The Brief

The Los Angeles Fire Department’s after action report — released Wednesday — details the challenges the department faced and the ways its response failed during the Palisades Fire in January.

The report, which is marked “for internal department use only” on every page, is quite critical, documenting shortcomings with preparation and response, and how systemic problems endangered the lives of firefighters and the public.

LAist has documented similar issues — particularly around communication between departments and with the public during evacuations, going back to the 2018 Woolsey Fire.

LAist on Wednesday asked the Fire Department to comment on the announcement of a man facing charges related to starting the Palisades Fire but has not received a response.

Here are 10 takeaways from the Fire Department's recent report.

1. Unprepared to perform

Overwhelmed by the complexity of the incident, several chief officers didn’t know what they were supposed to be doing, the report says, and reverted to responsibilities they had when at lower ranks. As a result, tasks were neglected as command and staff roles went unfilled.

2. Understaffing hampered the initial response 

The number of firefighters and equipment dedicated to the initial fire response was not what would be expected on a red flag day, the report says. That lack of personnel “seriously impeded the ability of resources to provide initial suppression and structure defense efforts on the initial attack.”

3. Money influenced staffing levels

“The decision to deploy was overwhelmingly based on perceived financial constraints,” the document reads.

The responsibility of figuring out the amount and type of resources needed during red flag events can be traced to 2017, the report says, when standards about how to staff up during fire weather were softened. The report says that decision was prompted by financial and personnel shortages.

The changes also shifted the decision making to a “singular human being,” which means the “level of experience, knowledge, training and even the number of deployments in a year where there are limited incidents can introduce bias or even create complacency and ultimately influence the incorrect deployment model.” The report does not explicitly state whom that individual was.

4. Working for two days straight

Because of resource mismanagement, many firefighters worked more than 36 hours straight in the early stages of the fire. Some worked for more than 48 hours, the report says, inhaling gases released by burning lithium ion batteries and other pollutants. “The combination of fatigue, exhaustion and sleep deprivation severely hindered their ability to make safe decisions,” the report says. And the extended exposure to dangerous smoke put their health at short- and long-term risk.

5. Firefighters were denied help

“Several urgent requests for additional resources at the Palisades Fire were denied or delayed, which impacted the firefighters' ability to engage in effective structure defense,” says the report.

6. Hundreds of drones

More than 400 drones flew over the fire, some more than once, interrupting aerial firefighting efforts as pilots were forced to avoid collisions. One drone climbed to an altitude of 21,289 feet. And another hit a CL-415, resulting in an arrest and charges.

Flying a drone near a wildfire can be a federal crime.

7. Inability to track where people are

“Accurately tracking assigned resources during the initial attack proved daunting because of radio communication issues, insufficient situational awareness and the changing incident organization,” reads the report.

8. Conflict among team members 

Some people in the Emergency Operations Center (the central hub of coordination for the fires) didn’t understand what their roles were, according to the report. And even if they did, some of them refused to help others with duties outside of their own: “This caused conflicts,” the report says. The report does not name any individuals.

9. Delays in evacuation orders

“There was a delay in communicating evacuation orders, warnings and shelter-in-place notifications to the public,” the report says. “As a result, spontaneous evacuations occurred without structured traffic control, causing citizens to block strategic routes to the fire.”

A law enforcement representative with the ability to oversee evacuations and make decisions couldn’t be found for “an extended period.”

10. Communication chaos

Many of the problems described above can be traced back to problems with communications.

One of the report’s recommendations is that the Fire Department needs a dedicated communications plan for wildfires.

Here’s a list of some of the communications problems the report documents:

• There was a delay in defining responsibilities for different divisions throughout LAFD. When those responsibilities were defined, they weren’t communicated to those already working on the fire.
• Task forces and strike teams didn’t communicate resource needs, delaying support around structure defense. 
• Radio communication was chaotic, as responders working on separate fires (Palisades and Sunset) tried to talk on one frequency, leading to an overwhelming amount of radio traffic. That also created  “delayed communication, reduced situational awareness and resources struggling to coordinate tactics and tasks.”
• The Department Operations Center wasn’t able to maintain accurate information on resources, impacting situational awareness.
• Reporters who reached out for information were directed to an LAFD email address, but no one was processing the requests. 
• Firefighters on the ground didn’t monitor air-to-ground communications.
• When Cal Fire, the state firefighting agency, arrived, no contact information was given, and even after they took a leading role, LAFD continued to communicate using old frequencies, causing confusion.
• A repeater was installed on the Palisades water tank to boost communication capabilities in hilly areas. The report later notes that “an LAFD repeater was set up as a backup system but was not utilized by any resources on the Palisades incident.”

