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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Special interests pour $1M into campaign
    Nithya Raman
    Councilmember Nithya Raman.

    Topline

    Special interests have poured more than $1 million into a campaign to defeat L.A. City Councilmember Nithya Raman, whose district runs from Silver Lake west to Reseda, and includes all or parts of the Hollywood Hills, Studio City, and Sherman Oaks. They are throwing their support behind Deputy City Attorney Ethan Weaver in a race that's shaping up to be a bellwether for progressive politics in L.A.

    Biggest donor: Real estate company Douglas Emmett Management, owned by Dan Emmett, contributed $400,000 to an independent committee opposing Raman, according to campaign finance reports. The company refused to state its reason for the contribution, but Raman has been a vocal opponent of its plan to evict residents from a Westwood high-rise.

    Homeless ordinance 41.18: Raman is also being targeted for her staunch opposition to an ordinance that prohibits homeless encampments from within 500 feet of schools and daycare centers.

    Gascon ad: Opponents of Raman have sent out a political mailer featuring a photo of Raman next to embattled L.A. County District Attorney George Gascon, known for fighting mass incarceration by seeking shorter prison sentences for people convicted of crimes.

    What's next: A third candidate in the race is software engineer Lev Baronian. If no candidate garners a majority of the votes in the March 5 primary election, the two top finishers will face off in November.

    Amid a flurry of political mail sent ahead of the upcoming election, Megan Shuham of Los Feliz received one piece in particular that gave her pause.

    It featured a photo of Los Angeles City Councilmember Nithya Raman — a progressive, MIT-educated urban planner — next to one of L.A. County District Attorney George Gascón, known for his fight against mass incarceration by seeking lighter penalties for people convicted of crimes.

    A caption on the mailer reads: “Nithya Raman and George Gascón broke their promise to keep us safe.”

    “It did surprise me,” Shuham told LAist. “The mailer was saying if you don’t like what Gascón’s doing, you’re really not going to like Nithya either."

    LAist Voter Guides

    Head to LAist's Voter Game Plan for guides to the rest of your ballot.

    “I don’t think the two are associated,” said Shuham, a stay-at-home parent who lives in City Council District 4, which is represented by Raman. “It felt like a reach.”

    The mailer comes from an independent expenditure committee funded by a powerful real estate mogul and the labor union that represents Los Angeles police officers. Together with the firefighters union, they are spending more than $1 million in an effort to defeat Raman, whose district runs from Silver Lake west to Reseda, and includes all or parts of the Hollywood Hills, Studio City, and Sherman Oaks.

    These forces want voters to see Raman the same as the embattled Gascón, who faces 11 challengers looking to unseat him, and beat back a growing progressive trend in L.A. politics.

    Raman, however, has indicated her district is one of the safest in the city.

    "All of the negative ads funded by outside spending say that crime and homelessness are spiking in our district. But it's not true ..." she said in a statement to LAist.

    Citing the Police Department's own data, she noted that violent and property crime had fallen in the last two years, and "we've continued to steadily reduce street homelessness as we’ve brought hundreds of people indoors," she continued.

    "So I don't think [the ads] are representing our district or their motivations honestly."

    Major contributions from a real estate mogul, police union

    Real estate company Douglas Emmett Management, owned by Dan Emmett, contributed $400,000 to the independent committee opposing Raman, according to campaign finance reports. The Los Angeles Police Protective League contributed $164,000.

    The company refused to state its reason for the contribution.

    “While we are committed to transparency, we do not discuss the specific reasons for our contributions,” Douglas Emmett said in a statement.

    Raman, who chairs the City Council’s Homelessness and Housing Committee, was a vocal opponent of Dan Emmett’s ongoing attempts to evict tenants from more than 700 units at his Barrington Plaza high-rise in Westwood — something he said was necessary to install fire systems.

    An outspoken supporter of tenants’ rights, Raman sided with residents who accused Emmett of staging the mass evictions so he could raise rents in the rent-controlled building. The residents argued that the sprinklers could have been installed without evicting anyone.

    The ad makes no mention of Emmett’s dispute with Raman. Instead, it focuses on her opposition to a city ordinance that banned homeless encampments within 500 feet of schools, parks and daycare centers.

    At a recent candidates’ debate, Raman said the law — known as 41.18 — had done nothing to solve homelessness.

