The Brief

Graffiti writing as a common form of street art makes a lot of sense in a place like Los Angeles.

Long, frequent commutes make boulevards and freeways the ideal canvas for artists to get eyes on a statement they're trying to make or a conversation they're trying to start.

Like many forms of art, graffiti writing is not without controversy — it is often used in acts of vandalism and has been associated with gang activity because of its use by those groups to mark territory. But graffiti writers will tell you their art form is not only about communicating with each other as artists, it's about starting conversations about things like identity, politics or movements the artist feels aren't being had.

LAist talked with local experts on street art and graffiti writing, as well as graffiti writers and artists themselves, about the earliest iterations of this type of street art in Los Angeles, how it morphed into the graffiti writing we see today and its significance as a form of artistic expression in the Southern California art scene.

'Hobo graffiti' and early examples

Some of the earliest graffiti you'll still find in Los Angeles today dates back to the 1870s, from a Civil War-era building in the neighborhood of Wilmington.

Graffiti from around this era was part of so-called "hobo times" according to Susan Phillips, a professor of environmental analysis at Pitzer College and author of The City Beneath: A Century of Los Angeles Graffiti.

A wall along the Arroyo Seco with hobo graffiti referred to as "Kid Bill," it contains old writing and markings that date back to roughly some time between 1914-1921.

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Courtesy of Susan Phillips

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"As the country transferred from an agrarian society to more of an industrialized society post-Civil War, you just get massive numbers of people who are displaced and travel all over the country," said Phillips. "And then [they] eventually create these incredible written traditions with their own history."

So for the decades following, you'd see the "hobo graffiti" era take shape in these small-scale hieroglyphs made for writers as a means of communicating with one another.

L.A. graffiti writing as a form of protest

As graffiti writing evolved over the years, it also became a way for artists to tell a political message, or call attention to an issue they feel isn't being represented in other forms of media.

"The wall is almost both a first and last resort for telling an alternative story and history ... and it's meant to get people maybe a bit angry, maybe a bit annoyed," said Stefano Bloch, professor of cultural geography at the University of Arizona and the author of Going All City: Struggle And Survival in LA’s Graffiti Subculture.

"It's meant to bring information to people who have a different form of literacy. So, wall art or murals or graffiti or whatever you want to call it ... gets people riled and it does that on purpose," said Bloch, who was himself a noted graffiti writer who went by the name "Cisco" in Los Angeles in the 1990s.

One of the most notable political murals still around today can be found on Olvera Street — Mexican muralist David Alfaro Siqueiros's América Tropical: Oprimida y Destrozada por los Imperialismos, one of three pieces done in the artist's time in political exile in Los Angeles.

América Tropical and his other public project, Street Meeting, were seen as controversial and ultimately whitewashed (literally painted over with white paint), although the former was found to still be intact in the 1960s.

Projects like these helped fuel parts of El Movimiento in Los Angeles. One group that is well known for its political art in L.A. was Asco, a collective of Chicano artists whose work includes performance art like Stations of the Cross and graffiti writing like Spray Paint LACMA.

"I do remember is their uses of public space, photography, and street theater in a sense ... pushing the boundaries of all that [and] was a great celebratory moment [for] the Chicano movement," said Phillips.

But even within the Chicano movement, graffiti artists had to fight for recognition. Chaz Bojórquez, who is seen as the "godfather of West Coast graffiti," has noted that some Chicano artists viewed graffiti as anti-Chicano that undermined the larger goal of the movement.

Increase name recognition

Dating back to some of the earliest known graffiti writers in L.A. like Bojórquez, graffiti was a creative outlet that was meant to be a political statement and also a means for artists to get their name out there.

Two graffiti writers, including one who goes by "Cisco," writing on a wall.

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Courtesy of Stefano Bloch

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Not every artist who grew up in Los Angeles could get their art seen through traditional means. It's why Professor Bloch considers graffiti writing as a means for "other people [to] see their name and think about them."

"They're doing it in an aesthetically pleasing way sometimes, sometimes they're doing it [cryptically] … but it's always about a conversation with surfaces," Bloch said. "The legality of surfaces, the appropriate placement of surfaces, and subcultural hierarchy."

How graffiti writers are making money

When graffiti writer Man One began his career in 1980s, the first thing he tagged was a bus.

"When I first started, I started talking about transit ... because the bus is what moves us around as kids. I was 16, 17 years old and taking the bus all over the, all over the place."

