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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Program in council district 1 offers up to $10K
    Food and miscellaneous flea market vendors set up on a sidewalk at the El Salvador Corridor along Vermont Ave. at 12th St. in the Pico Union neighborhoood
    Like many vendors along the El Salvador Corridor in Pico Union, Maria Godoy sells goods alongside others on the sidewalk of Vermont Avenue between 11th and 12th streets.

    Topline:

    Small businesses struggling financially in the neighborhoods of the neighborhoods of Koreatown, Pico Union, Westlake, MacArthur Park and Highland Park could qualify for to help pay the bills.

    About the grants: Individual brick-and-mortar businesses can qualify for grants ranging from $5,000 to $10,000, while street vendors can receive about $3,000, according to city officials. A total of $400,000 is available through the program, and applications are now open. Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez announced the program’s goal, describing it as a way to support locally owned businesses navigating rising operating costs, shifting customer patterns, and the impacts of recent wide-scale events, like the ongoing immigration raids, along with wildfires, and broader economic uncertainty.

    Who is eligible: To qualify, businesses must have a valid Los Angeles business license and have been operating in Council District 1 since December 2020, with some flexibility for street vendors. They also need to show they’ve been financially impacted by any largescale events, like the COVID pandemic, immigration enforcement, or the broader economy. Funding will be distributed on a first-come, first-served basis, with applications remaining open until funds run out.

    Read on . . . for information on how to apply.

    Small businesses struggling financially have another program they could qualify for to help pay the bills.

    The program is for businesses in Council District 1, which includes the neighborhoods of Koreatown, Pico Union, Westlake, MacArthur Park and Highland Park.

    Individual brick-and-mortar businesses can qualify for grants ranging from $5,000 to $10,000, while street vendors can receive about $3,000, according to city officials. A total of $400,000 is available through the program, and applications are now open. 

    Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez announced the program’s goal, describing it as a way to support locally owned businesses navigating rising operating costs, shifting customer patterns, and the impacts of recent wide-scale events, like the ongoing immigration raids, along with wildfires, and broader economic uncertainty.

    A group of people stand behind a woman in a floral blouse, speaking into a microphone on a podium.
    Small businesses struggling financially have another program they could qualify for to help pay the bills.

    Who is eligible?

    The program is open to independently owned businesses and street vendors located within District 1.

    To qualify, businesses must have a valid Los Angeles business license and have been operating in Council District 1 since December 2020, with some flexibility for street vendors. They also need to show they’ve been financially impacted by any largescale events, like the COVID pandemic, immigration enforcement, or the broader economy. Businesses that changed owners can also apply if they’re essentially running the same operation.

    How can the money be used?

    Grants can be used for daily operational expenses, including rent, payroll, utilities, overhead and other business costs. Roochnik said the funding could also help businesses cover missed rent payments.

    Who is running the program?

    The grants will be distributed in partnership with the PACE Business Development Center and New Economics for Women. The two organizations provide support to small and immigrant-owned businesses across Los Angeles.

    How will recipients be selected?

    Funding will be distributed on a first-come, first-served basis, with applications remaining open until funds run out, Roochnik said. 

    What’s the goal?

    Hernandez said the program is meant to help stabilize neighborhoods that have been affected by immigration enforcement and economic hardships.

    “These small businesses are the backbone of our neighborhoods,” she said, adding the funding is meant to help them “stay open, keep workers employed, and continue serving our communities.”

    Naomi Villagomez Roochnik, CD1 communications director, said the announcement was made during a press conference at Delicias Bakery and Some, a longtime Latina-owned business in Highland Park. The neighborhood has experienced significant rising rents due to gentrification and the location was meant to highlight the kinds of businesses the program is meant to support.

    How to apply:

    To apply, small businesses and vendors can complete the application at bit.ly/cd1smallbizsupport.

    Is this a one-time program or part of a larger effort?

