The Brief

Are you aiming to sleep better, eat healthier, scroll less and/or generally upgrade your life starting on Jan. 1?

Join the club — it's several thousand years old.

New Year's resolutions are a key part of how many people observe the holiday, as much of an annual tradition as the Times Square ball drop or a midnight champagne toast.

The concept of taking stock and vowing to do better in the new year actually dates back centuries, though there wasn't always a pithy name for it.

The word "resolution" entered English from Latin in the late 14th century, originally defined as the STEM-coded "process of reducing things into simpler forms." Over time, it broadened to more figurative meanings, like solving conflicts and remaining steadfast. By the 19th century, it had also come to signify an expression of intent — including for the year ahead.

One of the first appearances of the phrase "new year resolutions" was in a Boston newspaper in 1813, according to Merriam-Webster.

But diary entries show that people had been practicing the concept well before then — like English writer Anne Halkett, who wrote a list of Bible-inspired pledges on Jan. 2, 1671, titled "Resolutions."

Historians trace the phenomenon even farther back: to 2000 B.C., when Babylonians celebrated the new year with a 12-day springtime festival called Akitu. They marked the arrival of the farming season by crowning a new king, thanking deities for a bountiful harvest and, according to The Old Farmer's Almanac, resolving to return neighbors' borrowed agricultural equipment.

Alexis McCrossen, a history professor at Southern Methodist University whose research focuses on New Year's observances, says it was ancient Romans who first associated Jan. 1 with New Year's resolutions.

They celebrated the start of January by giving offerings to the month's namesake, Janus — the two-faced god of beginnings and endings — and auspicious gifts (like twigs from sacred trees) to their loved ones.

"It was a day to make promises and offerings," McCrossen says. "I think that's the origin of our New Year's resolution, because a resolution is a kind of promise."

Fireworks welcome the arrival of 2015 outside of Rome's ancient Colosseum. Ancient Romans celebrated Jan. 1 with religious offerings and gifts to loved ones.

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Other cultures and countries came to view the new year as a time for self-reflection and goal-setting, especially from a religious perspective.

There was the medieval "Vow of the Peacock," an end-of-Christmas-season feast where knights renewed their vows of chivalry by placing their hands on (you guessed it) a peacock. In well-documented diary entries from the early 1800s, John Quincy Adams, the sixth U.S. president, detailed spiritual reflections from the past year and wishes for the next one.

But it wasn't until the 20th century that Americans en masse began celebrating New Year's as a holiday, and making secular resolutions a part of it.

This installment of NPR's Word of the Week explores the evolution of New Year's resolutions — and what we can learn from that history as we set our intentions for the future.

New Year's was a "non-event" for much of U.S. history, but a reflective season

As McCrossen explains, Jan. 1 didn't hold special significance to most Americans until relatively recently.

That's partially because England and its colonies didn't start treating that day as the new year until they adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1752. Before that, under the Julian calendar, the year began on March 25.

Even in ensuing decades, McCrossen says Jan. 1 was essentially "like any other day of the week," notable mostly because it was the beginning of the fiscal year. In hindsight, she says that was arguably its own kind of New Year's resolution: paying off debts and resolving to avoid them in the future.

Indeed, Robert Thomas, who founded The Old Farmer's Almanac in 1792, called the new year a time of "leisure to farmers … to settle accounts with your neighbors" after the frenzy of the fall harvest and winter holidays.

Jan. 1 was an increasingly popular day to do so. In the antebellum South, it came to be known as "Hiring Day" or "Heartbreak Day," a busy day for renewing contracts — including those of enslaved people — and tallying debts. Printers began to heavily advertise products like ledgers and account books specifically ahead of the new year.

"It's like buying the running shoes before you make the commitment that you're going to train for a marathon," McCrossen says. "There's an emphasis on preparing for the new year and doing it better than you had been."

By the early 19th century, more Americans were embracing the new year as a moment to take stock and set spiritual goals, which McCrossen attributes in large part to the growth of capitalism and Evangelicalism.

