Sponsored message
Audience-funded nonprofit news
radio tower icon laist logo
Next Up:
0:00
0:00
Subscribe
  • Listen Now Playing Listen

The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • CA launches a report on the state protected bug
    A bumblebee pollinates a
    The bombus crotchii, often referred to as the Crotch's bumblebee, are a protected species in California.

    Topline:

    A state-protected bumble bee is at the center of a luxury housing project in the Verdugo Mountains after Fish and Wildlife officials announced last week that it will conduct another environmental impact report. The agency is now asking for public input on the supplemental report until Sept. 2.

    The backstory: The Canyon Hills project — a 221-unit luxury home development planned for the open space above the 210 freeway in Sunland-Tujunga — was approved back in 2005 by the L.A. City Council. Its developer, Whitebird Inc., has until October 2026 to begin construction.

    What advocates are pushing for: No Canyon Hills, a local environmental group, has been asking for a new environmental impact report to fully assess the effects that the Canyon Hills project would have on the current environment.

    Why it matters: The project site is within the Crotch’s bumble bee’s habitat and stands in a very high fire severity zone. Mountain lions have also been reported passing through the project site.

    Read on… for how the supplemental report could derail the development.

    A state-protected bumblebee is at the center of a luxury housing project in the Verdugo Mountains after Fish and Wildlife officials announced last week that it will conduct another environmental impact report.

    The agency is now asking for public input on the supplemental report until Sept. 2.

    The Canyon Hills project is a 221-unit luxury home development planned for the hillside above the 210 Freeway in Sunland-Tujunga. In 2005, the L.A. City Council approved an initial environmental impact report for the project from the developer, Whitebird Inc.

    No Canyon Hills — a local environmental group — has been asking for a new report to fully review the Canyon Hills project’s effects on the area.

    “I feel really grateful for CDFW for doing the right thing because it’s not easy to do the right thing,” said Emma Kemp, the group’s co-founder.

    Why does this new report matter? 

    No Canyon Hills submitted evidence to California Department of Fish and Wildlife in 2023 showing that the Bombus Crotchii, or Crotch’s bumblebee, and other protected species like mountain lions have been spotted within the project site.

    On Aug. 1, the department notified No Canyon Hills that the agency will be conducting a draft SEIR before possibly granting an Incidental Take Permit to Whitebird Inc. California’s Environmental Quality Act requires this type of permit from developers to “take” a California Endangered Species Act listed species during the project process.

    The caveat: the report will focus only on how the project would affect the Crotch’s bumblebee, a native pollinator that’s currently a candidate for listing as endangered or threatened by the state, meaning that the bumblebee is granted full protections for now.

    “These poor little bees have been affected by habitat loss, fragmentation, and climate change," said Tiffany Yap, a senior scientist for the Center for Biological Diversity. "They have a very narrow climate that they are accustomed to."

    A bumble bee flying next to a plant.
    The crotch's bumble bee flying in the Canyon Hills site.
    (
    Courtesy Devon Christian
    )

    Yap said the bumblebee plays a vital role in pollinating fire resistant plants, such as sage and wild buckwheat, in wildfire prone areas. The bug also pollinates milkweed, a plant crucial to saving the monarch butterflies.

    What are the other concerns?

    “There’s also the presence of at least two mountain lions which we’ve shown are active on the project site,” said Kemp. “Their presence needs to be addressed by CDFW.”

    Kemp has submitted evidence to the city of L.A. and to CDFW of multiple sightings of a male and female mountain lions passing separately through the project site area.

    Southern California mountain lions are also a candidate species for the CESA. Habitat loss, human encroachment, highways are just some of the many factors that’s led to the decline of the mountain lions.

    Adding to that, the project site stands in a very high fire severity zone.

    What does the developer say?

    In a statement to LAist, Jack Ruben the attorney for Whitebird Inc. said the company was aware that Fish and Wildlife has started to prepare for the SEIR and that “it looks forward to CDFW's issuance of that permit at the conclusion of the process.”

    Could this end the project indefinitely? 

    Not necessarily.

    Doug Carstens, an attorney working with No Canyon Hills, said that even if the SEIR finds negative impacts to the bumblebee, CDFW could still issue the ITP in what’s called a statement of overriding considerations.

    “That is a statement that requires various findings, including that they’ve adopted every feasible mitigation measure and they’ve reduced impacts as much as possible,” Carstens said. “That there are no alternatives that are environmentally superior.”

    Carstens said this concession is typically granted when benefits of the project outweigh the project’s adverse effects on the environment. The group is urging the public to provide input in the drafted report process.

    “With this particular case of Canyon Hills, that will be extremely difficult to suggest that there is a benefit to building a luxury private development in a wildfire prone hillside, that outweighs the consequence of destroying vital habitat for an endangered and protected species,” Kemp said.

    HOW TO SUBMIT PUBLIC COMMENT

    You can submit a comment to CDFW ahead of the draft SEIR by 5 p.m. Sept. 2.

    To submit by mail:

    California Department of Fish and Wildlife
    ATTN: Canyon Hills ITP – NOP Scoping Comments

    3883 Ruffin Road
    San Diego, CA 92123

    To submit by email:

    R5CEQA@wildlife.ca.gov

    The subject line should read “Canyon Hills ITP – NOP Scoping Comments”. Learn more here.

    What’s the timeline on this? 

    Carstens points out that the SEIR process could take months, or even a year. That timeline is close to when Whitebird Inc.’s contract with the city is set to expire in October 2026.

    L.A. City Councilmember Monica Rodriguez, whose district covers the Verdugo Mountains, told LAist in a statement that the project was entitled through its agreement to begin construction until 2026.

    “Anything beyond that would require a discretionary action for an extension, which I am not supportive of,” Rodriguez said.