    The grant is part of a pilot program, with the possibility of it expanding depending on demand and outcomes. The council office has launched similar aid efforts in the past, Roochnik said, such as food distribution and rental assistance. 

    Businesses that may not qualify for this specific grant can be connected to other resources, according to Roochnik, including the city’s legacy business program, which is for businesses operating for at least 20 years. 

    The post Small businesses, vendors struggling against ICE raids, economic uncertainty eligible for up to $10,000 in grants appeared first on LA Local.

  • What the new federal plan means for SoCal
    A small boat on a river. In the background is a brownish-red rocky bank. It lightens in color towards the bottom indicating a decrease in the lake's water.
    A boat passes by the tall bleached ''bathtub ring'' on the rocky banks of Lake Powell in Page, Arizona on Aug. 01, 2026.

    Topline:

    Key agreements on how to manage the Colorado River resources between seven states are expiring at the end of this year. The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, the federal steward for the river under the Department of the Interior, last week released a 10-year framework that establishes rough parameters for managing the river, but imposes no specific long-term plan. The federal government plans to roll out more detailed management plans every two years if the states continue their impasse.

    The cuts: The agency will release the first of those plans any day, imposing cuts in the downstream states of California, Arizona and Nevada — an estimated 10% cut to California's supply through 2028, or roughly 440,000 acre-feet a year. The federal provisions include cuts of up to 40% to the shared supply of California, Arizona and Nevada in the lower basin. They also allow releases from Lake Powell, which collects flows from the upper basin, to dip low enough they risk violating a legally required threshold for water deliveries to downstream states.

    What cuts mean for Southern CA: Without longer-term certainty about how states will share the river’s water supply among 40 million people, millions of acres of agriculture, and two states in Mexico — cities and irrigation providers are struggling to plan how to close the gaps. In California, where the availability of water is never certain, the Metropolitan Water District imports water from Northern California and the Colorado River to supply cities and other retailers serving 19 million people across six counties. Metropolitan’s imports are so central to the region that when its Northern California supplies dropped to a trickle during the most recent drought, 6 million Southern Californians faced unprecedented water restrictions in 2022. Uncertainty over the Colorado River compounds the risks the next drought will bring.

    Dire water conditions, missed deadlines and uncertainty on the Colorado River are complicating critical water decisions in California.

    No single state, water agency or federal official has shown the power, or the will, to break the deadlock among Colorado River basin states over how to share the dwindling supplies.

    Years of fraught negotiations have failed to yield consensus even as major reservoir storage plummets to record lows — ratcheting up the tensions, and the stakes, for the states’ negotiators.

    Now, key agreements for managing the river are expiring at the end of this year. These include agreements reached in 2007 that lasted nearly two decades, which took fewer than three years to craft.

    This round of talks has already taken longer — and, so far, produced nothing so durable.

    The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, the federal steward for the river under the Department of the Interior, last week released a 10-year framework that establishes rough parameters for managing the river, but imposes no specific long-term plan.

    The federal provisions include cuts of up to 40% to the shared supply of California, Arizona and Nevada in the lower basin. They also allow releases from Lake Powell, which collects flows from the upper basin, to dip low enough they risk violating a legally required threshold for water deliveries to downstream states.

    These dramatic cuts are an upper limit for future operations: The federal government plans to roll out more detailed management plans every two years if the states continue their impasse.

    The agency will release the first of those plans any day, imposing cuts in the downstream states of California, Arizona and Nevada — an estimated 10% cut to California's supply through 2028, or roughly 440,000 acre-feet a year.

    No mandatory cuts are expected in the upper basin states of Colorado, Wyoming, Utah and New Mexico, according to those involved in negotiations. The Los Angeles Times first reported the split.

    It reflects the limits of federal power and political will: The Interior Department can force cuts in the lower basin, but has no comparable authority to impose cuts in the upper basin states — the limits of which the Congressional Research Service said are the subject of “ongoing debate.”

    This isn’t the long-term plan that California’s water suppliers were hoping for.