He has since spun that desire to start conversations into exhibitions across Southern California, the Smithsonian in Washington D.C., the Parco Museum in Japan, and more.

Man One said when he was starting out, magazines were one of the only ways that graffiti writers like him could get exposure, at least beyond people happening upon their work in public.

"The first magazines that I saw were probably coming out of L.A. [like] Can Control Magazine ... but the book Spray Can Art, that came from New York, that was one of our Bibles," Man One said. "Subway Art was another book, but Spray Can Art spoke to the world ... artwork that was being painted on walls [and] not just on subway trains."

Not only did these magazines serve as inspiration, but getting any of your work published could mean getting into an art exhibition and eventually making a living from your work.

A mural titled "Faces of Pomona" by Man One, commissioned by the city of Pomona.

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Courtesy of Man One

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Growing through every new piece of graffiti writing, or other artistic projects writers did, is what helped create word-of-mouth that eventually translated to commissions.

"I remember the first time I got paid $50 to paint a garage door. I was like, 'This is it. Someone paid me $50, that means I can make $100, that means I can make $200, and it just snowballed from there," Man One said.

Since then, social media has become more of a platform for folks to find your work. Graffiti writers of all generations across the country have found similar artistic mediums that help grow their portfolios.

"Graffiti writers in the East Coast go into graphic design, tattooing, many different types of artistic endeavors that pay," Bloch said. "Here on the West Coast, a lot of graffiti writers go into the film industry as set designers or set dressers, background dressers, or any kind of artistic endeavor, even into fashion and television writing."

Most Fourth of July guides focus on how to see fireworks shows. This one offers something a little different.

There are lots of reasons why you might seek out some peace and quiet on the Fourth of July. Whether you can’t deal with fireworks because of your pets, sensory or mental health reasons, or, in my case, because you’re just trying to chill in your apartment at midnight.

To be clear, we’re not talking about the big fireworks shows, which are mostly over by bedtime — some of these locations even have their own official fireworks shows. We’re talking about illegal fireworks that regularly light up skies and eardrums in SoCal neighborhoods.

But as any illegal firework-hating Angeleno should know, you can’t win against the booms. Even if you convince one neighbor to stop, you can’t convince them all. To me, the only solution is to steal a moment away for yourself and get out of Dodge.

I’ve been avoiding the Fourth of July in L.A. for years now — though admittedly not every year, especially when friends with rooftop grills invite me over — and I put together a list of recommendations that should be calm and firework-free at night.

Of course, there are no guarantees that people still won’t light fireworks illegally in these places, like what led to the tragic El Dorado Fire in 2020. But you can probably see a theme emerge here: areas in or near state and national parks, mountains, the beach and anywhere that’s wildfire-prone will likely provide a reprieve.

Angeles/San Bernardino National Forest

Fawnskin in the San Bernardino Mountains is one place to soak up the vibes.

Though a few towns make this list, going into nature is going to be your best bet. State parks like Chino Hills and Crystal Cove close at sunset, but you can stay as long as you want in national forests. And if you park your car in the right turnout, you’ll enjoy a pretty nice panorama. Controversially, there will still be a fireworks show in Big Bear, so you can sneak a peek if you so choose.

Idyllwild

This store in Idyllwild, pictured in 2025, certainly got into the July 4 spirit.

This is where I spent the last Fourth of July. It was exactly what I was looking for: very festive with plenty of activity during the day, but there wasn’t a firework to be heard around this forested mountain town when the sun set.

Joshua Tree/National Parks

Not a firework in sight here in Joshua Tree.

Fireworks are strictly banned for visitors to U.S. national parks, as well as on Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management lands. It’s a federal offense that could carry up to six months in jail. Joshua Tree is obviously the closest national park you can drive to, but Sequoia and Kings Canyon also have a strict ban on pyrotechnics and other fires. Bonus: National park entry is free this July 4.

Malibu (or most places along the beach)

Zuma Beach is one of many beaches in Southern California near state parks.

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Kevin Tidmarsh/LAist

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The farther you get into Malibu, the farther from your neighbors’ fireworks. I’ve found Zuma Beach to be a pretty good place to park, especially since it’s surrounded by the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area, but everyone has their spot (or you’ll find one). If Malibu’s too far, try somewhere like Bolsa Chica State Beach in Huntington Beach. You can likely catch neighboring beach cities’ fireworks shows from afar there, too, at least until the park closes at 10 p.m.

Ventura County/Ojai

Los Padres National Forest near Ojai could be a good escape after you're done with official fireworks shows in Ventura County.