While the new year was largely still a "non-event," McCrossen says, people increasingly treated Jan. 1 as a day of visiting and socializing. New Yorkers held open houses; People in D.C. went to the White House to shake the president's hand.

It was around this time that Americans started becoming "more oriented toward festivities" like Christmas (first recognized as a federal holiday in 1870) and New Year's in general, McCrossen says.

"But I think if it had just remained a holiday for the first of the year … I don't know if we would have gotten resolutions," she adds. "I think the resolutions come with the emphasis on midnight … on the moment of the new year's arrival."

A couple toasts to New Year's as the clock strikes midnight on this German postcard from 1904. German immigrants are credited with helping popularize New Year's Eve celebrations in the U.S.

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She traces that shift to two main contributors.

One is the "Watch Night" services that Baptist, Methodist and other evangelical churches began to hold late on New Year's Eve, which tended to focus on shortcomings from the past year and promises for the next one. The preacher would announce the arrival of midnight, McCrossen says, "and there would be shouts of joy and gladness … and a sense of transformation."

The other is the influx of German immigrants, who brought with them "Silvesterabend" (or "Sylvester's Abend"), the tradition — named for an early pope and the German word for "evening" — of celebrating Dec. 31 with song, dance and midnight toasts. The practice was so unusual at the time that it warranted coverage in mainstream U.S. newspapers, she says — and inspired many non-evangelicals to follow suit.

"By the 20th century, we've got electricity, we've got the ball dropping in Times Square, we've got bells ringing, we've got midnight galore, and we have a lot of commercial forces that are trying to make money out of New Year's Eve," McCrossen says.

How our resolutions have changed

People run on treadmills at a New York Sports Club on Jan. 2, 2003 in Brooklyn, New York — perhaps as part of a New Year's resolution.

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The Times Square ball dropped for the first time in 1907 (though it wasn't accompanied by a countdown until many decades later) . Mentions of New Year's resolutions started appearing in U.S. newspapers around the same time.

In 1900, Georgia's Columbus Daily Enquirer spotlighted the "novel New Year's resolution" of an unnamed Columbus woman who "had resolved to stay at home more, and to go out more." A 1914 piece in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram surveyed several Texans about attempting New Year's resolutions.

"I don't remember keeping any one of a dozen I recall making," said one, Howard Higby.

"Never before until today. This is my last cigarette for a year," said another, Billie Moore. "See me Jan. 1, 1916 and ask me."

A 1918 piece in Michigan's Jackson City Patriot says World War I "has brought New Year resolutions back into fashion," and "not the old-style kinds that were readily made and readily broken." It urged Americans to resolve to help win the war by doing things like buying Liberty bonds and rationing food.

New Year's resolutions have largely lost their religious overtones, a development McCrossen says is in line with broader cultural trends. In recent decades, goals have turned more towards self-improvement.

A 1947 Gallup poll shared with NPR asked if people planned to make New Year's resolutions. For those who did, some of the most common answers will be recognizable to readers today: "improve my character, live [a] better life, be more independent," "be more efficient and prompt," "stop smoking" and "save more money."

But "get thin," "stop eating candy," and "get more sleep, take care of my health, not work so hard" ranked at the bottom of the list, in a sign of how times have changed.

These days, McCrossen believes everyone should try to make at least some New Year's reflections and resolutions, ideally informed by generations past. She especially likes the idea of bringing back Jan. 1 as a day to reconnect with others, whether that's through an in-person get together, a phone call or a handwritten note.

And she notes that — as has been the case throughout history — resolutions don't only have to be made on the eve of a new year.

"Each day, one could do that," she says. "It's just that the 1st provides us with a lot of energy and community, all of us together trying to start out on a new foot."
Copyright 2025 NPR

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

What should have been a celebration for formerly incarcerated youth completing a reentry program at the Boyle Heights Arts Conservatory (BHAC) last week instead ended with seven students and two staff members detained by the Los Angeles Police Department, according to witnesses. 

Now, nearly a week later, BHAC staff and city officials are demanding answers from the LAPD, with some accusing officers of racial profiling. 