  • Widespread rejection by big LA landlord
    An illustration of an orange apartment building with a chain wrapped around it and a padlock. An orange, winding walkway is depicted beneath the building. A blue characterization of a person, round head and a stubby column as the body, appears to be walking on the sidewalk

    Topline:

    One of the biggest landlords in Los Angeles has been turning away people seeking apartments under the Section 8 housing assistance program in many of its buildings, in apparent violation of state law, a Capital & Main investigation found.

    Why it matters: Section 8 is a powerful tool for fighting homelessness and the housing crisis across the nation. But it is especially needed in L.A. County, where wages haven’t kept pace with rising rents. Housing Choice Vouchers, as they’re officially known, subsidize rent for about 85,000 households in L.A. County that don’t earn enough to afford a market-rate rental. The reluctance of landlords to participate is one of the Section 8 program’s biggest problems, even though a state law bars them from rejecting tenants because they use vouchers.

    About the investigation: Capital & Main’s findings are based on data collected by testers hired by the news organization to pose as Section 8 voucher holders. From late 2024 to early 2025 the testers contacted leasing agents to ask about available apartments in 65 buildings owned or operated by Jamison, Equity Residential, Essex Property Trust, AvalonBay Communities, G.H. Palmer Associates, Prime Residential and Greystar. The tests were limited to buildings where advertised rents were low enough for Section 8 recipients to be able to move in. Testers asked leasing staff at each building if they accepted Section 8 vouchers, and if so, what income and creditworthiness criteria each used to qualify applicants.

    The standout: Jamison, a group of family-run real estate companies, has been lauded for its civically active CEO and its efforts to turn underused office space into housing. But Jamison stands out among other large L.A.-area landlords Capital & Main investigated for its near nonparticipation in the Section 8 program, the largest housing assistance program in the country. The investigation found that Section 8 applicants were repeatedly turned down or discouraged to apply, often being asked to provide minimum income and credit scores. Between 2021 and 2024, only one Section 8 tenant moved into a Jamison property.

    One of the biggest landlords in Los Angeles has been turning away people seeking apartments under the Section 8 housing assistance program in many of its buildings, in apparent violation of state law, a Capital & Main investigation found.

    Jamison, a group of family-run real estate companies, has been lauded for its civically active CEO and its efforts to turn underused office space into housing. But Jamison stands out among other large L.A.-area landlords Capital & Main investigated for its near nonparticipation in the Section 8 program, the largest housing assistance program in the country, the investigation found.

    In a statement, a Jamison company spokesperson said “the management companies overseeing Jamison’s portfolio accept and welcome tenants utilizing Section 8 vouchers.”

    Section 8 is a powerful tool for fighting homelessness and the housing crisis across the nation. But it is especially needed in L.A. County, where wages haven’t kept pace with rising rents. Housing Choice Vouchers, as they’re officially known, subsidize rent for about 85,000 households in L.A. County that don’t earn enough to afford a market-rate rental.

    At its best, Section 8 and its federally funded assistance vouchers offer a way out of poverty for low-income residents — affordable rent in a community of their choice.

    But too often the program fails to deliver on its promises. Four in 10 voucher holders in the U.S. never find housing at all, even after years on Section 8 waiting lists, according to a 2021 study by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

    *   *   *

    Terri Reynolds, who oversees programs at the nonprofit Asian American Drug Abuse Program to help clients in the L.A. area find housing, said they’re “so happy” to obtain rental assistance. But they are often disappointed, she said, “because landlords don’t want to mess with Section 8.”

    The reluctance of landlords to participate is one of the Section 8 program’s biggest problems, even though a state law bars them from rejecting tenants because they use vouchers.

    Dan Yukelson, executive director of the Apartment Association of Greater Los Angeles, said red tape and hard-to-understand rules make Section 8 “an administrative nightmare” for some of his members, who are mostly mom-and-pop landlords.

    Capital & Main investigated seven of L.A. County’s largest landlords to determine whether they open their doors to Section 8 tenants. Unlike smaller landlords who might be unfamiliar with the rules, these multifamily real estate giants have abundant administrative resources to interpret and comply with state law.

    Capital & Main’s findings are based on data collected by testers hired by the news organization to pose as Section 8 voucher holders. From late 2024 to early 2025 the testers contacted leasing agents to ask about available apartments in 65 buildings owned or operated by Jamison, Equity Residential, Essex Property Trust, AvalonBay Communities, G.H. Palmer Associates, Prime Residential and Greystar. The tests were limited to buildings where advertised rents were low enough for Section 8 recipients to be able to move in. Testers asked leasing staff at each building if they accepted Section 8 vouchers, and if so, what income and creditworthiness criteria each used to qualify applicants.

    Jamison buildings were the only ones where leasing agents said they could not rent to Section 8 tenants. Of 21 properties that testers contacted, agents at 15 said they could not accept vouchers. At one property, an agent described income requirements that would automatically exclude voucher holders. Agents initially said they would accept Section 8 at five of the properties, but either described minimum credit scores that would exclude many voucher holders, or did not respond to follow-up inquiries.

    Capital & Main contacted Jamison with its key findings and a list of questions. In its statement earlier this month, the company spokesperson said many of the issues raised were “completely wrong and/or misleading” but did not comment on many of the specific problems the reporting found.

    Last fall, a tester called to inquire about an apartment at Jamison’s Atlas House in L.A.’s Koreatown with some attractive amenities, including state-of-the-art appliances, a swimming pool and hot tub. But they were told the building was not accepting Section 8 vouchers. “We are actively seeking approval to begin accepting Section 8 vouchers, and when that approval goes through, we will publicly make an announcement,” the representative said.

    But the Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles has no such approval or inspection process, said its Section 8 director, Carlos Van Natter. “We would not inspect the whole building,” Van Natter said, adding that the agency only inspects individual apartments to ensure habitability after a landlord has accepted a tenant’s rental application.