    Building anything to store, move or make more water typically takes decades and billions of dollars. Without longer-term certainty about how states will share the river’s water supply among 40 million people, millions of acres of agriculture, and two states in Mexico — cities and irrigation providers are struggling to plan how to close the gaps.

    “A cut is never fun, but you can deal with it. But not if you say, ‘Well, we have a cut here, and then maybe a cut in two years, and maybe another cut in two more years,’” said Bill Hasencamp, Metropolitan Water District’s manager of Colorado River resources.

    “We need to plan for our future. And this deal does not let us do that.”

    The future of Southern California’s water 

    In California, where the availability of water is never certain, nature-defying engineering keeps dry parts of the state flush with water even when little falls from the sky.

    Much of that engineering converges around one Southern California supplier: the Metropolitan Water District. The giant wholesaler imports water from Northern California and the Colorado River to supply cities and other retailers serving 19 million people across six counties.

    Metropolitan’s imports are so central to the region that when its Northern California supplies dropped to a trickle during the most recent drought, 6 million Southern Californians faced unprecedented water restrictions in 2022.

    Southern California isn’t facing such serious shortfalls again yet. But uncertainty over the Colorado River compounds the risks the next drought will bring.

    “There's a good chance it'll be as bad as it's been, and there's a reasonable chance that it'll be worse,” said Hasencamp’s colleague, Keith Nobriga, whose job as an operations manager at Metropolitan is helping the district prepare for the future amid climate change.

    The uncertainty also throws a wrench in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration’s water machinations to the north. Metropolitan's board will play an outsized role in deciding the fates of Sites Reservoir and the Delta tunnel because of the district's water needs and spending power.

    Both multibillion-dollar projects, decades in the making, aim to send more of Northern California’s water south. Metropolitan is also planning a large-scale water recycling and reuse program, called Pure Water Southern California, with the Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts.

    Metropolitan has already committed hundreds of millions of dollars to the Delta tunnel’s planning costs and about $31 million for Sites. The board hasn’t committed to receiving water or contributing to construction for either yet, though board votes on whether to approve the tunnel and recycled water project could come as soon as next year.

    Subtracting one part of the equation,such as the Colorado River, could change the calculus for the others. But Metropolitan has to know how much water it stands to lose, and for how long.

    The consequences of picking the wrong path could leave Southern California thirsty during the next drought, on one hand, or unnecessarily increase water rates, on the other.

    Nobriga compares his job to insurance planning. The costs of nudging these water projects along, he says, are like paying an insurance premium.

    “We'll keep these projects alive. We'll keep looking down the road,” he said. “And if it gets to a point where we really think these droughts are imminent, then we'll … construct and pay the big money for one or several of these projects. And we don't know which ones yet.”

    Agriculture in limbo

    California uses the largest share of the Colorado River’s water among the states. And the Imperial Irrigation District uses the largest share of that to supply half a million acres of alfalfa, grasses, winter vegetables and other crops in the southeast corner of the state.

    As climate change and a megadrought plunged the Colorado River into its driest decades in over a century, the Biden administration struck a deal with the Imperial Irrigation District, trading more than half a billion federal dollars for short-term water conservation.

    Growers cut irrigation to their alfalfa and other forage crops for weeks at a time, and the district conserved enough water to add more than 12 feet to Lake Mead on the Colorado River, according to Tina Shields, water manager for the irrigation district.

    Now, those conservation programs are coming to the end of their funding and regulatory lifetimes. Starting new ones would require new plans and approvals to address the environmental impact of reduced irrigation runoff that feeds the Salton Sea.

    Seeking those permits and environmental approvals “needs to be done on a longer term, not on a two-year term,” Shields said. “Because it’ll take us at least a year to negotiate, probably longer, the environmental actions necessary to move forward.”

    In the meantime, negotiations are ongoing with other California water users about how they’ll share the coming cuts, including who is going to pay for it, Shields said. The district has not yet committed to anything.