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U.S. Department of Agriculture/Flickr Creative Commons

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This is a good place to go if you want to split the difference between seeing official fireworks shows in places like Ventura, Ojai and Oxnard and having peace and quiet after they end. Ventura County has seen its fair share of wildfires recently, and the more mountainous, rural areas in and around Ojai tend to be pretty peaceful later at night as nearby cities embrace the chaos.

The Catalina Island Ferry

The Catalina Express ferries run late on July 4.

I’ve never done it, but I imagine the open ocean is a pretty good place to avoid Fourth of July fireworks. Like Ojai, Avalon also has its own firework show at night, but the ferries back to land run until 11:15 p.m. and last about an hour. Sadly, all of the late ferries are currently booked, but if staying overnight is an option, you’re unlikely to hear any illegal fireworks in fire-prone Avalon, let alone the rest of Catalina Island.

Anywhere in the desert

Even the Salton Sea, pictured here in 2025, can be a great place to avoid firework sounds.

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Kevin Tidmarsh/LAist

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Generations of Southern Californians have gone to the desert to find peace and quiet. And if you’re just looking for a respite from fireworks, you can even get it at places like the Salton Sea. Just brace yourself for those 85+ degree nighttime temperatures.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Americans will celebrate the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence this Saturday.

If you’re looking for a way to join the festivities in Inglewood and South L.A., we’ve got you covered.

Inglewood events

Music fest

Inglewood is hosting its 4th Annual Music Festival on Saturday, July 4 at Darby Park (3400 W. Arbor Vitae St.) from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. Doors open at 10 a.m. and KJLH radio personality Adai Lamar will host the show. Performers include Cameo and Klymaxx featuring Cheryl Cooley. Tickets are free.

Pool party

DJ Starboy is hosting his annual pool party on Saturday, July 4 at 9321 South Van Ness Ave. in Inglewood from 4 p.m. to midnight. There’ll be food and drinks for sale, games and activities, and multiple DJs bringing the Afrobeats, dancehall and hip-hop vibes. Tickets are $17.85 each. The event is for those age 21 and older.

South L.A. events

Benefit show

America 250 will host a July 4 Benefit Show at the LA Memorial Coliseum on Saturday, July 4. Gates open at 3 p.m. and the show starts at 6 p.m. Queen Latifah is hosting and performers include Chris Stapleton and The Smashing Pumpkins. Legendary singer Chaka Khan will also be a special guest at the show. Tickets are $17.76 and 5,000 complimentary tickets will be donated for first responders, veterans and service members, organizers say.

Fan zone

LA County is hosting free World Cup watch parties on Saturday, July 4 and Sunday, July 5 at Earvin “Magic” Johnson Park (12552 Avalon Blvd.) in South L.A., from 8:30 a.m. to 5 p.m. The fan event will feature live music, food trucks, a community marketplace, resources and family fun.

With the start of the new fiscal year in California on Wednesday, dozens of laws took effect, including a zoning overhaul to boost denser housing development near transit, requirements for an all-gender bathroom in every school and streamlined rules for food labeling.

Because of California’s size and its major role in the U.S. economy, some of its laws are likely to have a cascading effect even for people outside the state.

Here are some of the new laws that are now live:

Changes to schools

Several new laws will affect California’s schools and students this year.

SB 760 requires every school district, county office of education and charter school serving any grades from kindergarten to grade 12 to provide and maintain at least one all-gender restroom at each school.

That restroom must include clear signage indicating it’s open to all genders and be unlocked and easily accessible to students. The restrooms are held to the same standards as gendered restrooms, regularly cleaned and stocked with toilet paper, soap and paper towels or hand dryers. Schools can convert an existing restroom to satisfy the requirement.

Across the country, we’ve seen a growing number of states pass laws limiting restroom access for transgender students or requiring students to use facilities based on their sex assigned at birth,” said Jorge Reyes Salinas, the communications director for Equality California, which sponsored the bill. “And California has chosen this different approach, which is expanding options rather than restricting them.”

Schools are facing another deadline ahead of the next academic year. Under AB 3216, every school district, charter school and county office of education must now have a policy limiting or banning the use of smartphones unless in the case of an emergency.

“We know that excessive smartphone use increases anxiety, depression, and other mental health issues — but we have the power to intervene,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a press release when he signed the legislation in 2024. “This new law will help students focus on academics, social development, and the world in front of them, not their screens, when they’re in school.”