    “It has pushed people around the neighborhood without actually getting people off the street,” she said. “The focus of my work has been getting tents off of our streets.”

    Raman faces two challengers in the March primary. Ethan Weaver is a deputy city attorney. Lev Baronian is a software engineer.

    Weaver assailed Raman’s position on 41.18. “The purpose of [the law] is about protecting our children. It's not about solving homelessness,” he said.

    Baronian said he “wholeheartedly” supports the ordinance. “In fact," he added, "I think we should look at more places where we need to prohibit tents."

    Independent expenditures dominate

    So far, Raman has collected more money in individual campaign donations — about $368,000 — than her opponents. Weaver has raised about $252,000; Baronian about $32,000.

    But it is the independent expenditures that are dominating this race.

    The independent expenditure committee opposing Raman and two others supporting Weaver have raised more than $1 million to defeat the incumbent.

    The firefighters’ union is playing a major role. It has spent more than $300,000 in support of Weaver, with some of its ads blaming Raman for a 10% increase in homelessness during her term. The Hollywood Chamber of Commerce and Kilroy Realty also have made significant contributions to eject Raman.

    Independent expenditure committees supporting Raman, whose donors include the hotel and restaurant workers union Unite Here Local 11 and Smart Justice, have attracted more than $200,000.

    The race is shaping up to be a barometer on the city’s more progressive tilt in recent years, said Fernando Guerra, a professor of political science and director of the Center for the Study of Los Angeles.

    “Raman was the face of that early momentum, as well as George Gascón, and now both are under severe attack,” Guerra said.


    Follow the money


    Differences on key political issues

    Raman and her two opponents differ substantially on several additional key issues.

    At the debate, held last month at the Autry Museum, Raman said she opposed a hefty pay raise last year for L.A. police officers because of the burden it placed on the rest of the city budget.

    “Now we’re in a $250-million deficit, which is only going to increase and impact all of the other services that matter for quality of life,” she said.

    Weaver said he would have supported the raise, regardless of its affect on the budget.

    “Morale is low because there is no leadership for LAPD in City Hall, and I’m running to provide that leadership,” he said.

    Baronian said the raise mostly kept up with the cost of living and he “definitely would have voted in favor.”

    Government reform is another point of demarcation among the candidates. Raman has said she strongly supports expanding the size of the 15-member City Council to make it more representative of L.A. residents.

    Weaver and Baronian oppose expansion. Weaver said he would not support it “unless we do real structural reform on how power works.” (Read more about the candidates’ policy positions at the LAist Voter Game Plan.)

    The ad campaigns against Raman play on the fears and frustrations of voters, some of whom say they have buyer’s remorse after supporting Raman in 2020.

    “I actually voted for her and unfortunately I regret it,” said Elizabeth Lovins, a renter who sits on the board of directors of the Los Feliz Improvement Association.

    “I’ve seen the quality of life degrade over the past five years,” she added, citing among other things RVs in front of homes “dumping waste.”

    If we blame one person, we ignore all of the other structural issues that predated that person.

    — Aida Ashouri, Los Feliz Neighborhood Council

    Jade Luu, a landscape architect from Silver Lake said she voted for Raman four years ago, but won’t be supporting her again.

    “The increase in crime has been a major issue in my neighborhood,” Luu said. “Catalytic converters stolen, copper pipes cut, defecation, crazy people screaming obscenities, vandalism.”

    Aida Ashouri, of the Los Feliz Neighborhood Council, said she believes L.A. is ”broken,” but she is unwilling to point to Raman as the problem.

    “If we blame one person, we ignore all of the other structural issues that predated that person,” Ashouri said.

    Amy Gustincic of Los Feliz agreed.

    “It's very easy for someone running for office to say, ‘Yes, I’ll do that, I’ll fix that, I’ll make that better,’ and the incumbent has to talk about the realities of it,” she said.

    One of Raman’s challenges is that the boundaries of her district changed dramatically during the 2021 redistricting process. Nearly 40% of the district now includes voters who have never seen her name on a ballot.

    If no candidate garners a majority of the votes in the March 5 primary election, the two top finishers will face off in November.

    Maloy Moore and Brian Frank contributed to this report.

  • More Californians 18-34 registered this primary
    A collage of three images of young adults with medium skin tone wearing red, white and blue stickers that say I voted.
    Martha, Natalia and Jose voted for the first time in the 2026 primary Tuesday.