    “The district's perspective is: We've done a lot. We're doing a lot. It's challenging to do more,” she said.

    Art of the deal

    Though the U.S. Department of the Interior has not yet released its plan for the river’s next two years, those involved in negotiations expect that it will call for reductions and conservation in California, Arizona and Nevada similar to what the states proposed in May.

    The three lower-basin states then must agree among themselves and with the federal government on how to implement it. After that, individual water suppliers in California will seek approvals from their boards for their share of the cuts.

    Jay Weiner, an attorney representing the Fort Yuma Quechan Indian Tribe, whose reservation lies on both sides of the Colorado River, compared the plan to a Band-Aid, not a long-term path to sustainability.

    “To a large extent,” Weiner said, “it leaves us at the mercy of this coming winter.”

    The Trump administration relied on the states reaching consensus rather than imposing terms — an approach that so far hasn't broken the deadlock.

    Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs called for the federal government to step in and broker a deal. But federal leverage looks different in the upper and lower basins. Lower basin stakeholders say there are other strings the federal government could pull upstream, such as forcing water out of reservoirs, but isn’t. And cloistered negotiations and hardline positions among negotiators have driven an impasse.

    Arizona negotiator Tom Buschatzke publicly lambasted the upper basin in The Denver Post for failing to propose “One. Single. Gallon.” of mandatory, verifiable reductions. Colorado negotiator Becky Mitchell wrote in The Colorado Sun that had the lower basin states lived within their means, “the reservoirs would not be in crisis today.”

    Elizabeth Koebele, a political science professor at the University of Nevada, Reno said that negotiations have been most productive when participants had strong working relationships. Without clear federal leadership, she said, the same conflicts keep resurfacing.

    The fraying relationships, she said, could stem from turnover. But years of constant crisis have also worn people down. “We have been governing in crisis for a long time, and so every time we meet at the table, there's this big problem to solve,” she said. “The house is on fire.”

    While the lower basin may sue the upper over deliveries that dip below a legally required threshold, both sides would risk the uncertain outcomes of litigation.

    “In essence, this federal action has 40 million people living from paycheck to paycheck on water supply,” said Mark Gold, an environmental scientist and board member of the Metropolitan Water District.

    That paycheck comes due again in two years with the same states, and the same asymmetry of power, still in place. Until then, the interior secretary can still force deeper cuts on the lower basin. No one, right now, is willing to force the upper basin to do the same.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

  • Sponsored message
  • He discusses recent report about utility's role
    An electrical tower is seen on a barren hillside
    The electrical towers above Eaton Canyon in Altadena, seen in February 2025, a month after the Eaton Fire began.

    Topline:

    Pedro Pizarro, the president and chief executive of Southern California Edison's parent company, Edison International, appeared on AirTalk with Larry Mantle on Wednesday to discuss L.A. County's findings on the cause of the Eaton Fire.

    Still a question of why: The L.A. County Fire Department and Cal Fire concludes that Southern California Edison equipment sparked the deadly and destructive Eaton Fire last year, but gives little insight into why. That was a main point raised by Pizarro on AirTalk.

    What he said: “The reality is we don't fully understand what the mechanism was that led to that potential sparking,” Pizarro told Mantle. “Not sure we will ever understand.”

    Read on ... for more details from the conversation.

    A new report from the L.A. County Fire Department and Cal Fire concludes that Southern California Edison equipment sparked the deadly and destructive Eaton Fire last year, but gives little insight into how.

    That was the main point raised by Pedro Pizarro, the president and chief executive of the utility’s parent company, Edison International, on AirTalk with Larry Mantle on Wednesday.

    “The reality is we don't fully understand what the mechanism was that led to that potential sparking,” Pizarro said. “Not sure we will ever understand.”

    Pizarro was referring to the report’s finding that an idle tower and grounded lines attached to it had electricity in them at some points on the evening of Jan. 7, 2025. Sparks are seen falling from that tower into dry brush below, according to multiple witnesses and videos cited in the report.