A journalist's printed copy of the LAFD's report.

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Matthew Ballinger

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LAist

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This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Since 1977, Richard Santillan has been to every Opening Day game at Dodger Stadium. 

“The tradition goes from my father, to me, to my children and grandchildren. Some of my best memories are with my father and children here at Dodger Stadium,” Santillan told The LA Local, smiling under the shade of palm trees near the entrance to the ballpark Wednesday morning. He was there to protest the team less than 24 hours before Opening Day.

Santillan, like countless other loyal Dodgers fans, is grappling with his fan identity over the team’s decision to accept an invitation to the White House and owner Mark Walter’s ties to ICE detention facilities.

More than 30 people joined Santillan on Wednesday morning for a press conference held near 1000 Vin Scully Drive to convey a message directly to the team. 

“We are demanding the Dodgers stop participating in funding of inhumane treatment of families and do not go to the White House to celebrate with the criminal in chief,” Evelyn Escatiola told the crowd. “Together, we have the power to make a change.”

Escatiola, a former dean of East Los Angeles College and longtime community organizer, urged fans to flex their economic power by “letting the Dodgers know that we do not support repression.”

Jorge “Coqui” Rodriguez, a lifelong Dodgers fan, spoke to the crowd and called on Dodgers ownership to divest from immigration detention centers owned and operated by GEO Group and CoreCivic.

Jorge Coqui H Rodriguez speaks at a press conference outside Dodger Stadium on March 25, 2026, to demand the Dodgers not to visit the White House following their 2025 World Series win.

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J.W. Hendricks

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The LA Local

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In a phone interview a day before the protest, Rodriguez told The LA Local he did not want the Dodgers using his “cheve” or beer money to fund detention centers. 

“They can’t take our parking money, our cacahuate money, our cheve money, our Dodger Dog money and invest those funds into corporations that are imprisoning people. It’s wrong,” Rodriguez said. 

Rodriguez considers the Dodgers one of the most racially diverse teams and said the players need to support fans at a time when heightened immigration enforcement has become more common across L.A.

The team’s 2025’s visit to the White House drew ire from the largely Latino fan base, citing the Trump administration’s ongoing attacks on immigrants. 

In June, the team came under further scrutiny when rumors swirled online that federal immigration agents were using the stadium’s parking, which immigration authorities later denied in statements posted on social media accounts.

The team again came under fire after not releasing a statement on the impacts of ICE raids on its mostly Latino fan base at the height of immigration enforcement last summer. The team later agreed to invest $1 million to support families affected by immigration enforcement.

When he learned the Dodgers were pledging only $1 million to families in need, Rodriguez called the amount a  “slap in the face.” 

“These guys just bought the Lakers for billions of dollars and they give a million dollars to fight for legal services? That’s a joke,” Rodriguez said. “They need to have a moral backbone and not be investing in those companies.”

According to reporting from the Los Angeles Times, former Dodgers pitcher Clayton Kershawsaid last week that he is looking forward to the trip.

“I went when President [Joe] Biden was in office. I’m going to go when President [Donald] Trump is in office,” Kershaw said. “To me, it’s just about getting to go to the White House. You don’t get that opportunity every day, so I’m excited to go.”

The Dodgers have yet to announce when their planned visit will take place. 

Santillan sometimes laments his decision to give up his season tickets in protest of the team. His connection to the stadium and the memories he has made there with family and friends will last a lifetime, he said. On Thursday, he will uphold his tradition and be there for the first pitch of the season, but with a heavy heart.

“It’s a family tradition, but the Dodgers have a lot of work to do,” he said.

A local favorite mom-and-pop bookshop in Eagle Rock is facing displacement due to a steep rent hike. The owners say theirs is just one of several small businesses along Eagle Rock Boulevard struggling to keep up with lease increases.

Over the past 19 years, many in the neighborhood have come to love READ Books for its eclectic collection of used titles and shop dog Florence.

Co-owner Jeremy Kaplan said it’s been a delight to grow with the community over the years.

“Like seeing kids come back in, who were in grade school and now they’re in college,” Kaplan said.

But the building where Kaplan and wife Debbie rent was recently sold, and the rent increased by more than 130% to $2,805 a month, Kaplan said. He told LAist it was an increase his small business simply could not absorb.