    At the Sienna on Serrano and the Roya, both relatively new Koreatown buildings that offer features like modern kitchens, gyms, pool decks and even a karaoke room, leasing agents also said they were awaiting city approvals for their Section 8 participation, which they said they expected within a few months.

    *   *   *

    The cold shoulder for Section 8 voucher holders clashes with company CEO Jaime Lee’s community-spirited reputation. Last year the Los Angeles Times featured Lee on its L.A. Influential list and named her one of the “bosses, elected officials and A-list names calling the shots from the seats of power” alongside Gov. Gavin Newsom and Archbishop José Gomez.

    And in public comments, Lee has bemoaned the city’s housing shortage and positioned her family’s company as part of the solution. Lee, who is a member of the LA28 Olympic organizing committee and was appointed to the powerful California Coastal Commission by Gov. Newsom in September, has said the company offers apartments for people at a wide range of income levels.

    What Jamison appears to lack is Section 8 tenants, who are among the lowest earners and the hardest to house; in Los Angeles, for example, most make less than $53,000 per year for a single person. Section 8 tenants pay about 30% of their incomes in rent and the government covers the rest.

    Between 2021 and 2024, only one Section 8 tenant moved into a Jamison property, according to records Capital & Main obtained from the Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles under the California Public Records Act.

    The Jamison spokesperson’s statement did not address the lack of Section 8 tenants in its properties, but said that the management companies overseeing its portfolio “take proactive steps, including engaging a broker and non-profits, to help identify individuals and families who hold vouchers or qualify for income-restricted Affordable Housing units.”.

    But the findings raised concerns for L.A. County Supervisor Holly Mitchell, who, as a state senator, authored the 2020 state law that makes it illegal to reject tenants because they pay rent with government assistance.

    “It’s disappointing because the law is the law,” Mitchell said.

    Jamison’s three dozen or so residential buildings in the L.A. area were built since 2013, and thus too new to be covered by local rent control laws or the state’s maximum 10% per year limit on rent increases. Under the Section 8 program, however, the company would be required to get housing authority approval for annual rent hikes.

    Jay Lybik, a real estate expert who until recently was the CoStar Group’s National Director of Multifamily Analytics, said that given state and local rent caps, Jamison may exclude voucher holders so that it can freely raise rents on its units.

    Lybik, who now directs market research for Continental Properties, said Jamison “most likely needs to hit certain return hurdles for their investors and will need to be squeezing every percentage of rent growth. Thus, they don’t want to be hampered by the lower yearly increases allowed.”

    *   *   *

    Jamison is one of the fastest-growing multifamily developers in Los Angeles. In just 12 years, the company has accumulated a residential portfolio that includes more than 6,000 units — including both ground-up construction and office-to-residential conversions. At least 2,500 additional units are either planned or under construction.

    The company has benefited from L.A.’s lucrative apartment market with its low vacancy rate and through-the-roof home purchase prices that send highly paid workers into the rental market. Jamison has also been able to maximize profits by participating in the city of L.A.’s builder incentives. Under these programs, developers can include more apartments in a building than the zoning code allows or get waivers from parking or open space requirements. In exchange, developers set aside a small percentage of apartments for lower-income renters. The company has built some 250 affordable units.

    Another reason for the company’s rapid-fire growth in residential real estate: a stockpile of aging Koreatown office buildings Lee’s father, David Lee, amassed beginning in the 1990s — before the area became a destination for nightlife, dining and traditional Korean spas.

    “They were lucky,” said Johnny Choi, a first vice president at commercial real estate firm CBRE and an expert in the Koreatown market. “They were able to purchase property at a time when prices were a lot lower.”

    Among David Lee’s acquisitions were the former headquarters of iconic U.S. corporations that pulled up stakes after once-prestigious Wilshire Boulevard lost its luster in the 1990s. The former Texaco Oil and U.S. Borax buildings are now the Crosby Apartments and the Westmore, respectively. Jaime Lee has said these conversions and the company’s other residential developments help address L.A.’s housing shortage.

    But the city’s largest unmet need — according to records from California’s state housing agency — is for housing that L.A.’s poorest people can afford. Section 8 is the only program that meets those needs on a large scale.

    *   *   *

    Capital & Main conducted additional tests a few months later to see if the Roya, Sienna, Atlas House and other Jamison buildings had begun accepting vouchers as some leasing agents had previously said.

    In a March 2025 call, a representative initially told a tester that the Jamison buildings she inquired about would accept Section 8, but only if tenants earned at least two-and-a-half times the monthly rent. When the tester said those income requirements would disqualify her as a Section 8 participant, the representative promised to double check on the company’s rental criteria and call her back, but she didn’t. Capital & Main’s tester continued trying to get an answer. When she finally reached another agent, she said that none of the 15 Jamison buildings the tester inquired about were accepting Section 8 vouchers, offering the same reason as before: They were awaiting “inspections” and “city approvals.”

    Leasing representatives for five other Jamison buildings said they accepted Section 8 vouchers. But three insisted all applicants, including voucher holders, meet specific credit scores. Two didn’t respond to follow-up calls. That requirement appeared to run afoul of another state housing law. Since January 2024, it has been illegal for landlords to reject Section 8 applicants solely based on their credit history. Landlords must also consider pay stubs or other verifiable evidence of their ability to pay their share of rent.

    If a large landlord turns Section 8 tenants away, “it would be a major resource that our folks can’t access,” said Section 8 director Van Natter.

    Jamison proved to be an outlier among the seven companies Capital & Main tested. It was the only big landlord that categorically rejected voucher holders in many of its buildings.

    At the six other companies, agents at all 44 properties said they accepted Section 8, but 22 said they would reject voucher holders for poor credit. Four would not say whether poor credit history would exclude Section 8 applicants and two others didn’t respond to follow-up calls about income and credit criteria.