    Pizarro added that the report contains lengthy redactions and more than 20 unreleased attachments, which may provide additional background into the why.

    “We would want to be able to analyze those when they become available because there may be more helpful information there,” Pizarro said.

    The Fire Department declined to release the attachments after an inquiry from LAist, citing ongoing legal actions and personnel privacy. It also noted ongoing investigations by the L.A. County District Attorney’s Office as a reason for redacting nearly an entire section of the report listing penal code and other possible violations.

    Meanwhile, on AirTalk, Pizarro described the leading theories Edison has as to how an idle power line could have sparked the Eaton Fire, which killed at least 19 people and destroyed more than 9,000 homes and businesses.

    Much of the theory comes down to “high school physics,” Pizarro said. Active power lines near the idle line could have created an electromagnetic force that caused induction, which in turn may have created an electrical current in the idle, grounded line.

    Pizarro also pointed to other factors that made the fire go beyond a spark, including high winds and gas lines. In January, Southern California Edison sued Southern California Gas Co., alleging that the gas utility did not begin widespread shutoffs until days after the fire started, thus worsening the conflagration. SoCal Gas has said Edison is attempting “to deflect responsibility and accountability.”

    Ultimately, Pizzarro said, preventing wildfires is not only the responsibility of the power companies.

    “We have done a lot of work, as have other utilities in the state, to decrease the risk of heartbreaking catastrophes like this associated with utility equipment,” Pizarro said. “But we also know that, unfortunately, the risk will never be zero.”

    Lawsuits and compensation

    The company is also facing thousands of lawsuits from survivors of the Eaton Fire.

    On AirTalk, Pizarro defended the company’s maintenance record of the vegetation beneath those lines.

    “We continue to believe that SCE will be able to make a good faith argument that it was a reasonable operator of the system, that it was prudent, and that's the standard under which we're held under state law,” he said.

    Pizarro also defended the company’s decision to keep the idle line itself, which could be used in the future as electricity demand rises. He said the company expects their demand load to double by 2045.

  • Neighbors living near proposed new home oppose it
    A building with a large signage over the entrance that reads Silver Platter with burgundy and black paint
    The Silver Platter in Westlake is slated for demolition and the owners are seeking to relocate within the neighborhood.

    Topline:

    Residents living beside The Silver Platter’s proposed new home say work schedules, language barriers and an unfamiliarity with Zoom kept many from speaking at the city’s hearing.

    Why now: At a July 14 hearing, city staff with the Los Angeles Department of City Planning heard the proposal to relocate The Silver Platter after their longtime location on 7th Street was slated for demolition for a new housing development.

    Why it matters: No decision was made at the hearing. Instead, the zoning administrator left the public record open for 30 days to allow additional written comments before issuing a decision. City staff are balancing the bar’s cultural and historical significance against concerns raised by the Los Angeles Unified School District and residents about parking, noise, traffic and public safety.

    Read on... for more on the proposal.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    Every school day, Vilma Armas watches her 16-year old daughter walk to Miguel Contreras Learning Complex from their apartment near the corner of Lucas Avenue and West Third Street.

    It’s the same intersection where The Silver Platter, a historic LGBTQ+ Latino bar, wants to relocate. 

    The mother is opposed to the proposal and she’s not alone as many of her neighbors and the Los Angeles Unified School District have raised concerns about opening a bar near six school campuses in the Westlake neighborhood.

    “It’s just not a good decision to open that there,” Armas said. “We’re against it for the safety of our children and ourselves, too.” 

    A person reads from a paper in their hand while another listens with a mobile phone attached at their wrist and the back of a person's head is visible from over their shoulder.
    Westlake residents Silvia Samayoa, left, and Esperanza Lopez speak with Vilma Armas about a proposal to relocate The Silver Platter on July 27, 2026.
    (
    Isaac Vargas
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    At a July 14 hearing, city staff with the Los Angeles Department of City Planning heard the proposal to relocate The Silver Platter after their longtime location on 7th Street was slated for demolition for a new housing development. 