According to the LAPD, officers observed a large group gathered on the corner of Cesar E. Chavez Avenue and Mott Street around 4:16 p.m. on March 26. Authorities then requested backup for what they described as “a large group surrounding officers,” LAPD Public Information Officer Tony Im said. 

The group, classified by police as an “aggressive gang group,” consisted of seven 18-year-old students from the BHAC’s Bridge Academy Movement (BAM) program and two BHAC staff members.

The BAM program pays formerly incarcerated youth to complete 200-250 hours in media and visual arts training to prepare them for creative careers. That day, students were set to showcase their work at the BAM program graduation for families and community members. 

Rene Weber, a teaching artist at the BHAC, had been with the students setting up for the ceremony minutes before the incident occurred. 

According to Weber, the students had gone to coffee across the street at Milpa Kitchen as they often did, when staff were alerted that they were being detained. 

Weber said he arrived to find students and a staff member pressed against the wall in handcuffs. 

Video from the scene, taken by a staff member at the BHAC, shows multiple officers surrounding the group. At one point, an officer orders a person to “get on the wall” and displays a stun gun.  

“No, none of that, these are kids right here,” the staff member replies.

Another staff member, Teotl Veliz, recorded a large police response.  

“I counted 12 cop cars, that’s at least 25 cops, and they had a helicopter,” Veliz said. “It was just so comedic, tragically comedic, that it was on their graduation day too.”

Officers established a perimeter with yellow tape along the side of Ashley’s Beauty Salon as local business owners and witnesses gathered around the students. 

“I was just incredibly disappointed in LAPD… because it became so apparent to everybody, all at the same time, that it was racial profiling and nothing else,” Veliz said.

Weber said officers gave shifting explanations for the stop at the scene, including blocking the sidewalk and possible underage vaping. After Weber told the officers that all of the students were 18, they said they would investigate whether the group had any gang affiliation. 

Police have not responded to questions about what led officers to believe that the group was gang-affiliated. 

Weber recalled pleading with the officers to let the group go and explaining to them that they worked across the street. Community members and local business owners also stepped in to vouch for the students. 

“Our job is to help them gain a new perspective on life,” Weber said. “They’re coming out of juvenile detention and they’re turning their lives around. We can do our part in keeping them off the streets and keeping them doing better but what does it mean if they’re going to be profiled and treated exactly the same way?” 

In total, seven 18-year-old students and two staff members were detained. BHAC staff said one student and one staff member were taken to Hollenbeck Community Police Station and released less than two hours later after advocacy from community members and Councilmember Ysabel Jurado.

The incident ultimately resulted in an infraction for smoking a cannabis e-vape on a public sidewalk, according to a photo of the infraction shared with the Beat. LAPD did not provide details about the people taken to Hollenbeck Station or the infraction. 

The graduation ceremony was cancelled that night and is expected to be rescheduled in April. 

“Graduation should be a moment of pride and possibility — not fear,” Jurado said in a statement. “I’m seeking answers about what occurred, and this underscores the need for stronger relationships between law enforcement and community organizations so moments like these are protected, not disrupted.”

Carmelita Ramirez‑Sanchez, the conservatory’s executive director, said she was grateful to the community and Jurado for advocating for the students’ release. Jurado met her at Hollenbeck Station within 20 minutes of being alerted to the incident, she said. 

“They had store owners, señoras, barbers, that ran out and were trying to explain to the police who our kids were,” Ramirez‑Sanchez said. 

Still, she said the incident tarnished what should have been a joyous celebration.

“I imagine that what this does is derail this entire idea that you can be an active participant in your own restorative growth,” she said.

Angelenos crowned the region’s worst intersection Thursday in a social media competition — a tangle of streets on the border of Los Feliz and Sunset Junctions.

The intersection is at Virgil Avenue and Sunset and Hollywood boulevards near the Vista Theater.

“It took me so long to go to the Vons to the Vista and nothing was happening. It wasn’t like it was constant traffic,” said Mr. Glen Dale, the anonymous account holder of Americana at Brand Memes and the mastermind behind the competition. "There is something wrong here that this is so disorganized.”

