where drivers going 11 or more miles per hour over the speed limit will get a warning instead of a fine.

The delay, the city says, is needed so adjustments can be made to camera installations.

Yesterday, a Nobu worker was killed about a block from the upscale Japanese restaurant on PCH. CBS LA reports that a juvenile had crashed into the employee's parked vehicle.

When fines start

Malibu officials announced the delay of the program's warning phase last week after a testing period in September recorded around 100,000 speeding violations in less than 10 days.

Enforcement at the 10 cameras along a 21-mile stretch of Pacific Coast Highway will start sometime after the end of the warning period. According to the city, violations will result in fines, but not driver’s license points or insurance penalties.

Why Malibu added speed cameras

Since 2010, traffic collisions on that part of PCH have killed more than 60 people, the city says. In 2023 alone, there were 220 reported crashes there, with 93 injuries and seven deaths — including four Pepperdine University students who were standing along PCH when a driver hit and killed them. The driver, who is charged with murder, is scheduled to stand trial beginning Dec. 1.

Following that incident, Malibu City Council declared a local emergency over dangerous conditions posed by reckless and speeding drivers.

In 2024, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 1297 into law to allow Malibu to install the speed cameras

Looking to say adios to your lawn by sheet mulching or to add a protective layer to your flower beds? Good news, you don’t need to pay for mulch or woodchips. You can instead get them for free in Southern California. Here are a few different ways, depending on your flexibility - and muscle power.

Free mulch piles

Municipalities across the region offer free mulch.

City of L.A.: You can grab mulch anytime from one of its free mulch piles.

O.C.: You can schedule a pickup from a greenery/landfill

Other cities: see below (or check out your own city government’s page).

• Riverside County Department of Waste Resources 
• City of Rialto Free Compost & Mulch 
• Burrtec's Coachella Valley Composting Facility. It is located at 87011 Landfill Rd in Coachella. 
• City of Rancho Mirage Free Compost and Mulch Program 
• City of Ventura Free Compost and Mulch Program

Free mulch delivery

If you don’t want to go pick up the free mulch yourself, consider ChipDrop. It’s a service that connects arborists with gardeners to deliver free wood chips.

Beware: you may get a lot of mulch. Like, a lot.

(

Jenn Baughman

/

LAist

)

Connect with an arborist:

If you want to try to control the amount of mulch you get - or the date of delivery - you may want to consider talking to an individual arborist. They often end up with excess woodchips they need to get rid of, or take to the dump. If you call they might be happy to offload some for your garden.

Opponents of Proposition 40 have a message for voters: Don’t be fooled. The billionaire tax is a “Trojan horse” for new taxes on all Californians, ads proclaim. But is that true?

Tucked into the initiative is language granting the Legislature authority to amend the tax by a two-thirds vote “if the statute is consistent with and furthers the purposes of the 2026 Billionaire Tax Act.” Opponents argue lawmakers and a future governor could, with the stroke of a pen, expand the wealth tax to people with far less than $1 billion.

In a high-tax state, that argument could hold a lot of sway with voters.

Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West put Prop. 40 on the ballot; the initiative would levy a one-time, 5% tax on billionaire’s assets. The union rejects the premise of the ad. It says the tax is limited to billionaires and any legislative amendment would have to hew closely to that purpose. Dave Regan, president of SEIU-UHW, said opponents’ ads are pure scare tactics.

“The billionaire tax is a tax on billionaires. Period. If you’re not a billionaire, you don’t pay the tax,” Regan said in a statement to CalMatters.

Rob Lapsley, president of the California Business Roundtable, the group that paid for the ad, said the message was meant to highlight the policy implications of a wealth tax and the power Prop. 40 gives lawmakers.

“Californians deserve to understand those issues and what they could mean for taxpayers and the state’s economy,” Lapsley said in a statement.

A separate, billionaire-backed group opposed to Prop. 40 has also said the initiative “gives politicians the power to expand the tax to anyone.”

The truth lies somewhere in between.

California courts have given lawmakers real authority to amend laws created by ballot initiatives if the original text of the initiative permits it. However, that power is not unlimited and the measure includes language restricting future legislative changes, said Michael Colantuono, an attorney with expertise in state election law.

Opponents’ ads also don’t mention that Prop. 40 writes the tax into the state Constitution, not just state law, so expanding it would likely require another trip to the ballot.

Legislative authority

Legal experts agree that if Prop. 40 passes, lawmakers would be able to make certain amendments without taking it back to voters.

The state Constitution allows the Legislature to amend a ballot initiative without another vote if the initiative permits it. That’s a relatively common clause in ballot measures, and Prop. 40 includes it.

