The Brief

Some of the most shocking images that’ve come out of Taiwan over the past 24 hours have been of the partially collapsed Uranus building on Xuanyuan Road in Hualien.

It’s unclear how many structures across the country are in this state, as information is still trickling out.

A search and rescue team prepares outside a leaning building in the aftermath of an earthquake in Hualien, eastern Taiwan on Wednesday, April 3, 2024.

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National Fire Agency via AP

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That said, this is a known issue in Taiwan, as buildings have collapsed or partially collapsed during earthquakes in 2018, 2016 and 1999, the last time a magnitude 7.3 temblor struck the country.

While building inspections and retrofits have been ongoing, the collapses highlight the stock of older, dangerous structures that are prone to failure when a big quake blows through.

Japanese (L) and Taiwanese rescue workers (R) look at the Yun Tsui building in the Taiwanese city of Hualien on Feb. 9, 2018, after the city was hit by a 6.4-magnitude quake late on Feb. 6. Taiwan began demolishing three dangerously damaged buildings on Feb. 9 as rescue workers combed the rubble of a hotel in a last-ditch effort to find seven people still missing after a deadly earthquake.

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Anthony Wallace

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AFP

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Taiwan and L.A. have similar building codes, and lots of the same types of problem buildings, though it may not be as apparent here, as the last time we got hit by a major magnitude 7.9 earthquake was in 1857.

“It will take an earthquake to see ... how good a job we've done and what we need to make it better,” said Domniki Asimaki, professor of mechanical and civil engineering at Caltech.

A man looks at the cordoned off site of a leaning building in the aftermath of an earthquake on April 3, 2024.

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Chiang Ying-ying

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AP

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What are the problem buildings?

The two types of structurally deficient buildings that experts told me can be found in both locations are soft story and non-ductile, or brittle, concrete buildings.

Soft story structures are those that have insufficient support on the ground floor, which can give out and cause the building to collapse on itself and tip over — like what we saw with the Northridge Meadows apartments in the Northridge Earthquake in 1994.

You can sometimes notice soft stories on larger commercial buildings if a lower floor is wide open to accommodate shops or parking.

The Northridge Meadows apartments fared poorly in the 1994 earthquake.

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U.S. Geological Survey

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Brittle concrete buildings lack ductility, or the ability to flex and return to a safe state, after being jostled around by strong ground movements. They can fail abruptly and catastrophically.

What about retrofits?

Like Taiwan, we have retrofit programs in place, but more than 4,000 of these types of buildings still need to be fixed across L.A., according to the Department of Building and Safety. It could be decades before they are.

“We're racing against time for when this earthquake is going to happen,” said John Wallace, professor of civil and environmental engineering at the Samueli School of Engineering at UCLA. “We probably won't get them all done before the next earthquake, but we want to get to as many of them as we can.”

Both Wallace and Domniki said that it wouldn’t be a surprise if some of these buildings failed, which is why we have retrofit programs in place.

If you'd like to see whether a building needs to be retrofitted, you can check out the Los Angeles Department of Building and Safety website.

The National Guard in front of the Northridge Meadows apartments on January 24, 1994 where 16 people died during the earthquake in the night of Jan. 17, 1994.

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Hal Garb

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AFP

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Get ready for the next big quake

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You’re at Union Station when the big one hits. The next two minutes are terrifying. By the time you make your way outside, the Los Angeles you know is gone. In Episode One, you experience what the first hours after a massive earthquake could be like.

The Earthquake

You’re at Union Station when the big one hits. The next two minutes are terrifying. By the time you make your way outside, the Los Angeles you know is gone. In Episode One, you experience what the first hours after a massive earthquake could be like.

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The Trump administration is ratcheting up its fight to get more crude flowing through California and reverse the state’s efforts to move away from fossil fuels.

Its latest salvo is a federal review of California’s coastal management program, which is run largely by a state commission that has had a powerful role for decades in shaping development along the coast. Environmental advocates fear federal officials could use the review to strip the California Coastal Commission of its ability to have a say in projects involving federal agencies that affect the state’s rugged coastal bluffs, pristine beaches and world-class surfing spots.

The administration, citing a need for energy security and job creation, has already announced plans for new offshore oil leases in California as well as Florida, where the federal government has not allowed drilling since 1995 because of concerns about oil spills in the Gulf of Mexico.