After a month of voting across about 30 rounds, the Beverly Hills six-way stop came in second place, which seemed to upset some of the account’s more than 115,000 followers.

“I was shocked at the amount of comments each day,” Mr. Glen Dale told LAist. “It felt like a therapy session in the comment section of people complaining about each intersection and really diving into which one is worse.”

This year’s basketball-less twist on March Madness, the “One Bad Intersection After Another” bracket, pitted dozens of infamous intersections against each other with rounds divided by general geographic area: “East Side-ish,” “West Side-ish,” “Central LA-ish” and the “Valley-ish.”

Mr. Glen Dale said he designed it to be a democratic process for people to collectively crown the worst in L.A. once and for all. The results are more based on bad vibes and voters’ personal experiences rather than traffic volume and accident data.

To celebrate the winners Thursday, Americana at Brand Memes shared some of what the account does best — curated L.A. memes.

Mr. Glen Dale also drove to each of the final intersections with numbered balloons to represent their rankings, including third place’s Fairfax Avenue / Olympic / San Vincente Boulevards and Lankershim Boulevard / Vineland Avenue / Camarillo Street in fourth.

Angelenos voted the Virgil Avenue, Sunset and Hollywood Boulevards intersection by the Los Feliz border as the region's worst intersection in a competition run by Americana at Brand Memes on Instagram.

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The Beverly Hills six-way stop came in a close second. Mr. Glen Dale celebrated each of the top winners with balloons.

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Third place for the region's worst intersection went to Fairfax Avenue / Olympic / San Vincente Boulevards from the "Central LA-ish" round.

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About the finalists

One Instagram user wrote that they’ve been waiting at the winner “the entire duration of this competition,” with another adding that their “years of suffering at this intersection are finally seen.”

But the six-way stop didn’t go down easily, with a user arguing that it’s the real “essence of chaos” with “no lights, no order, no sanity.”

“EVERYONE IS HONKING,” the user wrote. “Pedestrians are running to cross because there is ALWAYS a car coming at you with a wide-eyed driver white knuckling it while somebody else screams at them.”

The memes took on a voting theme, elections and the Oscars included.

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To celebrate the infamous intersection winners, Americana at Brand Memes shared some of what the account does best — curated L.A. memes.

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Mr. Glen Dale

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But after spending more than four hours visiting the final contenders on Wednesday, Mr. Glen Dale said the Beverly Hills stop felt pretty breezy and easy compared to the others.

“I think it goes Fairfax 1, Lankershim 2, Virgil 3, Beverly Hills 4,” Mr. Glen Dale said. “So, I'm very different on this one, but I think after going to each one yesterday and having to deal with it, that's my official ranking.”

‘No matter who wins, it's all bad’

On LAist’s AirTalk program last month, Brian in Hollywood nominated Highland and Franklin avenues for the region’s worst intersection, saying it's actually two combined.

Brian said the intersection is affected by Hollywood Boulevard closures and Live Nation events that bring in thousands of people into the area while commuters are trying to get through the Cahuenga Pass.

“It actually has people stopped and blocked in the intersection, not allowing others to go through because of this,” Brian said, who described being hit by a vehicle while walking nearby. “That intersection is a domino effect to all the other intersections surrounding it in the radius.”

Gina in Glendale told AirTalk that the intersection of Fairfax Avenue and Olympic Boulevard is a “horror show.”

“Whoever designed it — if there was a design — a monster,” Gina wrote. “It's always backed up and confusing.”

Rana in Pasadena told AirTalk the Academy Road and Stadium Way intersection in Elysian Park during the morning commute is both “terribly dangerous” and “extremely inefficient”

As with any election, not every voter is happy with the results.

At least one Instagram user wrote that they’re “still pissed that Koreatown beat out Silverlake Trader Joe’s” in last year’s March Madness competition.

For that bracket, Americana at Brand Memes pitted the region’s worst parking against each other, with the dense L.A. neighborhood sweeping the competition after multiple submissions in the comments.

Will LA’s twist on March Madness be returning next year? 