    *   *   *

    On the other end of the spectrum was G.H. Palmer Associates, which appeared to roll out the welcome mat for Section 8 tenants, despite owner Geoffrey Palmer’s Scrooge-like reputation and long-documented resistance to government mandates. A 2022 Forbes magazine profile called Palmer “the real estate billionaire who hates affordable housing.” But in Capital & Main’s tests, only one Palmer leasing agent out of seven properties contacted would not accept alternative evidence of ability to pay rent in lieu of credit history, the highest rate of compliance among the seven companies investigated.

    Palmer owns thousands of apartments in the Santa Clarita Valley and the Inland Empire, and is perhaps best known for a collection of hulking faux Italianate apartment buildings in downtown L.A., some of them hugging busy freeways. In contrast to other companies whose leasing agents couldn’t immediately respond to testers’ questions about Section 8, G.H. Palmer’s were knowledgeable and responsive.

    Palmer, a prolific donor to Republican Party candidates, earned his anti-affordable housing bona fides by winning a court battle against the city of L.A. over a requirement that developers in downtown L.A.’s Central City West area include affordable apartments in their market-rate buildings. The California Court of Appeal ruled in Palmer’s favor in 2009.

    But more Section 8 tenants moved into Palmer buildings in Los Angeles between 2021 and 2024 than any of the six other companies Capital & Main investigated, even those with far more units, city housing authority records show. And in other areas of L.A. County, G.H. Palmer had more Section 8 renters in its buildings than the other six companies, according to county housing authority records covering the same years.

    Palmer did not respond to Capital & Main’s questions about the company’s participation in the Section 8 program. “He’s not going to talk to you,” said a staffer at Palmer’s Beverly Hills office.

    Palmer’s Section 8 stance may be a straightforward case of scrupulous adherence to the law. But it could also be a matter of economics. Unlike Jamison with its portfolio of newer buildings, many of Palmer’s buildings are older and covered by state rent caps. So the need to obtain housing authority approval for annual rent hikes might not threaten the company’s bottom line. It could be that tenant stability and on-time rent payments are a greater priority for Palmer’s business model. Lybik, the real estate expert, noted that Section 8 tenants tend to stay in their apartments longer than unsubsidized renters. And the lion’s share of their rent is reliably paid by the federal government.

    Whatever the reason, Palmer’s welcoming response to Section 8 applicants was unusual among the large property owners Capital & Main investigated.

    *   *   *

    The typical experience for tenants is far more frustrating and obstacle-ridden, according to housing authority data that shows it is difficult for Section 8 voucher holders to find landlords who will accept their vouchers.

    “I had so much discrimination,” said Jennifer St. Jude, a Section 8 voucher holder and social work student at the University of Southern California, who finally landed a four-bedroom house in the Santa Clarita Valley with her two adult daughters. “It took me a year and a half, and I not only got lucky, I killed myself to get this house,” St. Jude said.

    In 2024, the latest year for which data is available, Van Natter of the L.A. city housing authority reported that about 40% of Section 8 voucher holders failed to find housing before their subsidies expired — even after languishing for years on waiting lists. The program gives participants 180 days to find a landlord who will accept their vouchers before they must return them to the housing authority.

    Yukelson with the Apartment Association of Greater Los Angeles argued that part of the problem is landlords have a hard time getting rent increases approved and with customer service at some local housing authorities.

    “You need to be like a dog with a bone. You need to be aggressive,” he said.

    *   *   *

    City and housing authority officials have tried to increase Section 8 usage with financial incentives for landlord participation and regular informational seminars.

    Last year, L.A. Mayor Karen Bass met with property owners to urge them to give the program a try. “We have so many people on our streets with vouchers in their hands,” she said at the public event. “They just need somebody willing to give them a chance.”

    A spokesperson for Mayor Bass had no comment on Capital & Main’s findings and did not respond to an interview request.

    But Kevin Kish, who heads the California Civil Rights Department, the state’s fair housing enforcement agency, said Capital & Main’s findings “highlight a need for more education, more outreach and more enforcement”. Statewide, a single attorney and three investigators enforce anti-discrimination laws that protect people who use rental assistance, Kish noted.

    “I think that we’re using all of the tools available to us,” Kish said. He added: “That’s the hard limit on what we can do. Those are the resources we have to conduct enforcement.”

    But as Capital & Main’s testers learned through dozens of calls, emails and texts, housing laws on paper don’t necessarily make it easier for Section 8 tenants to get to yes, especially when it’s in big landlords’ financial interest to say no.

    This reporting was supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.

    Annakai Hayakawa Geshlider, Arlen Levy, Jeremy Lindenfeld, Maison Tran, Emily Elena Dugdale and Lita Martinez contributed to this story. 
    Copyright 2025 Capital & Main.

  • Sponsored message
  • Trump's LA fire claims missed mark, study shows
    A firefighter sprays water from a hose to homes on fire on a street.
    A firefighter battles flames from the Palisades Fire in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles on Jan. 7, 2025.

    Topline:

    Echoing state and local officials, a new analysis agrees: hydrant failures in the Palisades fire were ‘the rule rather than the exception.’

    About the report: In a policy brief published Monday, the researchers used media reports to confirm that when fires burn urban areas, hydrant flows often sputter out — the result of lost pressure as burnt homes hemorrhage water and too many hoses simultaneously draw on a limited supply.

    ‘The rule rather than the exception’: The policy brief echoes the findings of a recent state investigation into water supply during the Palisades Fire. “Even though there was plenty of water available in the system,” state investigators wrote, “it was not possible to pump enough water to the fire area all at once to meet the flow rate demand created by the leaking water from already destroyed structures and high water use from hydrants.”

    Read on... for more about the new report.

    As firefighters battled catastrophic fires in Los Angeles last January, one question reverberated across the country: Where was the water?

    The question came from wealthy developer Rick Caruso and then-President-elect Donald Trump, from reporters and residents. It prompted executive orders and state and federal investigations. Once the fires were more ash than flame, the Trump administration used a water shortage to justify its baffling move to release vital summer irrigation supplies from two reservoirs that do not supply Los Angeles.