Kaplan said he originally was given 30 days notice of the rent increase. After some research, assistance from Councilmember Ysabel Jurado’s office and some pro-bono legal help, Kaplan said he pushed back and got the 90-day notice he’s afforded by state law.

California Senate Bill 1103 requires landlords to give businesses with five or less employees 90 days’ notice for rent increases exceeding 10%, among other protections.

Systems Real Estate, the property management company, did not immediately respond to LAist’s request for comment.

What can small businesses do? 

Nadia Segura, directing attorney of the Small Business Program at pro bono legal aid non-profit Bet Tzedek said California law does not currently allow for rent control for commercial tenancies.

Outside of the protections under SB 1103, Segura said small businesses like READ Books don’t have much other recourse. And even then, commercial landlords are not required to inform their tenants of their protections under the law.

“There’s still a lot of people that don’t know about SB 1103. And then it’s very sad that they tell them they have these rent increases and within a month they have to leave,” Segura said.

She said her group is seeing steep rent hikes like this for commercial tenants across the city.

“We are seeing this even more with the World Cup coming up, the Olympics coming up. And I will say it was very sad to see that also after the wildfires,” Segura said.

Part of Bet Tzedek’s ongoing work is to advocate for small businesses, working with landlords who are increasing rents to see if they are willing to give business owners longer leases that lock in rents.

What’s next 

After READ Books posted about their situation on social media, commenters chimed in to express their outrage and love for the little shop.

While he looks for a new spot, Kaplan says he’s forming a coalition of local businesses and activist groups to see what can be done to help other small businesses facing similar displacement. He wants to address the displacement issue for businesses like his, which have made Eagle Rock the distinctive neighborhood that it is today.

Owl Talk, a longtime Eagle Rock staple selling clothing and accessories in a unit in the same building as READ Books, is facing a “more than double” rent increase, according to a post on their Instagram account.

Kaplan said he’s been in touch with the office of state Assemblywoman Jessica Caloza and wants to explore the possibility of introducing legislation to set up protections for small businesses like his, including rent-control measures or a vacancy tax for landlords. Kaplan said he also reached out to the office of state Sen. Maria Durazo.

By his count, Kaplan said there are about a dozen businesses within surrounding blocks that are at risk of closing their doors or have shuttered due to rent increases or other struggles.

When READ Books was founded during the Great Recession, Kaplan said he knew it was a longshot to open a bookstore at the same time so many were struggling to stay in business.

“It was kind of interesting to be doing something that neighborhoods needed. That was important to me growing up, that was important to my children, that was important to my wife growing up,” Kaplan said.

“And then somebody comes in and says, ‘We’re gonna over double your rent.”

Topline:

Frozen budget: Most of the city’s Bureau of Street Lighting budget comes from an assessment that people who own property illuminated by lights pay on their county property tax bill. The amount people pay depends on the kind of property they own and how much they benefit from lighting. A typical single-family home currently pays $53 annually, and in total, the assessments bring in about $45 million annually for the city to repair and maintain streetlights. Changing the amount the Bureau of Street Lighting gets from the assessment requires a vote among property owners who benefit from the lights.

Ballots: L.A. City Council’s vote gives city staff the green light to prepare and send out those ballots. Miguel Sangalang, who oversees the bureau, said at a committee meeting earlier this month that he expects to send out ballots by April 17. Notices about the ballots will be sent out prior to the ballots themselves.

Near unanimous vote: L.A. City Councilmember Monica Rodriguez was the only “No” vote Tuesday, saying she wanted to see a more current strategic plan for the bureau. Sangalang said the bureau developed a plan in 2022 that lays out how money will be spent. Councilmember Imelda Padilla was absent for the vote.

Vote count: Votes will be weighted according to the assessment amount. Basically, the more you’re asked to pay yearly to maintain streetlights, the more your vote will count. Ballots received before June 2 will be tabulated by the L.A. City Clerk.

How much more money: According to a report, the amount needed in assessments from property owners to meet the repair and maintenance needs of the city’s streetlighting in the next fiscal year is nearly $112 million.

Use of the money: Sangalang said at a March 11 committee meeting that the extra funds would be used to double the number of staff to handle repairs and procure solar streetlights, which don’t face the threat of copper wire theft. That would all potentially reduce the time it takes to repair simple fixes down to a week. Currently, city residents wait for months to see broken streetlights repaired. The assessment would come with a three-year auditing mechanism.