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The Brief

The most important stories for you to know today
  • Special interests pour $1M into campaign
    Nithya Raman
    Councilmember Nithya Raman.

    Topline

    Special interests have poured more than $1 million into a campaign to defeat L.A. City Councilmember Nithya Raman, whose district runs from Silver Lake west to Reseda, and includes all or parts of the Hollywood Hills, Studio City, and Sherman Oaks. They are throwing their support behind Deputy City Attorney Ethan Weaver in a race that's shaping up to be a bellwether for progressive politics in L.A.

    Biggest donor: Real estate company Douglas Emmett Management, owned by Dan Emmett, contributed $400,000 to an independent committee opposing Raman, according to campaign finance reports. The company refused to state its reason for the contribution, but Raman has been a vocal opponent of its plan to evict residents from a Westwood high-rise.

    Homeless ordinance 41.18: Raman is also being targeted for her staunch opposition to an ordinance that prohibits homeless encampments from within 500 feet of schools and daycare centers.

    Gascon ad: Opponents of Raman have sent out a political mailer featuring a photo of Raman next to embattled L.A. County District Attorney George Gascon, known for fighting mass incarceration by seeking shorter prison sentences for people convicted of crimes.

    What's next: A third candidate in the race is software engineer Lev Baronian. If no candidate garners a majority of the votes in the March 5 primary election, the two top finishers will face off in November.

    Amid a flurry of political mail sent ahead of the upcoming election, Megan Shuham of Los Feliz received one piece in particular that gave her pause.

    It featured a photo of Los Angeles City Councilmember Nithya Raman — a progressive, MIT-educated urban planner — next to one of L.A. County District Attorney George Gascón, known for his fight against mass incarceration by seeking lighter penalties for people convicted of crimes.

    A caption on the mailer reads: “Nithya Raman and George Gascón broke their promise to keep us safe.”

    “It did surprise me,” Shuham told LAist. “The mailer was saying if you don’t like what Gascón’s doing, you’re really not going to like Nithya either."

    LAist Voter Guides

    Head to LAist's Voter Game Plan for guides to the rest of your ballot.

    “I don’t think the two are associated,” said Shuham, a stay-at-home parent who lives in City Council District 4, which is represented by Raman. “It felt like a reach.”

    The mailer comes from an independent expenditure committee funded by a powerful real estate mogul and the labor union that represents Los Angeles police officers. Together with the firefighters union, they are spending more than $1 million in an effort to defeat Raman, whose district runs from Silver Lake west to Reseda, and includes all or parts of the Hollywood Hills, Studio City, and Sherman Oaks.

    These forces want voters to see Raman the same as the embattled Gascón, who faces 11 challengers looking to unseat him, and beat back a growing progressive trend in L.A. politics.

    Raman, however, has indicated her district is one of the safest in the city.

    "All of the negative ads funded by outside spending say that crime and homelessness are spiking in our district. But it's not true ..." she said in a statement to LAist.

    Citing the Police Department's own data, she noted that violent and property crime had fallen in the last two years, and "we've continued to steadily reduce street homelessness as we’ve brought hundreds of people indoors," she continued.

    "So I don't think [the ads] are representing our district or their motivations honestly."

    Major contributions from a real estate mogul, police union

    Real estate company Douglas Emmett Management, owned by Dan Emmett, contributed $400,000 to the independent committee opposing Raman, according to campaign finance reports. The Los Angeles Police Protective League contributed $164,000.

    The company refused to state its reason for the contribution.

    “While we are committed to transparency, we do not discuss the specific reasons for our contributions,” Douglas Emmett said in a statement.

    Raman, who chairs the City Council’s Homelessness and Housing Committee, was a vocal opponent of Dan Emmett’s ongoing attempts to evict tenants from more than 700 units at his Barrington Plaza high-rise in Westwood — something he said was necessary to install fire systems.

    An outspoken supporter of tenants’ rights, Raman sided with residents who accused Emmett of staging the mass evictions so he could raise rents in the rent-controlled building. The residents argued that the sprinklers could have been installed without evicting anyone.

    The ad makes no mention of Emmett’s dispute with Raman. Instead, it focuses on her opposition to a city ordinance that banned homeless encampments within 500 feet of schools, parks and daycare centers.

    At a recent candidates’ debate, Raman said the law — known as 41.18 — had done nothing to solve homelessness.

    “It has pushed people around the neighborhood without actually getting people off the street,” she said. “The focus of my work has been getting tents off of our streets.”

    Raman faces two challengers in the March primary. Ethan Weaver is a deputy city attorney. Lev Baronian is a software engineer.

    Weaver assailed Raman’s position on 41.18. “The purpose of [the law] is about protecting our children. It's not about solving homelessness,” he said.