    Topline:

    California voters under 34 are on track to make up a larger share of the electorate compared to the 2022 primary, according to an analysis of ballots counted so far by Political Data Intelligence.

    The backstory: Young people vote, but at lower rates than older voters. Kamy Akhavan studies civic engagement at USC and says that the U.S.'s increasingly partisan political system may turn off youth voters. “They're looking for solutions. They're not seeing it come from politics,” Akhavan said. “So many of them are just tuning out from a system that is not serving them.”

    The numbers (so far): As of Wednesday, voters 18-34 account for 13% of all ballots counted. That’s a 3% increase from the 2022 primary at this time. One factor is that there are nearly 2 million more people in this age group registered than in 2022. Paul Mitchell, a vice president at Political Data Intelligence, said this is due in part to a change in policy that automatically re-registers California voters when they move from county-to-county. “Young people have benefited from their registrations staying alive when they are constantly shuffling around the state,” Mitchell said.

    What's next: There are still many ballots left to count. Mitchell said the share of ballots returned by young people increased closer to Election Day.  ”Those late voters were very heavily young people,” Mitchell said. “That could mean…if this pattern continues, a higher final turnout for young people.”

    Read on… to see what motivated high school students to vote for the first time in South L.A.

    Young California voters are on track to make up a larger share of the 2026 primary electorate compared to the 2022 primary, according to an analysis of ballots counted so far by Political Data Intelligence.

    As of Thursday, voters aged 18–34 accounted for 13% of all ballots counted. That’s a 4 percentage point increase from the 2022 primary at this time.

    One factor is that there are nearly 2 million more people in this age group registered than in 2022.

    Paul Mitchell, a vice president at PDI, said this is due in part to a change in policy that automatically re-registers California voters when they move from county-to-county.

    “Young people have benefited from their registrations staying alive when they are constantly shuffling around the state,” Mitchell said.

    Yet, the returns show that while more young people are voting, their turnout rate is still slightly lower than in 2022. (There’s a longstanding trend of young people voting at lower rates than older voters.)

    Mitchell said that may change by the time all the ballots are counted.

     ”Those late voters were very heavily young people,” Mitchell said. “That could mean… if this pattern continues, a higher final turnout for young people.”

    Among those late voters was a group of students at South L.A.’s Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School. About 40 seniors walked with their teachers Tuesday afternoon to a Washington Park vote center to cast a ballot for the first time. Nearly two dozen additional students signed up as poll workers.

    The school’s government and economics teacher, Joel Snyder, has made civic engagement a key part of the curriculum since the school opened in 2006.

    “ I think about how to make the pitch to them that democracy is important in their lives and is a public good,” Snyder said.

    Here’s what the students said motivated them to vote, edited for length and clarity. LAist is not publishing their last names because some discuss the immigration status of their family members.

    A young man with medium skin tone wears a gray sweatshirt and red, white and blue "I voted" sticker. He gives a thumbs up with his left hand.
    Jose, senior at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.
    (
    Mariana Dale
    /
    LAist
    )

     I have immigrant parents, they aren't able to vote, but I see that my sister's able to vote since she is older, and also my older brother — and that motivated me to vote because I wanna do for what's right for our state and our country…  I think sometimes it’s just hard having your own opinion on your own votes, and it is hard that people will have an opinion on whoever you vote [for], but at the end of the day, you're doing what's right for you, and that's all that matters. — Jose

    A young woman with medium skin tone wears a pink sweater and red, white and blue "I voted" sticker.
    Katherine, a senior at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.
    (
    Mariana Dale
    /
    LAist
    )

    I felt like me voting was helping my community in a way. Some issues that are really important to me is that of ICE. Honestly, when the ICE raids were happening, I was really afraid for a lot of people in my community because it would stop a lot of people from going outside and just traveling the world how they're supposed to. — Katherine

    A woman with medium skin tone wears a gray sweater over a white shirt and a red, white and blue "I voted" sticker.
    Natalia, senior Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.
    (
    Mariana Dale
    /
    LAist
    )

    I t's really important that we have a representative who hears all our voices and our struggles and is able to implement them…  People don't like to come to these areas because they consider it dangerous. But obviously we live here. We should look out for our community and try to make it safer for everyone, not just for the people who are passing by, but for us who are living here. — Natalia

    A young woman with medium skin tone wears a black sweatshirt and a red, white and blue "I voted" sticker.
    Martha, senior at Ánimo Pat Brown Charter High School.
    (
    Mariana Dale
    /
    LAist
    )