Mr. Glen Dale said he felt the heat from his followers as the results were revealed, but he knows it’s all in good fun.

“You talk to me now, I'm like so exhausted and tired of it that I'm like, I can't imagine doing this again,” Mr. Glen Dale said. “But … you forget, and I'm sure next year I'll want to do it.”

This story first appeared on The LA Local.

Emma Lopez, a mother of two in Koreatown, can picture a new green space in the vacant, dirt lot in her neighborhood.

The lot Kingsley Drive and 4th Street is expected to become a new pocket park through a deal between the city and the Los Angeles Neighborhood Land Trust. The deal has not been finalized yet. But Lopez has her concerns.

Lopez, 44, said many of the parks built in recent years have not been consistently cleaned, making them difficult for families like hers to use.

“I have to take my children outside of the city for clean playgrounds,” she said. “If they’re not going to have regular cleaning and disinfecting of them, then I would be against it.”

The roughly 7,400-square-foot corner parcel would be transferred to the Los Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks, which would oversee its conversion into green space.

The proposal is scheduled to be discussed Thursday morning during a meeting of the Board of Recreation and Park Commissioners. The meeting will take place at the Westchester Recreation Center with a Zoom option also available to the public. 

Emma Lopez, a mother of two in Koreatown, can picture a new green space in the vacant, dirt lot in her neighborhood.

Commissioners are expected to consider final authorization to acquire the property for park use along with a commitment of park fees, environmental clearance under the California Environmental Quality Act, and acceptance of Measure A technical assistance funds.

Up to $2 million in park fees collected from nearby developments could be used to purchase the site, according to city records, though additional funding and planning approvals would still be needed before construction can begin.

Some Koreatown neighbors say they welcome the addition of a park, especially since the area  lacks accessible green space.

Andy Rider, who for seven years has lived about a block from the site, said there are few nearby places where residents can spend time outdoors.

“It’d be nice to have a small park for kids here locally that maybe aren’t able to get bikes or drive there,” he said. “I just like something other than looking at a dirt hill every time I pass by there.”

The property has long been eyed for development, with previous plans for a five-story building with 19 residential units.

Now, city officials are looking to preserve it as green space in a part of Los Angeles that has limited park access.

The Los Angeles Neighborhood Land Trust has led efforts on the site since 2024 and is expected to hand it over to the city if the plan moves forward, according to a staff report from the Los Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks.

Still, not everyone agrees that a park is the best use for the land.

Chance Morgan, who lives about five blocks from the site, said he would prefer to see the space used for housing. 

“Nothing against it, but personally I would always love more housing above all,” Morgan said. “This is a very cramped area and there’s a lot of people who don’t have a place to live.”

While he acknowledged that a park could benefit some residents, especially those with kids and dogs, Morgan said the need for housing outweighs it.

Others are also thinking about how the space would be used — and who it would serve.

“Hopefully it’s a safe place for homeless people to spend the night,” said Olivia Yoon, who previously experienced homelessness and is now living close to the vacant lot. 

Yoon emphasized that unhoused people are often misunderstood and should not be excluded from public spaces.

“Homeless individuals… they’re very nice people,” she said. “Just because they’re struggling does not mean they use illegal drugs.”

She added that basic resources like water would be critical if the park is built.

“Hopefully there’s a water fountain so they can get water and it’s a safe place for us all, ” she said.

Councilmember Heather Hutt, who represents the district, has voiced support for adding green space in Koreatown.

Spokesperson Devyn Bakewell said Hutt is working with the Recreation and Parks Department to move the project forward more quickly, and that they will soon launch community meetings so residents can help shape what the park will look like and how it will serve the neighborhood.

There are no firm dates for any meetings. 

Tori Kjer, executive director of the Los Angeles Neighborhood Land Trust, said in an interview earlier this year that Koreatown is so “thoroughly developed” compared to other neighborhoods in LA that there is very little available property for new parks.

The site on Kingsley Drive was the property the land trust ended up buying after nearly two decades of trying to understand and identify different sites in the area, she said. 