Megan Jones, a tax attorney at Holland & Knight, said proponents’ claims that the tax could never be changed are disingenuous.

“If it’s going to further the purposes, then they could,” Jones said.

For example, voters passed the Political Reform Act, which governs campaign finance and lobbying rules, in 1974 and lawmakers have amended it almost continually since.

Similarly, lawmakers have amended the Mental Health Services Act, a voter-approved 1% income tax on millionaires, 10 times since its passage in 2004. None of those amendments adjusted the tax rate. Most recently, lawmakers voted to substantially alter how the state spends mental health money and raise additional bond funds. Those changes went back to voters in 2024 as Proposition 1.

But there isn’t always a clear line for when voters need to approve changes, experts say.

“It is common for the Legislature to make amendments,” Colantuono said. “It is (also) common for there to be disputes about those amendments.”

‘Furthers the purposes of’

“Ultimately, it ends up in court,” said Chris Parker, a principal tax attorney at the firm Baker Tilly.

The California Supreme Court ruled in a 1995 case that the Legislature may amend voter-approved laws if the changes can be interpreted as furthering voters’ original goals “by any reasonable construction” — giving lawmakers broad latitude.

In 2021, the state Supreme Court held that the Legislature appropriately amended Proposition 57, a criminal justice reform measure, by barring the transferring of minors under 16 to adult court. Justices cited the 1995 case, noting that “a strong presumption of constitutionality supports the Legislature’s acts.”

Still, the language of the proposition matters.

A few years earlier, in 2019, the Third District Court of Appeal held that a legislative attempt to allow public funding of political campaigns “directly conflicts with a primary purpose” of the Political Reform Act. Lawmakers responded by passing a new bill asking voters to weigh in directly — it appears on this year’s ballot as Proposition 4.

Judges look at two things, Coluantuono said: what reasonable voters thought they were approving, and whether later legislative changes helped that goal, or got in the way.

Certain provisions of Prop. 40 would make it difficult for lawmakers to expand the tax beyond billionaires. The 1995 case established that courts may weigh the language of a ballot measure, arguments printed in the voter guide, and historical context when deciding whether change is consistent with voter intent.

Prop. 40’s purpose and intent section says the measure is meant to support healthcare and education “by raising revenue from a one-time tax on billionaire wealth” — referencing billionaire wealth three times. The voter guide arguments similarly target “approximately 200 California billionaires.”

“They could probably adjust the structure of the tax in marginal ways, but what they couldn’t do is make it a more than a one-time tax, and they probably couldn’t lower the threshold on wealth,” Coluantuono said.

Opponents contend lawmakers could interpret the purpose of the act far more broadly, and a court would agree. They point to the first listed purpose of the initiative that says the tax is meant to “protect access to high quality, equitable health care, and to support funding for kindergarten through grade fourteen public education and food assistance programs.” Opponents also say the proposal gives the Legislature the authority to change all parts of the initiative, including the constitutional provisions.

“Prop 40’s findings and statement of purpose and intent were carefully crafted to ensure that

extending the tax to non-billionaires would be consistent with the measure,” said Kurt Oneto, a lawyer for the No on 40 campaign, in a statement.

Experts said the question would likely come down to how a court read the act’s purposes.

A separate concern: how do you prove wealth? 

Should Prop. 40 pass, it would create an entirely new tax structure in California — one that assigns a value to very wealthy people’s investments, public and private businesses, as well as personal property such as art or car collections.

Valuing something like a tech startup that hasn’t produced a product or gone public could prove especially difficult, Parker said.

“The excise tax that’s being proposed here is on potential,” he said. “The question then is, if we open the door to taxing potential, when does that stop?”

Lawmakers have periodically tried to pass wealth taxes, but the bills quickly stalled. This marks the first time voters will directly decide on one, making Prop. 40 a crucial test of how much appetite Californians have for his kind of tax structure. Jones said the bigger worry isn’t the tax itself, but other taxes that could follow.

“It’s a slippery slope,” she said.

Coluantuono said it would still be politically risky for lawmakers to try to implement a wealth tax on everyday Californians, but history shows temporary taxes have more than once become permanent.

“When we get a revenue stream in the government and we start spending it on services that people value… there’s tremendous political pressure to prevent the sunset,” he said.

Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.

Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and her challenger, City Councilmember Nithya Raman, appeared at a South L.A. forum Saturday, where they agreed on some aspects of the city’s approach to reducing homelessness, but offered different ideas on addressing housing costs.