    “I will demand that this incompetent governor allow beautiful, clean, fresh water to FLOW INTO CALIFORNIA!” Trump posted on social media, referencing Gov. Gavin Newsom, as the fires raged across L.A. “On top of it all, no water for fire hydrants, not (sic) firefighting planes. A true disaster!”

    A team of researchers, led by Gregory Pierce, director of the UCLA Water Resources Group, set out to uncover whether the intense focus on water supply meant that dry hydrants had uniquely hampered the Palisades firefight, or whether this was a common occurrence.

    In a policy brief published Monday, the researchers used media reports to confirm that when fires burn urban areas, hydrant flows often sputter out — the result of lost pressure as burnt homes hemorrhage water and too many hoses simultaneously draw on a limited supply.

    “Fire hydrant performance in the Palisades seems to represent the rule rather than the exception,” the report says. “The only apparent, factual difference between the Palisades Fire and its comparators is that hydrant performance did not make the headlines of news stories covering the other fires.”

    ‘The rule rather than the exception’

    The policy brief echoes the findings of a recent state investigation into water supply during the Palisades Fire.

    “Even though there was plenty of water available in the system,” state investigators wrote, “it was not possible to pump enough water to the fire area all at once to meet the flow rate demand created by the leaking water from already destroyed structures and high water use from hydrants.”

    Even if the much-implicated empty Santa Ynez reservoir had been full, “the hydrants could not have maintained pressure,” the state report said.

    Three firefighters stand near rubble of a home where smoke is still coming out from the burned structure. A beach and ocean are in the background.
    Firefighters work to put out a fire in the rubble of a home that burned down on Pacific Coast Highway near Malibu, as a result of the Palisades Fire. Jan. 9, 2025.
    (
    Ted Soqui
    /
    CalMatters
    )

    Together, the Eaton and Palisades fires destroyed thousands of structures, caused tens of billions of dollars in damage, killed at least 31 people and likely contributed to hundreds more deaths

    With smoke still in the air, experts, state officials, reporters and the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power raced to fact-check claims that water management resulting in dry hydrants was uniquely responsible for the devastation. The repeated refrain: urban water systems aren’t built to put out wildfires.

    But the spark had caught. And as residents reeled from the devastating losses of entire communities and grasped for explanations, a sense of betrayal — that water and their hydrants had failed to save Los Angeles from the flames — set in.

    By the end of March, nearly a third of 2,000 Los Angeles County residents surveyed by the USC Dornsife Center for Economic and Social Research blamed poor water management as the biggest contributor to the wildfires. Only slightly more — 36% — said arson.

    Another survey by Probolsky Research reported that more than a quarter of 1,000 likely primary election voters in California were surprised to hear — or flat out didn’t believe — that fire hydrants are not designed to fight major wildfires.

    “Sometimes all you need is one idea to catch on a little bit and start spreading. And then once it starts to go viral, it gets accepted by lots of people,” said Lisa Fazio, an associate professor of psychology and human development at Vanderbilt University who studies how people learn information.

    During disasters, she said, “people are hunting for that understanding and sense of control.”

    It’s happened before — many times. 

    In fire after fire, the researchers found reports of lost water pressure.

    Paul Lowenthal, division chief fire marshal with the Santa Rosa Fire Department, remembers when the Tubbs Fire roared through Santa Rosa in 2017, destroying thousands of homes and killing 22 people.

    “When we had the loss of pressure in Fountaingrove, there was this immediate sense of, ‘The firefighters didn't have the water that they needed to fight the fire,’” he said. “And I think we saw some of the same concerns bubble up out of Los Angeles.”

    But Lowenthal said the true picture was much more complicated: In the hills, as the fire was pushing into the city, firefighters were too busy getting people out to even use the hydrants.

    “It was all just purely saving lives,” he said. By the time the winds had died down on the valley floor enough to fight back the flames, he said, the city’s water system had restored enough pressure to hydrants.

    Kevin Phillips, district manager of Paradise Irrigation District, said that some hydrants in the town of Paradise lost pressure during the 2018 Camp Fire, which remains the deadliest and most destructive wildfire in California history.

    When a wildfire destroys a town, like the fires in Paradise or the Palisades, Phillips said, each burned home bleeds water out of the system — sapping its pressure.

    “Every one of those homes that gets burned is an open sore to the outside,” Phillips said. “Your system basically is dying as every one of those homes are being destroyed.”

    William Sapeta, fire chief of the Lake County Fire Protection District, agreed. “The Eaton and the Palisades fires really drew a lot of attention to the capabilities of water for fire suppression,” he said. “Yet we experienced in the Camp Fire, the Valley Fire, the Carr Fire — all of these fires have exceeded municipalities’ ability to provide water for fire suppression.”

    New requirements

    Hydrants and water supply have drawn public scrutiny in Ventura County, where two major wildfires in less than a decade spurred reports of hydrant outages and lost water pressure.

    The fires in Assemblymember Steve Bennett’s home county, one of which burned homes on his own street, prompted new legislation. Signed into law this year, Bennett’s bill sets new requirements for certain water suppliers in fire-prone parts of Ventura County to harden their systems and obtain enough backup power or alternate water supplies to keep water pumps running for 24 hours.

    “You ought to be able to have a system that can at least help you put out the small little ember, the bush that catches on fire — so that you can get it before the house catches on fire,” the Democrat from Oxnard said. Having enough to do that, he added, should be the minimum requirement.

    But some water suppliers fear they won’t be able to withstand the financial costs of meeting the law’s requirements, and worry about the potential liability if they can’t.

    “You have smaller water systems that don't even have the capacity or funding to deal with all those things,” said Daryl Osby, former Los Angeles County Fire Department chief and now vice president of emergency preparedness, safety & security for California Water Service, an investor-owned water utility.