    Multiple neighbors were unable to speak up during the virtual hearing due to their work schedules, language barriers, age and difficulty navigating the online meeting’s comment system. The bar’s owners have applied for a permit to sell alcoholic beverages and install a 15-foot neon sign at the new location on West 3rd Street.

    No decision was made at the hearing. Instead, the zoning administrator left the public record open for 30 days to allow additional written comments before issuing a decision.

    City staff are balancing the bar’s cultural and historical significance against concerns raised by the Los Angeles Unified School District and residents about parking, noise, traffic and public safety. 

    Supporters argue the bar is an irreplaceable cultural institution and a safe place for Spanish-speaking gay Latinos, transgender Latinas and working-class immigrants.

    “This is not a new bar coming to the neighborhood,” said Martha Vasquez, who runs the bar with her mother, Margarita Xatruch. “It is an institution asking to keep its doors open in a neighborhood that it has belonged to for 60 years.” 

    Residents say they’re not opposed to the clientele or the bar’s legacy but rather the proximity to where people live, work and where children attend school.

    The department will weigh in on the conditional use permit at a later date. A spokesperson for the Los Angeles City Planning Department did not respond to requests for comment on the application’s status.

    Why is The Silver Platter proposing to move? 

    The Silver Platter has operated since 1963, becoming one of Los Angeles’ oldest and most enduring gathering places for queer and transgender Latinos in Westlake. 

    But after more than six decades at 7th Street and Rampart Boulevard, the family-owned bar was forced to find a new home when the property was slated for redevelopment as a mixed-use housing project during the pandemic. News of the proposed development was first reported in Kim Cooper and Richard Schave’s newsletter, Esotouric’s Secret Los Angeles in May 2024.

    Rather than leave the Westlake neighborhood, the owners spent months fundraising and searching for another location before settling on 1403 W. 3rd St., about a half-mile from the original location. 

    Supporters say remaining in the neighborhood is essential to preserving the community the bar has served for generations. 

    Preservation advocates have identified it as a culturally significant site, and in 2025 it was named one of the nation’s Endangered Latinx Landmarks, according to the Latinos in Heritage Conservation.

    “The next best thing for this historic institution to remain the important cultural landmark that it is is to stay within the Westlake-MacArthur Park neighborhood,” said Jesi Harris, the applicant’s representative, during the virtual hearing. 

    Why neighbors oppose the proposal 

    Weeks after the virtual hearing, Roni Lopez stood in the lobby of his apartment building, surrounded by neighbors who gathered to talk about the proposal.

    Lopez has lived in the building for more than a decade and was one of the few residents who spoke during the July hearing to voice his opposition. 

    Like many of his neighbors, Lopez, a pastor in South Los Angeles, said he is not opposed to The Silver Platter or the community it serves. His concern, he said, is the proposed location. 

    Residents remember the previous bar that occupied the ground-floor commercial space was a bad neighbor.

    There was the late-night noise, people drinking or lingering on the front steps of the residential building, and bar patrons blocked access to the apartment parking entrance and loitered around the nearby DASH bus stop.

    A group of people look forward for a photo while standing in a building lobby. Some are holding pieces of paper at their sides under a bright fluorescent light.
    Tenants gather in the lobby of their Westlake apartment building to discuss concerns about a proposal to relocate The Silver Platter next door on July 27, 2026.
    (
    Isaac Vargas
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Several residents said the block became noticeably quieter after the business closed and worry another bar would bring back the same problems. 

    “The city will be responsible for the decision it makes,” Lopez said. “As you can see, there’s a large community here that does not want that place to open.”

    Applicants for The Silver Platter dispute the characterization, describing the bar as a quiet gathering place whose patrons have long depended on its low profile. 