     I wanna make sure that I actually use, like, the power I [get] as a citizen, and I wanna make sure that others also feel influenced to actually use their power and vote…  My message would just be you have a voice, make sure you use it, and that just know that other people are also counting on you, like your family and your friends. And it might be nerve-wracking, but after you do it for the first time, it's just go with the flow. — Martha
    A line of young people wait outside the open doors of a brick building.
    A group of students waits for their turn to vote at Washington Park in the Florence Graham neighborhood.
    (
    Mariana Dale
    /
    LAist
    )

    At first I was skeptical about it. I didn't wanna vote, because I was like ‘my voice doesn't really matter.’ But at the final moment, I decided to vote because I seen my friends vote, and I wanted to vote with them, and also because I wanted to change, like, the way my community and where I live works… One thing I wanna see change is the homelessness problem because it's gotten too crazy where I live. — Ivan

  • Sponsored message
  • Five SoCal races we're closely watching
    Large "Live Results" text with stars on a white banner, above "LAist Voter Game Plan" and a blue-red Los Angeles skyline.

    Topline:

    California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, which means it may take a while before voters have results for some significant races. A big one is the L.A. mayor's race with Nithya Raman gaining some ground on Spencer Pratt in the race for second place. But there are five other races to pay close attention to.

    What are the races?

    • L.A. City Council, District 9
    • L.A. County Sheriff
    • L.A. County Measure ER
    • OC Board of Supervisors, District 5
    • U.S. House, District 32

    Read on: For a breakdown on what's happening as more ballots get counted.

    California is notoriously slow at counting ballots, which means it may take a while before voters have results for some significant races. A big one is the L.A. mayor's race with Nithya Raman gaining some ground on Spencer Pratt in the race for second place.

    Here are five other races we're watching.

    Complete results for L.A. County and Orange County >>

    L.A. City Council, District 9

    Jose Ugarte maintains his lead ahead of Estuardo Mazariegos as of Thursday night. The two leave four other Latino candidates far behind in this race.

    For the first time since 1963, L.A.'s District 9 will not be represented by a Black councilmember.

    L.A. County Sheriff

    Incumbent Robert Luna and former sheriff Alex Villanueva are holding on to their places in the two top spots. Luna maintains a significant lead — about 20 percentage points — over Villanueva.

    If you're getting déjà vu, that's because the two went head-to-head once before in the 2022 General Election.

    L.A. County Measure ER

    Voters are still on track to reject L.A. County's attempt to raise sales taxes by half a percent.

    The increase was expected to have generated $1 billion to backfill funding gaps left by federal cuts to Medi-Cal.

    Orange County Board of Supervisors, District 5

    Incumbent Katrina Foley is still falling just short of regaining her top spot from Diane Dixon. Unless Dixon receives more than 50% of the votes, the two will face off in the November election.

    U.S. House, District 32

    Incumbent Rep. Brad Sherman and Republican Larry Thompson are likely to square off in November for the race to represent District 32 in the U.S. House of Representatives. Sherman maintains a tight lead.

    District 32 spans from the western San Fernando Valley to the coastal cities.

    About the vote count

    For LAist's charts showing vote counts, we get numbers directly from the L.A. County and Orange County registrars of voters for local races. Totals are updated on our site as soon as possible after the registrars provide new tallies. For statewide races, counts come from the California Secretary of State's Office.

    Keep in mind that, in tight races particularly, the winner may not be determined for days or weeks after election day. That's because early voting and mail-in ballots have fundamentally reshaped how votes are counted and when election results are known. In L.A. County, for example, updates on the counting are expected to continue through June 26. After the polls closed on election night, we had updates to the official count regularly into the early hours Wednesday. After that, updates have been daily around 5 p.m. Expect updates on the following days: June 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 16, 18, 24 and 26. Final results must be certified by July 10.

    Our priority during the vote count will be sharing outcomes and election calls only when they have been thoroughly checked and vetted by journalists. To that end, we will report when candidates concede and otherwise rely on NPR and the Associated Press for race calls (before official results). We will not report the calls or projections of other news outlets. You can find more about NPR's and the AP's process for counting votes and calling races here, here and here.

    Tracking your ballot

    You can track the status of your ballot through California's BallotTrax website.