    A new frontier

    ASU’s Faith Kearns, a co-author of the policy brief, has chronicled the convergence of fire and water supplies before, and said the growing scale and devastation of these fires are resetting public expectations for urban water systems.

    “This feels like the new frontier we're discussing around wildfire, but (it’s) just part and parcel of California’s really complex, ongoing wildfire issues,” Kearns said.

    Climate change-fueled, extreme conditions further limit what water and water systems are capable of in response to fire — like in Santa Rosa, where Lowenthal said firefighters were too focused on saving lives to tap the hydrants in the hills.

    “You might have the best water system in the world, and you still might not have conditions that are safe for fire personnel to go into,” Kearns said.

    The new UCLA policy brief doesn’t interrogate why the hydrants became such a flashpoint in the Palisades Fire, but Pierce has some hypotheses. Preliminary data for a forthcoming study suggests it’s political — that support for Trump drives the belief that water management was to blame for the fires.

    “Local influencers, political voices — all the way up to the president and a lot of people in between — quickly seized on the fact that some of the fire hydrants in the Palisades Fire didn’t have water,” Pierce said.

    That gained a snowball effect. “The same thing kept getting repeated, and then people just thought it was true.” 

    Fazio, the psychology professor at Vanderbilt not involved in the policy brief, said the urge to cling to a culprit may even go deeper: people often seek out simple answers in moments of crisis.

    “You could think of all of this as being a part of a causal story — like, 'What caused my house to burn down? Why was it not safe?’” Fazio said. “The really simple model is, ‘The firefighters and the hydrants are supposed to prevent it, and they didn't, therefore they're at fault.’ Whereas I'm sure the actual causal story is much more complicated.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • Snowball margaritas and naughty list negronis
    A minature figure of Santa is wearing a red hat, a hula skirt and a lei around his chest.
    New Nui Cocktail at Gin Rummy

    Topline:

    Eggnog is overrated! Surprise yourself this season with new holiday cocktails, experiential anti-Santa experiences, and hot toddies at hot spots across Los Angeles.

    What’s on the menu: Snowball margaritas, naughty list negronis, and Nutcracker teas. If the names aren’t enough to get you in the door, then you’ve been grinching too long.

    Why now: The holiday season will be over before you know it, so you deserve to have as much fun as you can.

    Gin Rummy (Venice)

    If your Christmas fantasy involves being stranded on a desert island with a mai tai and a string of lights, then Gin Rummy is your holiday paradise. The soundtrack is holiday-themed, and Thursday to Sunday offers a live DJ spinning the kind of classics you can dance to. Keep an eye out for surfing Santa while you're sipping on a Christmas colada, made with dark rum, coconut, clove, cinnamon and lime (this is also available sans the spirits). Other must-haves include the frozen marshmallow daiquiri and the gingerbread mojito.

    When and how: Christmas at Gin Rummy runs every day except Dec. 25. Happy hour is from 4 to 6 p.m. daily.

    Krampus' Cove (Night on Earth, Hollywood Hills)

    A glass holding a vibrant red liquid and lemon peel sits in front of a vibrant red Christmas tree, and a skull
    A naughty list Negroni.
    (
    Courtesy Krampus Cove
    )

    Explore the dark side of Christmas at Krampus’ Cove. This pop-up is making its fourth visit to Los Angeles with a macabre takeover of Night on Earth in the Hollywood Hills during select hours. Libations include a naughty list negroni, grinches need love too, made with vodka, pandan, and peppermint and a bourbon-based merry axe mas, with spiced cider and miso butterscotch.

    When and how: Now through Dec. 28, at 6 p.m. and 8 p.m. nightly. The $25 ticket includes a welcome cocktail and a creepy Christmas guided tour. The bar is also open for walk-in service during regular hours. Reserve here.

    A.O.C. (West Hollywood)

    The changing seasons bring a changing cocktail menu at Chef Suzanne Goin's A.O.C., with seasonal sips curated by head barman Ignacio Murillo. A Kentucky holiday is sure to keep you warm and cozy with flavors of bourbon, persimmon, lemon, and sherry. If you're keeping things alcohol-free this holiday, try the pentire ruby with Seaward free spirit, lemon, cranberry syrup, grapefruit and mint.

    When and how: The restaurant is open Monday to Friday from 5:30 p.m., earlier on weekends. Happy Hour is from 5:30 p.m. to 7 p.m., Monday to Friday.

    Patrick Molloys (Hermosa Beach)

    A bartender wearing a holiday sweater in red and green pours a liquid from a red plastic cup into a festive cocktail glass waiting below full of a red liquid
    The Christmapolitan
    (
    Courtesy Miracle at Molloy's
    )

    Irish restaurant Patrick Molloys is holding a special Miracle at Molloys in collaboration with Miracle Pop-Up Bars daily from noon to 10 p.m. through Dec. 31. Kitchy-Christmas items include Griswold-style decorations and craft cocktails like the christmapolitan, made with vodka, spiced cranberry sauce, and absinthe mist, as well as the snowball old fashioned with rye whiskey, gingerbread, and wormwood bitters. There are three different non-alcoholic beverages on the menu, including the Silent Night, made with tart cherry, orange acid, and soda.

    When and how: Mon, Tues, Wed, Thurs 11:30 a.m. to midnight, Friday 11:30 a.m. to 2 a.m., Saturday 9 a.m. to 2 a.m and Sunday 9 a.m. to midnight. Make your reservations on Resy.

    Firstborn (Chinatown)

    Bar Director Kenzo Han of Firstborn has crafted a fresh hot toddy that pairs perfectly with fermented tofu and reflects the restaurant's Chinese-American sensibilities. Flavors include black oolong tea, Imo Shochu, Michter's Rye, lemon juice and zest, spruce tips and Angostura bitters.