Trump officials also helped a Texas firm jump-start an old pipeline system that had been idled since its 2015 rupture caused one of California’s worst oil spills, blackening beaches for 150 miles (240 kilometers) from Santa Barbara to Los Angeles and polluting habitat for endangered whales and sea turtles. Federal officials also recently took a step toward authorizing fracking on an old oil platform 9 miles (14 kilometers) off Ventura County — a move opposed by the state’s coastal commission.

“It’s just part of that overall belief that they have, that they’re going to get rid of renewables and go back to good old-fashioned fossil fuels, and what better place to start than California?” said Deborah A. Sivas, a professor of environmental law at Stanford Law School. “We’re the feds — we’re going to tell the state what to do.”

California has some working offshore rigs, but there has been no new oil leasing in federal waters since the mid-1980s and no new state leasing for even longer. The state barred new offshore oil leases after a catastrophic spill in 1969 spewed between 3.5 million and 4.2 million gallons of crude into the Santa Barbara Channel. The disaster killed thousands of seabirds and helped give rise to the modern environmental movement.

California now uses so much solar and wind energy that nearly half the state’s electricity came from renewable resources in 2024, according to the state’s energy commission. That’s also the source of a fight with the Trump administration. Last week, state officials sued the federal government over its buyback of an offshore wind lease aimed at discouraging the expansion of wind energy in favor of fossil fuels.

California has also tried to wean residents off gas-powered cars — another push opposed by the Trump administration.

California’s coastal commission is the latest target

California’s coastal commission, an independent agency with appointed members, was formed in 1972. It has often been in the spotlight for taking up high-profile projects on the state’s tourism-dependent coast. The panel voted against but later approved a U2 guitarist’s plan for mansions on seaside bluffs, though the building proposal was eventually nixed by a court. It also rejected a proposed desalination plant to create drinking water in Huntington Beach.

The commission also has a say in federal projects along California’s coast, in line with a 1972 federal coastal management law. More than 30 states have similar programs to protect their coastal resources and all are subject to periodic federal evaluation.

Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick announced the unexpected review of California’s program in May while denouncing the commission’s opposition to an expanded launch schedule for SpaceX’s Falcon 9 rockets from Vandenberg Space Force Base. Commissioners cited concerns that more launches could harm sensitive species and limit public access to the coast.

“Obstructionist policies that delay critical national infrastructure in the name of environmental extremism are unacceptable,” Lutnick said. He said the review will examine how California has addressed federal priorities on spaceport infrastructure, offshore oil production, pipeline maintenance and desalination projects.

Targeting California raises a fight that could reverberate nationwide, experts say. Until now, no state with a coastal program has been stripped of its authority to review federal projects. Many Californians who spoke at an hourslong public hearing in Santa Monica in August said they don’t want their state to be the first.

“This isn’t about performance. This is about power,” said Maureen Ellenberger, a Santa Barbara resident who is upset about the decision to let Houston-based Sable Offshore Corp. resume pumping through the old pipeline. “It’s about whether the Trump administration can strip California’s authority because they don’t like the answers the coastal commission gave to oil companies.”

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration is carrying out the review. It isn’t known when it will be completed.

The commission isn’t new to controversy

In the past, California’s coastal commission has clashed with elected officials from both political parties. Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom rushed to the commission’s defense this year, but in 2025 suspended its permitting requirements for home rebuilding following the devastating Los Angeles area wildfires.

Trump’s battles with the commission began before his first term when he put up a 70-foot (21-meter) flagpole on his golf club in Rancho Palos Verdes. The commission ultimately allowed for it after a lengthy battle.

Last month, the commission unanimously voted to oppose the plan for fracking on a 45-year-old platform in federal waters off Ventura County after a lengthy public hearing. The federal Bureau of Ocean Energy Management released an environmental analysis for the proposal, which energy company DCOR said would more than triple daily oil output in 16 wells from 1,100 barrels to 4,000 barrels.

“This is just simply one of those cases where the juice isn’t worth the squeeze,” Coastal Commissioner Ray Jackson said during a hearing on DCOR LLC’s plan. “It creates far too many opportunities for something to go wrong. When something does go wrong it is our ocean, beaches, wildlife and coastal economy that pay the price.”