The two appeared separately in conversations with Brenda Verano of CALO News at A Place Called Home, a youth services community organization.

Bass went first, saying she grew up just 20 blocks south of the venue.

“South L.A. has been a big part of my life and what I have done,” said Bass, who in 1991 helped start Community Coalition, which fights for racial and economic justice in that part of the city.

Each candidate was asked how they would build trust in City Hall among Black and Latino residents in South L.A.

“Black and brown poor folks the most have been central in my administration and will continue to be so,” Bass said. “But to me, representation is not just about faces in a room. It's about collaborating on everything you're doing.”

Raman said the establishment “has taken the people of Los Angeles for granted.”

“I’m running for mayor because I don’t want to ignore any part of this city,” she said. “I want to make sure we are people who know these communities not just in the mayor's office but across the many commissions, across the many departments that are designed to oversee these neighborhoods.”

How the candidates would work with LAPD 

Both vowed to expand pilot programs where unarmed social workers respond to certain non-emergency 911 calls instead of the police department.

“Law enforcement should not be dealing with homelessness and substance abuse and mental health,” Bass said. “Those are public health issues.”

But Bass said it's doubtful the police department’s budget will be cut before the 2028 Olympics. The mayor in the past has expressed support for growing the number of police officers.

Raman has said the department is about the right size. She expressed concern about the police department’s cooperation with ICE during recent federal immigration raids.

Raman also criticized the department for its crowd control tactics during protests around ICE facilities. Police used tear gas and rubber bullets against some protestors.

“This mayor did not speak out against those actions by LAPD, appointed a chief who has not met this moment, who said he would not enforce laws put in by the state to protect us,” Raman said.

Chief Jim McDonnell has previously said his department would not enforce California's state law banning federal immigration and law enforcement agents from wearing masks on duty. A federal appeals court in February blocked enforcement of the law.

Bass said if the judicial ban is lifted, she would order McDonnell to enforce the state law. The mayor also defended the department’s use of police officers for crowd control during ICE operations.

“If there is a crowd around an arrest, then LAPD is involved because we don’t want to have the federal government doing that,” she said.

Both say city should exit troubled homelessness agency

On the city’s response to homelessness, Bass called the current system “completely disfunctional” and called for a new system under the control of the city.

Currently, the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority oversees the city’s delivery of homeless services. Numerous audits have found poor accounting of taxpayer money at the agency — which spent nearly $830 million in public funds last fiscal year.

The county has already pulled its funding from the agency in favor of standing up a new county-run Department of Homeless Services and Housing.

Bass said unhoused people are not getting enough care once they leave the streets.

“It is insufficient. They are not taken care of in terms of their health, education, etc. A new system would enable us to do that,” Bass said.

Raman has said she also supports leaving LAHSA and investing in a new homelessness bureau. She noted that street homelessness fell in her council district while numbers across the city went up, according to this year’s homeless count.

“In the past few years, this mayor has refused to audit our homelessness response,” Raman said. “I am very committed to doing that, and I'll request that audit on day one.”

Sharp divides on housing development, renter protections

On housing, Raman criticized the mayor’s opposition to building more densely in residential neighborhoods near transit centers. She said the result has been more building in the city’s poorer council districts, including the South L.A. district that hosted Saturday’s forum.

“Wealthier neighborhoods, less diverse neighborhoods, whiter neighborhoods have actually pushed back on affordable housing, on greater density,” Raman said.

More of the city, said Raman, should bear the burden of greater density.

“We need to build more housing in Los Angeles, but we need to build it across every single neighborhood,” Raman added.

Bass has said density doesn’t belong in some neighborhoods. She opposed a state law, SB 79, that will force cities to allow apartment buildings up to nine stories tall near rail transit stations.

Bass said her administration has fast-tracked new income-restricted housing. But she argued that certain development restrictions are necessary to prevent gentrification.

“We need housing, but we cannot displace Black and Brown people,” Bass said. “If you have housing that is just built anywhere and everywhere, they're coming for us.”

Raman also criticized Bass’ move to temporarily lift restrictions on short-term rentals in preparation for an influx of visitors during the 2028 Olympics.

“I want to make sure that this mayor’s push for deregulating short-term rental during this time, in ways that are harmful to renters, don’t go through,” Raman said. She said tenants could be displaced as landlords turn long-term rentals into short-term accommodations.

Airbnb and business groups back the proposal, saying it will fill a visitor lodging gap for the Olympics and that it would generate significant municipal revenue. Airbnb has put more than $4 million toward backing Bass and three other city candidates, according to the latest campaign finance reports.