Additionally, public middle and high schools, along with public colleges and universities, must now print the Trevor Project’s LGBTQ+ suicide hotline number on student ID cards.

Los Angeles Assemblymember Mark González authored AB 727 last year in direct response to President Donald Trump’s termination of the dedicated LGBTQ+ option for youth who contact the 988 crisis intervention hotline.

New privacy protections for transgender Californians

In California, when transgender and nonbinary people change their names, gender and sex identifiers on official documents, those petitions are public records that have, in some cases, led to people being forcibly outed and harassed.

In 2024, a transgender woman in Stanislaus County sued for the right to seal her records after she was outed on social media. A state appeals court ruled she had a right to keep those records confidential to avoid threats and harassment.

While a 2023 law already required courts to keep those records confidential for minors, the Transgender Privacy Act extends that protection to people of all ages this year.

“As the Trump Administration attempts to make transgender and nonbinary people the scapegoats for their fascist takeover, California must stand up to protect them,” state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, said in a press release.

SB 59 applies to any petition filed on or after July 1, and people with older records can request their records be made confidential as well. It also prohibits anyone other than the petitioner from posting confidential records online.

Food labeling laws

California is now the first state in the nation to standardize confusing food date labels. Manufacturers use more than 50 different phrases, such as “sell by,” “use by,” “best by,” “expires by,” “freeze by” and “freshest before.”

Now, only two labels are permitted: “BEST if Used by” will indicate a food’s peak quality, and “USE by” will signal when a food item is no longer safe to eat.

Many of the other labels were meant to help store clerks with inventory management, but they often confuse consumers who may ultimately throw away food out of fear of getting sick, contributing to the state’s 6 million tons of food waste each year.

“AB 660 is a monumental step to keep money in the pockets of consumers while helping the environment and the planet,” said Thousand Oaks Assemblymember Jacqui Irwin, who authored the bill, in a 2024 press release.

In another first-in-the-nation food law, California now requires restaurants with 20 or more locations to disclose allergens on their menus, either in physical or digital form. It covers the nine major food allergens: milk, eggs, fish, shellfish, tree nuts, peanuts, wheat, sesame and soybeans.

Denser housing near transit

California passed a wave of blockbuster housing laws in 2025.

In an effort to address the state’s housing crisis, a new law makes it easier to build multi-family housing near transit stops like trains and buses.

SB 79, among the most significant housing bills in decades, overrides local government zoning restrictions to allow for taller, denser housing within a half-mile of major transit hubs.

Wiener, who authored the bill, argues it gets at the heart of the state’s affordability crisis while also boosting revenue for public transit agencies, many of which have faced severe budget crunches since ridership plummeted during the pandemic.

“SB 79 unwinds decades of overly restrictive land use policies that have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people to move far away from jobs and transit, to face massive commutes, or to leave California entirely,” Wiener said in a statement. “By allowing more homes to be built near public transportation, SB 79 also strengthens our transit systems, increases transit ridership, and reduces traffic congestion and carbon emissions.”

Tighter gun restrictions

California now bans the sale of “Glock-style” handguns, aiming to close a loophole that makes it possible to easily convert certain semiautomatic pistols into fully automatic weapons. The conversion uses a device called a “switch” that can be made at home with a 3D printer and installed with a screwdriver.

“No gun sold in California should be just a screwdriver away from becoming a machine gun,” San Francisco Assemblymember Catherine Stefani, who co-authored AB 1127, said in a statement. “We are closing a deadly loophole that has fueled gun violence in our communities.”

A second law, SB 241, requires firearms dealers to complete an annual training that includes identifying straw purchasers, preventing the theft of firearms and ammunition and recognizing buyers who may use the gun unlawfully or to harm themselves.

A third law, signed in 2023 and effective July 1, adds “ghost gun” parts to the definition of a firearm for the purposes of reporting a lost or stolen firearm.

Existing law required gun owners to report the loss or theft of a firearm within five days of when they reasonably should have known. Now, AB 725 extends that requirement to firearm frames, receivers and precursor parts, with failure to report punishable as an infraction or misdemeanor.

Retiring Native American mascots

California public schools are now barred from using any derogatory Native American term as a school or athletic team name, mascot or nickname.

The bill, AB 3074, expands a 2015 law that banned only the term “Redskins.” It now includes, but is not limited to, Apaches, Big Reds, Braves, Chiefs, Chieftains, Chippewa, Comanches, Indians, Savages, Squaw and Tribe.

Schools operated by a tribe or tribal organization are exempted from this law.