    If your mail-in ballot has any problems (like a missing or mismatched signature), your county registrar must contact you to give you a chance to fix it.

    Official results

    The California Secretary of State's Office is required to certify the final vote tallies by July 10, marking the official end of the 2026 primary election.

    LAist's Voter Game Plan will be back in the fall to help you prepare for the Nov. 3 general election.

    Ask us a question

    What questions do you have about this election?
    You ask, and we'll answer: Whether it's about who's funding the campaigns or how to track your ballot, we're here to help you understand the 2026 election

  • New results of post-fire air pollution study
    A person wearing a yellow safety vest and black helmet sprays a dark green liquid from a hose onto a piece of property. Behind the person is a tractor and a person in a white protective suit spraying water onto a property.
    Workers with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers spray hydro seedling over a cleared property in Altadena in April 2025.

    Topline:

    A potent carcinogen may have spread to communities as far as nine miles downwind of the Eaton and Palisades fire burn zones during debris clean-up, according to a new peer-reviewed study in the journal Nature.

    Why it matters: UCLA and UC Davis scientists measured nanoparticles of hexavalent chromium, or chromium-6, during fire debris cleanup, and computer models show the carcinogen may have spread downwind.

    Read on ... for more on why experts say the study is not reason to panic, and how it may inform protections for future fire survivors.

    A potent carcinogen may have spread to communities as far as nine miles downwind of the Eaton and Palisades fire burn zones during debris clean-up, according to a new peer-reviewed study in the journal Nature.

    A team of researchers has been studying the air pollution effects of clearing the remains of more than 16,000 homes and businesses destroyed in the 2025 fires.

    Scientists with UCLA and UC Davis drove through Altadena and Pacific Palisades in an electric vehicle with mobile air monitors periodically over about seven months after the fires. They measured nanoparticles of hexavalent chromium, or chromium-6, within the cleanup areas. Paint, auto parts, electronics and fire retardant are possible sources, but more study is needed to understand where the chromium came from, the researchers said. They also detected other airborne metals, including lead and arsenic.

    The researchers used computer modeling to understand how far those airborne particles may have spread beyond the immediate burn zones. About 3 million people live in the areas that could have been exposed, according to the scientists’ models.

    The highest concentrations of nanoparticles — particles less than 1/1,000th the width of a human hair — were measured in March 2025, about two months into the debris removal effort in both burn zones. But the toxicity declined as time passed.

    “ The good news is that some of those toxic metals, they were converted back to less toxic forms over time,” said Michael Kleeman, professor of civil and environmental engineering at UC Davis and lead author of the study. “So in the months after the wildfire, the threat from this sort of decayed away.”

    In communities outside the burn zones, concentrations diluted further as the plume moved downwind, Kleeman said. By eight months after the fires, the researchers measured that heavy metal concentrations had fallen to background levels for the L.A. basin.

    The research highlights how “even after the fire is over, the danger isn't gone,” Kleeman said.

    How concerned should you be? 

    The researchers and outside experts emphasized to LAist that the study’s findings do not prove widespread contamination of homes, businesses or the environment.

    “ I hope we can get a message of caution out there, but not panic,” said Kleeman.

    Andrew Whelton, a Purdue University post-disaster environmental risk researcher who was not involved in the study, said the research is far from proving what, if any, harm to human health could occur, especially because no indoor testing was carried out.

    “Drawing a line from street-level detections to indoor exposure, without confirming that the [chromium-6] outdoors entered homes at levels posing health risks, is a significant leap,” he said.

    Whelton, who carried out soil testing in the L.A. fire burn scars, said he worries the paper could needlessly sow fear because so many open questions remain. He has argued for funding and establishing more comprehensive contaminant testing at the individual household level in the wake of such destructive fires — the most definitive way to know your personal risk.

    “The bottom line: detecting nanoparticles in outdoor air does not mean harm occurred to 3-plus million people living and working inside buildings,” Whelton told LAist.

    The average levels of chromium-6 detected in the air during debris cleanup in March were well below limits set for workplaces by the Occupational Health and Safety Administration, but above the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency long-term screening levels for homes, according to the study.

    Still, those comparisons are imperfect because the particles measured were far smaller than what’s used for current health standards — meaning they can more easily travel throughout the body, Kleeman said.

    “We don't know for sure what the concerning level should be,” he said.