The company said it’s evaluating whether to appeal to the commerce secretary.

Legislation that would improve public access to information about violence, medical emergencies, and other serious incidents in privately operated detention facilities in California is now heading to the governor’s desk.

It would require local agencies to release audio and records of 911 calls and other emergency-service calls originating from the facilities upon request. State Sen. Lena Gonzalez, a Democrat from Long Beach, introduced Senate Bill 423 as state investigations and courts are finding serious gaps in essential medical care within the facilities.

“No private contract or detention center wall should be used to hide dangerous conditions or silence people who have been mistreated inside these facilities,” Gonzalez said in a statement.

The bill was prompted by CalMatters reporting on alleged sexual assaults at the Otay Mesa Detention Center in 2025. CalMatters sought information, including 911 audio records and other reports, about alleged rapes and attempted sexual assaults at the facility through a California Public Records Act request. While a San Diego County sheriff’s spokesperson said the agency was not investigating those cases, he said he was unable to turn over additional records because they were part of “a law enforcement investigation.”

“When journalists and reporters attempted to obtain records about reported incidents at these facilities through the Public Records Act, they faced severe pushback from law enforcement, citing vague investigatory records exemptions, despite there being no active investigation,” said Gonzalez before the state Senate vote on Monday afternoon.

“SB 423 would make disclosure mandatory for calls from private detention facilities unless it would substantially interfere with an active investigation being conducted by the agency receiving the request,” she added.

Gonzalez’s bill would require local agencies to turn over recordings and written records of 911 calls from privately run detention facilities, if a member of the public requests them. It includes an exception if an active investigation is underway and requires redacting the names of affected individuals.

The number of people being held by federal immigration authorities in Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities in California has nearly doubled since early 2025, data shows. Between September 2025 and March 2026, there were six deaths at two of California’s private detention facilities.

The San Diego County Sheriff’s Office had a memorandum of understanding with CoreCivic, the private prison company that operates Otay Mesa. The agreement gave the detention center warden discretion of how to investigate alleged sexual assaults.

In May, the California Attorney General’s office released a 175-page report detailing how the dramatic surge in detainee populations strained conditions and access to medical care at immigration detention facilities across the state.

The San Diego County Sheriff’s Office told KQED it does not have a position on the bill. The Kern County Sheriff’s Department told the Bay Area news agency that it will continue to comply with California laws, “as we always do.”

A recent bill analysis by legislative staff showed no registered opposition to the bill.

The proposed legislation was co-sponsored by Immigrant Defense Advocates and the First Amendment Coalition. It was first introduced on June 12.

Paloma Esquivel, a former Los Angeles Times reporter who now works at the First Amendment Coalition, said county sheriffs resisted and stonewalled her requests for 911 records when she worked as a journalist.

“We have a very strong interest and even an obligation to understand how these facilities are functioning and what is happening inside these facilities that are being paid for with billions of dollars in taxpayer money,” Esquivel told KQED.

Jackie Gonzalez the co-executive director of the Immigrant Defense Advocates said the bill is an important first step in addressing what’s going on inside.

“By supporting SB 423, California sends a clear message that the walls of private detention facilities cannot hide the truth of what is taking place in these facilities,” said Gonzalez.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Topline:

Street flooding: Roadway flooding was reported this morning on the westbound 134 Freeway at the 5, near Glendale and Griffith Park.

Coastal Flooding: All weekend, forecasters have warned of dangerous rip currents and an elevated risk of coastal flooding.

Flooding was reported yesterday in Seal Beach and Long Beach.

"We have quite a few reports already of waves up to 10 feet on some beaches — Zuma Beach especially, where we've gotten reports [of] strong rip currents," said Todd Hall, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service.

Advisories and closures:

• An ocean water quality rain advisory has been issued for all L.A. County beaches until Wednesday, Sept. 9 at 2 p.m. That means to avoid ocean water contact for at least 72 hours after the rain.
• A coastal flood advisory and a high surf advisory for L.A. and Ventura county beaches remain in effect until Tuesday, Sept. 8 at 11 p.m.
• The City of Seal Beach is closing two beach parking lots due to flooding concerns.

What's next: Hall said to expect more showers across L.A. County throughout Sunday. On Monday, he said isolated rain is expected, mostly in the mountains.