In 2005, the American Psychological Association called on schools and sports teams to retire the use of all American Indian mascots and symbols, citing research that they have a negative effect on the self-esteem and mental health of Indigenous children.

New rules for tech

No more lunging for the remote when the TV volume spikes at a commercial break. SB 576 stops streaming platforms like Netflix and YouTube from playing ads louder than the video content.

The rule builds on a federal law, the Commercial Advertisement Loudness Mitigation (CALM) Act, which already applies to broadcast television stations and cable operators but not streaming services.

Another tech-driven change in California will affect autonomous vehicles like Waymo and robotaxis, which can now be cited for traffic violations. Under AB1777, the companies must also set up 24/7 emergency response telephone lines for passengers and first responders.

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

In the days after the Lineage warehouse fire blanketed the Eastside in thick smoke, Althana Ávalos desperately searched for an air purifier for her 9-year-old son with asthma. 

The 33-year-old Los Angeles Unified School District teacher closed the windows and doors of her East L.A. home, and her family wore KN95 masks. But it wasn’t enough. They soon began feeling the effects of the smoke: sore throat, eye and skin irritation, nausea and headaches. 

When she called the office of Councilmember Ysabel Jurado to have an air purifier delivered to her home, she was told she didn’t qualify.

“I’m sorry,” the person on the phone told her, according to Ávalos. “Due to the address that you’re providing, you are on the other side so you don’t qualify … You belong to the county.” 

“Really? This is a disaster,” Ávalos remembers thinking. “My son has asthma. What am I going to do?”

The moment captured what many residents say they experienced for days following the fire: For some seeking help, access to emergency resources often depended less on how close they lived to the fire and more on which side of an invisible border they called home. 

A crisis felt across invisible borders

Ávalos lives on the east side of Indiana Street, in unincorporated East Los Angeles, not the city of L.A. Just across the street, on the west side of Indiana, is Boyle Heights, where the Lineage warehouse is located.

Although the warehouse is in Boyle Heights, it sits near the borders of East L.A. and Commerce, separated by short stretches of roads and industrial blocks. Walking a few feet places residents in a different jurisdiction entirely. 

Those geographic boundaries shaped who distributed supplies, where residents went for help, and, in some cases, who qualified for resources such as air purifiers.

While Boyle Heights residents are represented by Los Angeles city officials, including Jurado, and L.A. Mayor Karen Bass, residents in unincorporated East L.A. fall under Los Angeles County and are primarily represented by Supervisor Hilda Solis.

Where do you live?

Boyle Heights, highlighted in blue, is within the city of East L.A. and is represented by Councilmember Ysabel Jurado and Mayor Karen Bass.

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Map created within ArcGIS by Andrew Lopez

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The LA Local

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East Los Angeles, highlighted in orange, is an unincorporated community within LA County. It is represented by Supervisor Hilda Solis.

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Map created within ArcGIS by Andrew Lopez

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The LA Local

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Boyle Heights: Highlighted in blue, Boyle Heights is a neighborhood within the city of Los Angeles. Residents are represented by Councilmember Ysabel Jurado and Mayor Karen Bass.

East Los Angeles: Highlighted in orange, East Los Angeles is an unincorporated community in Los Angeles County. Residents are represented by Supervisor Hilda Solis.

Residents search for relief

When the fire broke out on June 17, elected officials responded and posted updates on social media as firefighters battled the blaze.

And when the flames reignited within the building two days later, officials declared local and statewide emergencies while agencies worked to acquire and distribute air purifiers, pass out masks and open up smoke relief shelters across the Eastside. 

Antonio Chapa, left, director of field operations for Los Angeles County Supervisor Hilda Solis, distributes air purifiers on Indiana Street in Boyle Heights on June 22, 2026.

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Isaac Ceja

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Boyle Heights Beat

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But residents say accessing those resources wasn’t always straightforward. 

Some distribution events required proof of residency. On social media, residents asked whether they qualified for assistance if they lived near the fire. Others were clearing up confusion from commenters about whether their addresses were actually within Los Angeles city limits. 

For Ávalos, it was confusing that strict government rules still applied for the neighboring jurisdictions even during a crisis.

“I knew I belonged to the East L.A. area. It didn’t hit me that in, you know, in this case of emergency, or in this situation, they were going to be asking,” said Ávalos.

Community groups filled the gaps

Henry Perez, executive director of InnerCity Struggle, said his organization repeatedly heard about people running into the same issue of being turned away at distribution sites.