Steve Kang, president of the city’s Board of Public Works and a Koreatown resident, said the project — similar to the Pio Pico Library Pocket Park — is part of a broader push to bring more green space into one of the densest neighborhoods in Los Angeles.

“This is a partnership between the city of Los Angeles Recreation and Parks Department and the community,” Kang said, noting the site is in an area with many families and seniors.

Kang added that additional funding will be needed to build out the park, and that neighbors will play a key role in shaping what amenities are included.

Based on conversations he’s had, Kang said there is broad support for the project, though some residents have raised concerns about how the space will be used. 

“When you activate a site like this into a beautiful community space, that actually is more of a deterrent for any types of encampments,” Kang said, addressing those concerns.

He said the commission is expected to approve the proposal, which would allow the city to take control of the site and move into the next phase of planning — gathering community input.

California Republicans have an unusual shot of claiming an upset victory in the governor’s race this year — but to win, neither of their candidates can get too far ahead of the other just yet.

With eight major Democratic candidates splitting the liberal vote, both Republican candidates, former Fox News host Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, could come in first and second in the June 2 primary and move on to the November ballot.

That would shut out Democratic general election candidates, an extraordinary event that pollsters and strategists of both parties agree is the only viable chance for a Republican to become governor. Registered Democrats outnumber Republicans nearly two-to-one in California and the GOP hasn’t won a statewide race in two decades.

Both Republicans can only advance to November if they split the Republican vote essentially evenly, giving each enough to surpass their Democratic opponents. That’s thanks to California’s top-two primary system, in which the two candidates with the most votes advance to the general election regardless of their party.

Democrats insist it won’t happen, though they face mounting pressure over the risk in a year when the party is hoping to turn out liberal voters for U.S. House races in November.

And neither Republican is strategizing to shut the Democrats out. Instead of trying to keep the other alive through the primary, Hilton and Bianco are running campaigns like any other candidate: seeking to defeat each other. Hilton has spent the past few months attempting to consolidate Republican support by attacking Bianco, who has been happy to return the ire.

“There’s an amazing irony there, that they need to beat each other but they both need to succeed at the same time,” GOP strategist Rob Stutzman said. “It cuts against human nature and cuts against the way you put together campaigns.”

An intra-Republican primary

Despite very different backgrounds, Hilton and Bianco are running on similar policies.

Hilton is a British political strategist who’s written extensively about populism, reducing bureaucracy and decentralizing power, and Bianco is a bombastic local sheriff who is pushing the boundaries of police authority over elections.

Both are pushing a deregulation agenda, railing against Democratic-backed environmental policies they blame for raising the state’s cost of living. Their targets include the landmark California Environmental Quality Act, which requires environmental reviews for new construction.

Both Republicans also want to reverse prison closures, boost oil production to lower gas prices and reduce or eliminate the 61-cents-a-gallon gas tax.

Hilton wants to shield the first $100,000 of earnings from the state income tax (a goal Democrat Katie Porter shares) and significantly lower taxes on higher earners by cutting 18% of the state budget, including areas he claims are fraudulent or wasteful such as using cannabis tax revenue to support substance abuse programs. Bianco also wants to cut, and bring in oil revenues to eliminate the income tax entirely.

Hilton, one of the race’s top fundraisers, has raised more than $6.6 million so far, exceeding Bianco’s haul by more than $2 million. The two are second and third to Democratic former Rep. Katie Porter in the total number of campaign donors — one measure of popular support.

Polls show they remain neck-and-neck at or near the top of the pack, with one survey released last week by the California Democratic Party showing Hilton and Bianco statistically tied with 16% and 14%, respectively. To be competitive, they each need to win over independent and undecided voters, some of whom lean Republican and most of whom are fixated on the state’s cost of living crisis. The California Republican Party is slated to take an endorsement vote at its convention next weekend.

Each has tried to outrank the other on conservative credentials.

Hilton has attacked Bianco for having “too much baggage” related to liberal causes, pointing to a video showing the sheriff kneeling during the 2020 Black Lives Matters protests, as many police officers did then to de-escalate crowds, and later describing his actions as praying. Under Trump, the FBI this year fired several agents who had done the same.