    When and how: Open Wednesday, 5 to 9 p.m., Thursday 5 to 9:30 p.m., Friday and Saturday 5 to 10 p.m., and Sunday 5 to 9 p.m. Reserve on OpenTable or grab a seat at the bar.

    The Roger Room (West Hollywood)

    A frosted cocktail glass contains a warm caramel colored liquid, in front of green tinsel
    The Sugarplum fairy at The Roger Room
    (
    Philip Guerette
    /
    Courtesy The Roger Room
    )

    The Roger Room is camp meets craft cocktails, with garlands, vintage decorations, and way too much mistletoe to miss your magical moment. Signature sips include Santa's apple cider with Jack Daniels and Hennessy, along with a zero-proof apple cider with cinnamon and clove. The sugar plum fairy with Zacapa rum and a lemon-sugar rim is just as beautiful as it sounds.

    When and how: The Roger Room is open weekdays 6 p.m to 2 a.m.., Saturday 7 p.m. to 2 a.m., and Sunday 8 p.m. to 2 a.m. They're even open Christmas Day with regular hours. Reserve your seat on Resy.

    Big Bar (Los Feliz)

    A light skinned hand is holding a gingerbread man cookie with a bite taken from its head. Next to it is a glass holding an amber liquid and a shining cube of ice
    The Oh Snap! at Big Bar
    (
    Eugene Lee
    /
    Courtesy Big Bar
    )

    It's Elf on the Top Shelf with specialty cocktails from this beloved neighborhood watering hole. For the month of December, Big Bar in Los Feliz will be serving six seasonal cocktails, including the Oh snap!, which melds the flavors of an old fashioned and gingersnap rum into something truly special. It comes with a gingerbread man on the side, so you're never drinking alone. The recipe was created by Marina Spidla of MarinaMixes, whose Big Bar debut as guest bartender was delayed following the L.A. wildfires earlier this year. She'll be pouring all month.

    When and how: Big Bar is open daily from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m. weekdays; Saturday 9 a.m. to midnight, Sunday 9 a.m. to 10 p.m.

    Frosty's Christmas Bar (Hollywood)

    If you're searching for your yuletide cheer at the bottom of a glass, consider Frosty's Christmas Bar. This immersive pop-up bar features photo ops, tons of Christmas decorations, and, of course, festive beverages. Timed tickets start at $24, but that price does not include the spirits needed to have you singing karaoke atop a jumbo Christmas ornament.

    When and how: Reserve your tickets here for dates through Dec. 30. Frosty's is closed Dec. 24 and 25. Doors open at 6 p.m.

    The London West Hollywood at Beverly Hills (West Hollywood)

    A round table covered with a white tablecloth holds an afternoon tea, with a cake stand laden with sandwiches and cakes, scones, tea and other yummy food.
    Nutcracker afternoon tea
    (
    Courtesy The London West Hollywood at Beverly Hills
    )

    Weekends in December, guests can enter the land of sweets and sips with a Nutcracker afternoon tea at The London West Hollywood at Beverly Hills. The experience begins with tea from Rare Tea Company, including the special Nutcracker holiday blend with toasted hazelnuts and Madagascar vanilla. You can also add champagne by the glass. Themed tea sandwiches, scones, and sweets will also be served, like peppermint meringue tarts and freshly baked gingerbread cookies.

    When and how: The Nutcracker afternoon tea is available Saturdays and Sundays through December from noon to 3:30 p.m. The cost is $84 per person and $42 for children 12 and under. Reserve on OpenTable.

    Casa Vega (Sherman Oaks)

    The halls are decked at Casa Vega, with golden tinsel shimmering over every spot. This restaurant is like Las Vegas, where you're not sure if it's daylight yet — but that just means more snowball margaritas. They'll also be serving a Mexican coffee in an adorable Santa mug.

    When and how: Casa Vega is open daily from 11:30 a.m. to midnight. Happy hour is from 2:30 to 6 p.m., Monday to Friday.

    Bar Next Door (West Hollywood)

    Bar Next Door on the Sunset Strip, from bar director and mixologist Brynn Smith, is your home away from home this festive season. The space has been glammed up in holiday fashion to match the cozy cocktails in your hand. Menu highlights include a BND mulled wine with ginger, whole spices, and Italian red wine, and a butterbeer, which is an adult take on the Harry Potter original, with butter, brown sugar and vodka.

    The star of the lineup, though, might be the clarified coquito. This is a Puerto Rican classic made with Santa Teresa 1796 and Bacardí Carta Blanca rum, along with cinnamon, sweetened condensed milk, nutmeg, cardamom, and espresso beans.

    When and how: The Bar Next Door is open Mon, Tues, Wed, 6 p.m. to 1 a.m. and Friday and Saturday 5 p.m. to 2 a.m. Closed on Sunday.


    Dahlia, Downtown L.A. Proper Hotel (Downtown Los Angeles)

    Nothing is merrier than mezcal, and the In Good Spirits Holiday Pop-Up at the Downtown L.A. Proper Hotel has got bites and beats to boost your evening. Think nightly DJs, tarot readings, chain-stitch artists, and small plates from Cabrillo restaurant. Drinks include a sugar plum old fashioned with Illegal Mezcal and a cranberry no-groni.

    When and how: This holiday pop-up takes place in the Dahlia lounge Thursday through Saturday, from Dec. 5 through 20. Reserve on OpenTable beginning at 7 p.m.

  • Filmmaker's political legacy in CA
    Five men stand on a stage, behind a podium that has a sign that reads, "American Foundation for Equal Rights."
    Opponents of Proposition 8, California's anti-gay marriage measure, director Robert Reiner, center, and writer Dustin Lance Black celebrate with Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and councilman Eric Garcetti at Los Angeles City Hall In Los Angeles on Feb. 7, 2012.

    Topline:

    The rest of the country may remember Hollywood legend Rob Reiner for his work in front of and behind the camera, but in California, he leaves behind a political legacy that endures beyond his films and movie and television roles.