“It’s extremely frustrating and infuriating,” Perez said. “To be told that they couldn’t get the air purifier because of where they lived on the dividing line, that is just heartbreaking.”

Henry Perez, executive director of InnerCity Struggle, speaks at a press conference on Thursday, June 25, 2026.

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Steve Saldivar

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The LA Local

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As demand for clean air grew, groups including InnerCity Struggle, Proyecto Pastoral, the East L.A. Walking Club and The Maravilla Community Advisory Committee, as well as individual volunteers, organized their own distributions, regardless of jurisdictions.

Meanwhile, Ávalos’ family continued searching for relief as their conditions worsened.

On Saturday, June 20, they went to the smoke relief shelter at City Terrace Park. During a visit to the shelter, Sen. Durazo stepped inside to talk to families.

After explaining how she was turned away from receiving an air purifier, Durazo, upset by the situation, called on one of her team members to help get one, Ávalos said. A few hours later, the air purifier had been personally delivered to her at the shelter.  

State and local elected officials, including Durazo, Assemblymembers Mark Gonzalez and Jessica Caloza, and U.S. Rep. Jimmy Gomez, also spent time in the affected neighborhoods sharing updates and connecting residents with resources.

Ávalos wasn’t the only resident who described frustration over jurisdictional divides. 

Martin Ramirez, who owns N&M Auto Repair on the corner of Union Pacific Avenue and Indiana Street, said he tried to get an air purifier for his business from Our Lady of Victory Church in East L.A. but was turned away because his business address put him in Commerce.  

Officials emphasize unity as the response evolves

As the fire continued burning, city and county leaders began appearing side by side at press conferences, stressing that government agencies were working collaboratively.

First District Supervisor Hilda Solis speaks at a press conference at the City Terrace Park Smoke Respite Center and is joined by Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and Council District 14 Councilmember Ysabel Jurado.

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Photo courtesy of First District Supervisor Hilda Solis

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Later in the response, public messaging also appeared to shift. 

At a press event on Thursday, June 25, Bass pushed back when asked by a local reporter about the miscommunication between county and city departments.

“First of all, I know the two of us here, the three of us here, we’re not going to put up with jurisdictional divide,” Bass said. “People can go to the county for help and if the resources…happen to be on the city side, the bottom line is that if the people of this community need help, we’re going to do everything we can to get it there.”

Around the same time, in a social media post promoting purifier distribution on Friday, June 26, Hilda Solis wrote that aid was “open to adjacent communities.” 

A community resource center that opened up in Boyle Heights over the weekend presented a similar shift, stating services were open to “residents and businesses of Boyle Heights and nearby communities.” 

Still, some residents said the changing guidance added to the confusion. 

In written statements to Boyle Heights Beat, both Jurado and Solis acknowledged the challenges residents faced along the Boyle Heights and East L.A. border. 

“Emergency doesn’t recognize jurisdictional boundaries, but government often does,” Jurado said.

A plume of smoke billows out of a Boyle Heights warehouse on Saturday, June 20.

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Isaiah Murtaugh

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The LA Local

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Jurado said city departments and county agencies are now coordinating around air quality monitoring, debris and food waste removal, traffic and hauling plans, water runoff protections, public health resources, and community outreach.

Solis shared a similar sentiment, stating that although the county stayed in close communication with the city on emergency response from day one, it had become streamlined by day seven.

“By the end of the first week, that included broader resource distributions, expanded health services, planning for the Community Resilience Center, and connecting residents, workers, and small businesses with recovery resources,” Solis said.

What residents want to see change

Perez of InnerCity Struggle said officials should use the Lineage fire as a lesson before the next disaster. 

“This isn’t going to be the last environmental crisis or, just, emergency crisis and they need to recognize that there are certain parts of the city and the county that border one another,” Perez said. “What we want our elected leaders to really learn from this experience is that preparedness is critical.”

One of the biggest lessons Councilmember Jurado said she learned through the process was that environmental emergencies “require neighborhood-level preparedness” before disaster strikes.

“In future emergencies, residents should not have to chase government for information. Government needs to show up where people already are: at their doors, at trusted community organizations, at schools, churches, clinics, recreation centers, and neighborhood gathering places,” Jurado said. 

For residents like Ávalos who live along the city-county lines, the fire reinforced how a divide in resources — from health care and law enforcement to services like trash and public works — can shape access to help. 

“If something like this were to happen again … I don’t think that [where you live] should matter,” Ávalos said.