    Workplace standards, for example, are set for healthy adults working eight-hour shifts, “rather than for sensitive populations such as young children, pregnant individuals, older adults, or people with chronic illness,” said Jun Wu, an environmental health scientist and professor at UC Irvine’s School of Public Health, who also was not involved with the study.

    More comprehensive study is needed to get at what true exposures may, or may not, have occurred, the Kleeman and outside researchers emphasized.

    “This is a single, novel finding based on limited sampling, with the downwind reach estimated by modeling,” Wu said, “so broader monitoring is the natural next step.”

    Where the nanoparticles may have spread

    The broadest potential plume was from the Palisades Fire, spreading as far as the southern San Fernando Valley to the north and Beverly Hills and West Hollywood to the east. Kleeman said computer modeling of prevailing winds show the plume being pushed toward central L.A.

    “Santa Monica, Venice and moving toward central L.A. took the brunt of the plume,” Kleeman said.

    Prevailing winds didn’t spread the plume quite as far in communities near the Eaton Fire, with modeling showing northeast Pasadena being the primary community affected.

    A map showing L.A. County with outlines of hte Palisades and Eaton fire burn scars, and varying colors of nearby ZIP codes where airborne chromium-6 may have drifted.
    A map from the study showing the ZIP codes where a airborne chromium-6 may have spread during debris removal.
    (
    Courtesy UCLA / UC Davis
    )

    Many unknowns remain about the public health effects of catastrophic fires in urban areas — and how far those risks may drift beyond the burn zone.

    “More work is needed to understand how widespread and persistent these particles were, how exposure varied by location and cleanup activity, and what the health risks were for nearby residents,” said Sina Hasheminassab, an air quality researcher at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory who was not involved in the study.

    How to protect yourself during and after a major urban wildfire

    Debris cleanup workers and residents in or within nine miles downwind of the burn zones in the year after the L.A. fires should be mindful of any new health symptoms and report them to a doctor. You can also find resources, report symptoms or ask questions via the ongoing LA Fire Health Study.

    Steps to take to reduce contaminant exposure during or in the wake of an urban wildfire:

    • Your HVAC system should have MERV-13 or higher HEPA filters.
    • Standalone air purifiers should have HEPA and carbon filters.
    • If there’s a risk of exposure to smoke or particles from active fire or debris cleanup, wear an N95, KN95 or equivalent mask outside. Keep windows and doors closed at home. Consider putting wet towels or more secure types of sealants along sills and doorframes to help prevent smoke or dust getting in.
    • Wipe down dusty areas with wet cloth to prevent particles from becoming airborne.
    • Don’t bring potentially contaminated clothing or shoes indoors. 

    The surest way to understand your personal risk of exposure to toxins is to get your home’s air and soil tested. Here are some resources to learn more about that and what to test for:

    • Post Fire’s expert Q&As answer many common questions from fire survivors.
    • The L.A. Fire Health Study also has these resources.
    • Purdue University has recorded webinars for various aspects of fire recovery, as well as helpful information for soil testing here and here

    Additionally, the study raises questions about how to better protect people’s health not only during, but also after destructive urban fires, said Wu.

    “Much of our attention goes to the smoke during the active fire, but this study points to the cleanup and recovery phase,” she said. “This time window deserves just as much attention as the fire period itself.”

    For example, some survivors whose homes survived never left during debris removal — some cited concerns about not being able to afford another place to stay without upfront insurance payouts, as well as worries about looting.

    The study notes that workers in the burn zones faced the highest risk.

    “Based on our field observations, many workers in the debris cleanup zone did not wear masks despite California requirements to provide approved air purifying respirators to workers,” the researchers wrote.

    A man wearing a white safety suit clears debris by hand from a hillside property that burned in a fire.
    Crews remove wildfire debris on hillside property in Pacific Palisades last year. Researchers note in a recent study that many workers they saw weren't using respiratory protection.
    (
    Charles Delano
    /
    U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
    )

    Survivors push for policy to protect public health after wildfires

    Nicole Maccalla’s home in Altadena was damaged but ultimately survived the Eaton Fire. She and her two teenagers moved back in nearly six months after the fire, while debris removal was ongoing. Her daughter’s school nearby was also reopened just a month after the fires.

    “ I know I was exposed. I know my kids were exposed,” Maccalla told LAist. “I'm not really sure what to do with that, to be honest.”

    “Our entire community is really now guinea pigs,” she added. “It’s deeply concerning.”