“It’s a question of character and honesty and judgment,” Hilton said in an interview.

Bianco pointed to the two Republicans’ continued tie in the polls as proof Hilton can’t carry the party. He’s called Hilton, who worked for the conservative U.K. Prime Minister David Cameron, “a fraud amongst Republicans” in part because a political crowdfunding startup Hilton co-founded in 2013, Crowdpac, later rebranded to exclusively support Democrats.

And each has aimed to align himself with Trump without saying the president’s name directly. While both are vocal fans of the president, nearly three-quarters of California voters disapprove of him, and Democratic voters in particular are motivated this year to vote against the president’s agenda. Hilton and Bianco have both blasted Democrats for linking the gubernatorial race to Trump.

Hilton, who once called for an audit into Trump’s loss in the 2020 election, is promoting “CalDOGE,” a program to look into reports of fraud and waste in California government. It’s a nod to Trump and Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency that slashed federal spending and employment last year. So far, as part of the project, Hilton has held press conferences criticizing state grants to nonprofits with advocacy wings that support liberal causes, like stricter environmental laws and holding voter registration drives; he’s vowed to cut them as governor.

Bianco, who endorsed Trump’s 2024 re-election by saying America should “put a felon in the White House,” told KTLA last fall if he had the president’s support he’d downplay it on the campaign trail. Asked last week if he’s seeking the president’s approval, he said he instead wants “the endorsement of every single person in this country.”

“You have an entire Democrat field trying to label me as Donald Trump, and the reason why is because they have absolutely nothing to run on,” he said in an interview.

He has embarked on an unprecedented effort in Riverside County to recount ballots from last year’s special election based on what local elections officials say is inaccurate and flawed raw ballot data, a move that mirrors the Trump administration’s seizure of 2020 ballots in Georgia. But Bianco has insisted it’s not political. The investigation, he said this week, is on hold amid legal challenges.

Who is Bianco?

Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco speaks with the press after announcing his bid for governor at Avila’s Historic 1929 Event Center in Riverside on Feb. 17, 2025.

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The ballot seizure is one of the many ways Bianco has courted controversy as county sheriff, a seat to which he was first elected in 2018 with hefty campaign contributions from the union that represents sheriff’s deputies.

The three-decade law enforcement officer and one-time member of the far-right militia group Oath Keepers gained attention in 2020 for fighting state orders to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, refusing to enforce masking or stay-at-home rules or to mandate vaccination for deputies. He also opposes school vaccination laws.

He’s often criticized the state’s sanctuary law that limits police cooperation with federal immigration agents, simultaneously insisting he’ll do everything he legally can to help immigration agents but clarifying to Riverside County residents that deputies do not enforce immigration laws and take reports of crimes from anyone. He’s presided over a spike in deaths in county jails that he’s attributed to fentanyl and suicides, though the state attorney general’s office has opened an investigation.

He has ties to an evangelical pastor in Temecula who helps elect Christian conservatives and is pushing to increase the influence of Christianity in government.

His pitch to voters is that he’s an outsider — and he’s prone to using hyperbole to prove it, calling environmental activists who sue to stop development “terrorists,” promising to “completely destroy special interests” and saying if elected he’d “take a nuclear bomb” to the decisions made in California government.

He’s running, he said, to offer a change from the “crime and corruption” he says has defined state politics and claims he’s the only candidate with strong executive experience (though several Democratic opponents have led state or federal agencies, or major cities.)

He’s endorsed by several law enforcement groups, some of which have also jointly endorsed a Democrat, and funded by campaign contributions from dozens of officers and police chiefs, various business owners and the powerful Peace Office Research Association of California, a special interest with outsize influence at the Capitol. The law enforcement association extends to his title as Riverside sheriff on the ballot, which will give him an edge over Hilton, GOP strategists say.

“Every other person in this race is nothing but a career politician,” he said. “We're over career politicians, millionaires, billionaires, bright, shiny objects and career politicians and strategists. California is sick of that.”