    Longtime Democratic activist: Reiner played a critical role in the legalization of same-sex marriage in California, and he was a driving force behind California’s signature early-childhood development program, First 5. Proposition 10, which passed, creating a new tax on tobacco that funded the programs for children younger than 5 that are now in every California county.

    Doing the work: “Rob was not just a talker. He was a doer,” Former CA Gov. Grey Davis said. Davis appointed Reiner to chair the program’s California Children and Families Commission, a position he held until 2006. Kris Perry, the former executive director of First 5 and a lead plaintiff in the case that got Prop. 8 overturned, said Reiner wasn’t just a figurehead at First 5, either. He attended Children and Families Commission meetings every month and was deeply involved in discussions of “how to invest, where to get results, how to hold people accountable,” she said.

    The rest of the country may remember Hollywood legend Rob Reiner for his work in front of and behind the camera, but in California, he leaves behind a political legacy that endures beyond his films and movie and television roles.

    Reiner, a longtime Democratic activist, donor and fundraiser, played a critical role in the legalization of same-sex marriage in California, and he was a driving force behind California’s signature early-childhood development program, First 5.

    Reiner, 78, was found stabbed to death along with his wife, Michele Singer Reiner, inside their Brentwood home Sunday.

    Police investigators announced Monday that their son, Nick Reiner, 32, had been arrested and was being held on suspicion of their murder. Rob and Nick Reiner once worked together on a semi-autobiographical film about Nick Reiner’s lifelong struggles with addiction.

    “I can’t believe it,” former California Gov. Gray Davis told CalMatters Monday in a phone interview. “I mean, Rob and Michele have been part of Sharon and I's life for over 30 years.” Sharon Davis is the former governor’s wife.

    Davis said he’ll never forget when Rob Reiner in 1991 invited him — then California’s elected controller — to hang out on the set of Reiner’s “A Few Good Men.” Davis got to watch for hours as actors including Tom Cruise, Kevin Bacon, Demi Moore and Jack Nicholson did their scenes.

    “I thought: I am so proud to live in a state where quality filmmaking takes place,” Davis said.

    But a few years later, the two became something akin to coworkers. Davis was elected governor the same night in 1998 that Reiner’s Proposition 10 ballot initiative passed. The initiative created a new tax on tobacco that funded the programs for children younger than 5 that are now in every California county.

    Davis said the two were at the same Election Night party in 1998 as the results came in. Davis said he and his administration later worked with Reiner to ensure the First 5 program got implemented. Davis appointed Reiner to chair the program’s California Children and Families Commission, a position he held until 2006. Reiner resigned amid allegations he was using taxpayer funds to promote his Proposition 82, an unsuccessful ballot initiative that sought to tax the wealthy to fund preschool for all children.

    “Rob was not just a talker. He was a doer,” Davis said. “A lot of other people would give a nice speech, they would come to a press conference, and then they thought their job was over, and certainly we appreciate that. I mean, they have other things to do, but the difference was Rob called you up and said, ‘What can I do next?’ ”

    Mike Roos, a former California legislator, political strategist and lobbyist, worked closely with Reiner on the Prop. 10 campaign. He said they got to know each other and it was clear to Roos that Reiner loved his children dearly.

    “This has been just one of the most horrible things I could ever imagine, knowing him and knowing his love and the investment that he made in every one of those kids in that family,” Roos said, “but particularly how he cared and talked so thoughtfully about the struggles that Nick had in that period of time when I knew him.”

    Later, Reiner would help found the American Foundation for Equal Rights. The group paid for the legal fight against Proposition 8, the 2008 ballot measure that banned same-sex marriage in California. The U.S. Supreme Court overturned Prop. 8 in 2013.

    Kris Perry, the former executive director of First 5 and a lead plaintiff in the case that got Prop. 8 overturned, said Rob and Michele Reiner also stood by her and her wife, Sandy Stier, as they and the other plaintiffs defended their right to marry in the landmark case.

    “They continued over a five-year period to champion the cause by speaking out themselves, bringing more support to the case, doing media interviews, and, more importantly, being kind and generous … year after year after year,” Perry said. “They cared about us as people throughout that entire process. They left this indelible impression on all of us of what it means to be a real leader, to not only make something possible, but to stand beside people during the fight.”

    She said Reiner wasn’t just a figurehead at First 5, either. He attended Children and Families Commission meetings every month and was deeply involved in discussions of “how to invest, where to get results, how to hold people accountable,” she said.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom over the weekend said Reiner’s impressive body of professional work, which included “When Harry Met Sally,” “Stand By Me” and “The Princess Bride,” taught “generations how to see goodness and righteousness in others — and (encouraged) us to dream bigger.”

    “That empathy extended well beyond his films,” Newsom said in a statement. “He made California a better place through his good works. Rob will be remembered for his remarkable filmography and for his extraordinary contribution to humanity.”

    The Reiners donated about $2.7 million to help Democrats over their lifetime, The New York Times reported, including $100,000 to support then-President Joe Biden’s 2024 re-election. He later joined actor George Clooney in urging Biden to drop out, saying “We need someone younger to fight back.”

    Not everyone had nice things to say about Reiner. President Donald Trump, whom Reiner frequently criticized, called Reiner a “tortured and struggling but once very talented movie director and comedy star” in a social media post. He claimed Reiner’s death was linked to a “mind crippling disease known as TRUMP DERANGEMENT SYNDROME.”

    Democratic U.S Rep. Laura Friedman, who represents the Hollywood area, said in an interview she “really felt sick over seeing Donald Trump’s post about this terrible murder.”

    Friedman, a former film and television producer, said Reiner’s art reflected his politics. She said he advocated for being decent to each other and against bigotry — unlike Trump who she said has a “unique ability to divide Americans and make people angry.”

    Reiner, she said, often used humor to “bring us together … and do it in a way that was somehow gentle and loving at the same time.”

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.