    A woman with light skin tone and curly short hair takes a selfie between two children, a girl at left and a boy at right.
    Nicole Maccalla, with her kids, Seb and AJ. Their Altadena home survived the Eaton Fire but suffered serious smoke damage.
    (
    Courtesy Nicole Maccalla
    )

    Maccalla, a data scientist and member of Eaton Fire Residents United, helped guide ongoing research by scientists like Kleeman to better understand the levels of contamination after the fires.

    She said this study is a warning.

    “ I think in the future, we need to move a little slower in fire recovery. The goal should not be speed. The goal should be health and safety,” Maccalla said. “We rushed it, and I hope that we learn from this mistake.”

    She and fellow survivors see some hope in a new bill they helped inform. AB 1642, or the Wildfire Environmental Safety and Testing Act, is making its way through the California Legislature.

    The bill, written by Assemblymember John Harabedian, would establish the first statewide health standards for testing and cleaning up debris in and outside standing homes, schools, businesses and other structures after a wildfire.

    Maccalla urged fellow survivors worried about the results of this study to prioritize caring for their mental and physical wellbeing.

    “The stress of all of this is just going to be an added component that will be another contributor to us getting sick long term,” she said. “So many of us are still in survival mode. It's time, I think, to start taking care of ourselves a little bit.”

  • L.A., one year after the immigration raids
    A crowd of people march while holding up signs and raising their fists criticizing immigration raids.
    Protesters march through downtown Los Angeles last summer after federal immigration agents conducted raids.

    Topline:

    A year after the Trump administration’s mass deportation effort was unleashed in L.A. County, locals reflect on what they’ve endured — and what lies ahead.

    Why it matters: The mass deportation effort, purportedly meant to remove criminals from the country, has left the following in its wake: Families, suddenly left without their breadwinners, struggle to pay their rent. Asylum seekers are detained at routine check-ins. A record number of immigrants have died in civil detention. Scores of U.S. citizens have been detained. And, to date, more than 200,000 children have been separated from their parents. 

    A date to remember: On June 6, 2025, federal immigration agents targeted a Home Depot in Westlake, where day laborers were gathered to solicit construction work. About three miles east, more agents descended on Ambiance Apparel, a fast-fashion warehouse in downtown Los Angeles. Angelenos witnessed workers getting handcuffed and hauled away.

    The backstory: Trump’s mass deportation effort, first tested in Bakersfield, was brought to Los Angeles, then to other cities, including Chicago, where a federal agent killed a 38-year-old single father named Silverio Villegas-González, and Minneapolis, where federal agents killed Renee Good and Alex Pretti.

    What's next: Over the next two months, nonprofits like the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights will host events to draw attention to the raids’ impact on local families. Detained immigrants themselves are engaging in activism. From Delaney Hall in New Jersey to Adelanto in California, people inside ICE detention centers have launched hunger strikes to expose conditions they describe as unsafe. The Department of Homeland Security says there are no hunger strikes at these facilities and that conditions there are optimal.

    Go deeper: Taken: What happens after an LA immigration raid

    A year ago, the Trump administration launched a deportation campaign that would leave an indelible mark on L.A. County.

    On the morning of June 6, masked federal immigration agents targeted a Home Depot in Westlake, where day laborers were gathered to solicit construction work. About 3 miles east, more masked agents descended on Ambiance Apparel, a fast-fashion warehouse in downtown Los Angeles.

    At both locations, Angelenos witnessed workers getting handcuffed and hauled away. For some, those workers were friends, siblings, spouses or parents.

    Purportedly meant to remove criminals from the country, federal immigration officials would go on to arrest more than 14,000 people in the greater Los Angeles area in 2025 — the majority of whom had no criminal record, according to an LAist analysis of recent data from the Deportation Data Project.

    These detentions, and the ones that followed, ignited sweeping marches and community activism. Met with occasional violent resistance, the federal government deployed active-duty military personnel to the region.

    So far, the mass deportation effort has left the following in its wake:

    • In Ladera Heights, a food vendor clung to a tree to avoid being taken by federal agents. When they hauled her away, she was still wearing her work apron.
    • In the San Fernando Valley, a high school senior took his dog for a walk and did not come home. A neighbor said she saw four men in tactical vests standing near unmarked SUVs shortly after the teenager was detained.
    • In Monrovia, a 52-year-old day laborer who worked to support his wife and four daughters died after being struck by an SUV on the freeway. He was attempting to flee a raid at a local Home Depot. 