Who is Hilton?

Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton speaks at a press conference outside the California attorney general’s office in Sacramento on Aug. 5, 2025. Hilton announced legal action to stop Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Rob Bonta from pursuing mid-decade redistricting.

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Hilton, meanwhile, is making lofty promises like $3-a-gallon gas and halving electricity bills, and says he has experience from London to achieve such cuts.

The son of Hungarian immigrants to Britain, Hilton got his start in the Conservative Party there before moving to the private sector and returning to politics as Cameron’s director of strategy from 2010 to 2012.

The British press noted Hilton’s penchant for casual dress and credited him as the ideological force pushing the party to loosen workplace regulations, cut welfare, shrink the size of government, lower taxes and withdraw from the European Union. Hilton was disillusioned with Cameron’s progress, the Washington Post reported, when he left his team after two years to join his wife, tech executive Rachel Whetstone, in California and take a sabbatical at Stanford. The couple still maintain several properties in central London.

“The government has lost its ultimate radical,” The Economist declared of his departure from 10 Downing Street in 2012. “In his visceral disdain for the state, reverence for local communities and commitment to enterprise, he might be the most deeply conservative figure at the very top of this government.”

Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton speaks at a press conference outside the California attorney general’s office in Sacramento on Aug. 5, 2025. Hilton announced legal action to stop Gov. Gavin Newsom and Attorney General Rob Bonta from pursuing mid-decade redistricting. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters He founded Crowdpac in 2013 with two partners, a Stanford professor and a Google executive, with the stated goal of getting more people engaged in politics by using software to match their views with candidates they could support financially. The platform, he highlighted at the time, was used by a Black Lives Matter leader to crowdfund a run for Baltimore mayor and by anti-Trump Republicans hoping for a Paul Ryan presidential run. In 2015, he wrote a column in the Guardian supporting a higher minimum wage in Britain and walking back his own prior campaigns against one.

Years later, Hilton left the platform when Crowdpac, having mostly been used by Democrats, stopped helping Republican candidates in what executives called “a stand against Trumpism.” It later shut down and relaunched again as a Democrats-only platform. By then, Hilton had already endorsed Trump for president in 2016 and landed a weekly Fox News show, which ran from 2017 to 2023. He’s now returned fully to his conservative roots, pushing to “massively reduce spending” and regulation the same way he did in the U.K.

“I have a very clear message of change that's practical and positive and not ideological,” he told CalMatters.

Hilton has raised the third most in the race, behind Democrats Tom Steyer, a self-funding billionaire, and San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, who has pulled in millions of dollars primarily from Silicon Valley. Hilton has put $200,000 of his own money into his campaign, and counts among his supporters Uber, Fox Corp. mogul Rupert Murdoch and tech executives who have also supported Democrats: Google founder Sergey Brin and Ripple executive Chris Larsen.

Will Democrats really be shut out of the race?

Experts say a Democratic shutout is unlikely, unless the field remains entrenched.

“It depends upon those two Republican candidates who are splitting the Republican vote fairly evenly right now, doing that, and then having more than a half a dozen Democrats with no one that is a leading favorite, which is what we've seen so far,” said Mark Baldassare, director of polling at the Public Policy Institute of California. “But one thing I would say is it’s still early.”

Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks has also used that reasoning. He has started an incremental public pressure campaign to prompt lower-polling Democratic candidates to drop out, but the candidates have resisted so far.

Hilton, too, dismissed analyses that both Republicans must advance for either to have a shot of winning the seat, calling it a hypothetical exercise from GOP strategists.

“They don’t know what they’re talking about, I mean these are the kinds of people who have been losing for 20 years,” he said. “The idea that the Democratic Party is just going to concede California is obviously ridiculous. … It’s going to be a Republican against a Democrat.”

Bianco said he’s running against Hilton, whom he called a “career strategist,” as much as any of the Democrats. He said he hasn’t thought too much about who his opponent would be in a general election.

“It really doesn’t bother me,” he said. “I’m not doing this for Republicans. I’m not doing it for Democrats, independents, anything like that.”

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.