    The applicants also said they agreed to several operating conditions, including opening after the school day, installing security cameras, coordinating with nearby schools and other measures.

    The LAUSD nevertheless opposes the proposal.

    Julissa Hernandez, legislative liaison for the district, said LAUSD recognizes The Silver Platter’s history but is still concerned about a late-night, alcohol-serving establishment adjacent to multiple schools. Hernandez said the proposed site is near six LAUSD campuses.

    Esther, Vilma’s 16-year-old daughter, shares those very same concerns. She even wrote a letter to her City Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, urging the city to reject the Silver Platter’s proposal.  

    “I think it’s really inconsiderate to open a bar that close to not only one school, but an elementary school, and then you have middle schools and other high schools around here,” she said in her letter.

  • City Council asks state to be included in program
    A camera on a pole with palm trees and a street light behind.
    The city of Santa Ana wants in on California's speed camera pilot program.

    Topline:

    The Santa Ana City Council voted Tuesday to ask state leaders to include the city in California’s speed camera pilot program.

    Background: A 2023 state law allows some cities, like Los Angeles and San Francisco, to pilot cameras that detect speeding drivers and generate citations. The Santa Ana City Council in April directed staff to bring back a resolution asking state leaders to include the city in that program.

    Read on … for more on what it could mean for drivers.

    The Santa Ana City Council voted Tuesday to ask California leaders to include the city in the state’s speed camera pilot program in an effort to scale up enforcement.

    A 2023 state law allows some cities, such as Los Angeles, to pilot programs using cameras that detect speeding drivers and issue citations. San Francisco and Oakland have already set up those cameras and have reported seeing more than a 70% reduction in speeding at the camera spots.

    The item was introduced in April by Councilmember Phil Bacerra, who said Segerstrom Avenue in his district is especially unsafe due to speeding drivers.

    “The city of Santa Ana experienced 3,487 total collisions in 2025, including 1,943 injured, and 26 fatalities, with unsafe speed determined to be the main factor in many of those collisions,” Bacerra said. “It is impossible to deploy police officers to all of the racing hotspots in our city every single night.”

    What are some of the concerns? 

    Because this is a pilot program, Hernandez said he doesn’t want Santa Ana to be a guinea pig.

    “This is very much still a test, which means that the guardrails will be identified on all of us here,” Hernandez said. “I’m happy to see this item come back to us when there’s more data equipped for us to consider. I don’t want each of you … to be the data that we analyze on whether this policy fits for us.”

    The data from the speed cameras would be overseen by the city’s public works department, not police. But Vazquez said he's worried about adding surveillance to the city no matter which department is in charge.

    “The federal government has ways,” Vazquez said. “We’ve seen studies, not only in California, but across the country, of people being tracked down by camera use. I don’t believe right now is the right time.”

    The resolution passed 4-2, with City Council members Johnathan Ryan Hernandez and Benjamin Vazquez dissenting. Councilmember Jessie Lopez was absent.

    How much will this cost the city? 

    Based on the program costs for other cities, officials estimated that a 12-camera program would have a start-up cost of $2 million and annual operating costs between $1.5 million and $2 million.

    Mayor Valerie Amezcua said requesting funds from state and congressional representatives is an option.

    “It’s not written in stone; it’s not forever, so if it doesn’t work, it doesn’t work,” Amezcua said.

    Councilmember Thai Viet Phan said the city needs to balance what the budget can bear.

    “I don’t want to make promises up here that we can’t keep,” Phan said. “And what we do know is that this pilot program … (is) incredibly expensive.”

    A table shows costs of California's speed camera programs in other cities.
    The costs associated with the speed camera pilot program vary among participating California cities.
    (
    Courtesy of the City of Santa Ana
    )

    How would it work? 

    If Santa Ana were included in the pilot program under the state law, the city would have to launch a public information campaign. For the first 60 days of the cameras being installed, speeding drivers would receive a warning. After that grace period, drivers would start receiving citations.