    Families who were suddenly left without their breadwinners struggle to pay their rent. Asylum seekers are detained at routine check-ins. A record number of immigrants have died in civil detention. Many U.S. citizens of color now carry their passports to move about town. Federal agents have detained scores of citizens — sometimes for days. And, to date, more than 200,000 children have been separated from their parents. 

    Trump’s mass deportation effort, first tested in Bakersfield, has been escalated to other cities: This includes Chicago, where federal agents killed Silverio Villegas-González, a 38-year-old single father, and almost killed Marimar Martinez, a Montessori school teaching assistant. Then, in Minneapolis, federal agents shot and killed Renee Good and Alex Pretti. The federal government branded Martinez, Good and Pretti — all U.S. citizens — as “domestic terrorists” and accused them of trying to harm officers.

    Eeking out a living in the raids’ aftermath

    In downtown L.A.’s once-bustling fashion district, business hasn't bounced back. LAist spoke with multiple workers in the area. They declined to share their names for fear of reprisal.

    Since the raid at Ambiance, “it hasn’t been the same,” said a worker at a nearby shop. She works at a party supply store specializing in piñatas and embroidered graduation stoles. She’s always waiting for the other shoe to drop, she said.

    “[One feels] insecure because you never know how the day is going to go,” the worker told LAist.

    At Ambiance Apparel, around the block, an employee estimated a massive loss of income for the store, as much as 50%. (The store did not immediately respond to requests for comment.)

    That same effect has played out at small businesses all over the county. Neighborhoods that were hit hard by immigration raids — including Boyle Heights, Echo Park and Westlake, along with southeast L.A. cities like Bell, Pico Rivera and South Gate — report less customer traffic and reduced daily sales.

    About 9 people, including one child, stand in front of a gate with barbed wire. Some are turned toward the gate. A sign on the gate reads: "Ambiance. Not open to the public."
    Angelenos, including workers' family members, gather in front of Ambiance Apparel after several employees were taken into custody by federal agents last summer.
    (
    Genaro Molina
    /
    Getty Images
    )

    Since last June, the Home Depot in Westlake has been targeted for raids at least four times. Even so, day laborers still mill about the home improvement megastore’s parking lot, soliciting construction work from homeowners and contractors.

    One worker, a 39-year-old from Guatemala who declined to give his name, said he witnessed the raid last year but managed to get away. He was frightened, he told LAist, but he still came back to work the next day; he has five children to support, including one studying to become a nurse.

    “Ni modo, hay que comer,” he said, noting that people need money to eat. “Siempre hay necesidad.”

    The reality, he said, is that he’s defenseless if agents were to show up again. Despite his own situation, he feels for the other workers around him.

    “Es muy triste,” he said. “Están luchando por sus hijos, para seguir adelante” — “It’s really sad. They’re fighting for their children, to get ahead.”

    Finding strength in community  

    Beyond the marches last summer, Angelenos continue to find ways to support local immigrant communities. Some have offered to buy groceries for those who struggle to make ends meet or are simply scared to leave their homes. Others have volunteered to give their neighbors rides to school or work. Several regions have organized community patrols to warn about the presence of federal agents.

    Activism has not eluded younger generations. At high schools and middle schools across the county, students have walked out of class in protest.

    At Olive Vista Middle School in Sylmar, about 100 students left their science, English and math classes earlier this year. To critics who thought they should have stayed inside, 11-year-old Alejandro said: “They don't understand how much we love our parents.”

    Across the U.S., detained immigrants themselves are engaging in activism. From Delaney Hall in New Jersey to Adelanto in California, people inside ICE detention centers have launched hunger strikes to expose conditions they describe as unsafe and inhumane. The Department of Homeland Security insists there are no hunger strikes at these facilities, and that detainees get “three meals a day, medical care, and receive full due process.”

    The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights has also planned a slew of L.A. events during the months of June and July to draw attention to the raids’ impact on local families — and to the unique challenges faced by certain workers, including car washers and custodians.

    “A year after the cruel immigration surge that shook all Angelenos, our message is clear: Fear did not defeat us, cruelty did not divide us, and militarization did not silence us,” said executive director Angelica Salas in an email. “We remember, we resist, and we recommit ourselves to the struggle for justice, dignity and the humanity of every Angeleno.”