    Baronian said he “wholeheartedly” supports the ordinance. “In fact," he added, "I think we should look at more places where we need to prohibit tents."

    Independent expenditures dominate

    So far, Raman has collected more money in individual campaign donations — about $368,000 — than her opponents. Weaver has raised about $252,000; Baronian about $32,000.

    But it is the independent expenditures that are dominating this race.

    The independent expenditure committee opposing Raman and two others supporting Weaver have raised more than $1 million to defeat the incumbent.

    The firefighters’ union is playing a major role. It has spent more than $300,000 in support of Weaver, with some of its ads blaming Raman for a 10% increase in homelessness during her term. The Hollywood Chamber of Commerce and Kilroy Realty also have made significant contributions to eject Raman.

    Independent expenditure committees supporting Raman, whose donors include the hotel and restaurant workers union Unite Here Local 11 and Smart Justice, have attracted more than $200,000.

    The race is shaping up to be a barometer on the city’s more progressive tilt in recent years, said Fernando Guerra, a professor of political science and director of the Center for the Study of Los Angeles.

    “Raman was the face of that early momentum, as well as George Gascón, and now both are under severe attack,” Guerra said.


    Follow the money


    Differences on key political issues

    Raman and her two opponents differ substantially on several additional key issues.

    At the debate, held last month at the Autry Museum, Raman said she opposed a hefty pay raise last year for L.A. police officers because of the burden it placed on the rest of the city budget.

    “Now we’re in a $250-million deficit, which is only going to increase and impact all of the other services that matter for quality of life,” she said.

    Weaver said he would have supported the raise, regardless of its affect on the budget.

    “Morale is low because there is no leadership for LAPD in City Hall, and I’m running to provide that leadership,” he said.

    Baronian said the raise mostly kept up with the cost of living and he “definitely would have voted in favor.”

    Government reform is another point of demarcation among the candidates. Raman has said she strongly supports expanding the size of the 15-member City Council to make it more representative of L.A. residents.

    Weaver and Baronian oppose expansion. Weaver said he would not support it “unless we do real structural reform on how power works.” (Read more about the candidates’ policy positions at the LAist Voter Game Plan.)

    The ad campaigns against Raman play on the fears and frustrations of voters, some of whom say they have buyer’s remorse after supporting Raman in 2020.

    “I actually voted for her and unfortunately I regret it,” said Elizabeth Lovins, a renter who sits on the board of directors of the Los Feliz Improvement Association.

    “I’ve seen the quality of life degrade over the past five years,” she added, citing among other things RVs in front of homes “dumping waste.”

    If we blame one person, we ignore all of the other structural issues that predated that person.

    — Aida Ashouri, Los Feliz Neighborhood Council

    Jade Luu, a landscape architect from Silver Lake said she voted for Raman four years ago, but won’t be supporting her again.

    “The increase in crime has been a major issue in my neighborhood,” Luu said. “Catalytic converters stolen, copper pipes cut, defecation, crazy people screaming obscenities, vandalism.”

    Aida Ashouri, of the Los Feliz Neighborhood Council, said she believes L.A. is ”broken,” but she is unwilling to point to Raman as the problem.

    “If we blame one person, we ignore all of the other structural issues that predated that person,” Ashouri said.

    Amy Gustincic of Los Feliz agreed.

    “It's very easy for someone running for office to say, ‘Yes, I’ll do that, I’ll fix that, I’ll make that better,’ and the incumbent has to talk about the realities of it,” she said.

    One of Raman’s challenges is that the boundaries of her district changed dramatically during the 2021 redistricting process. Nearly 40% of the district now includes voters who have never seen her name on a ballot.

    If no candidate garners a majority of the votes in the March 5 primary election, the two top finishers will face off in November.

    Maloy Moore and Brian Frank contributed to this report.

  • Residents spoke to regulators about air pollution
    A woman wearing a black graphic t-shirt speaks at a podium in a public meeting.
    Tiff Sanchez, an organizer with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, addresses the board at a hearing held at the South Coast Air Quality Management District.

    Topline:

    At a South Coast AQMD hearing, Boyle Heights and East L.A. residents demanded faster cleanup and tougher penalties for Lineage.

    Why now: More than 100 Boyle Heights and East L.A. residents packed a boardroom in Diamond Bar on Wednesday to tell air regulators how air pollution and lingering odors from the Lineage warehouse fire have affected their health, homes and daily lives.

    Why it matters: The hearing board is considering whether to issue an order of abatement, which would require Lineage to take specific steps to address air pollution from the warehouse fire and meet stricter cleanup standards at the site.

    Read on... for five things residents told air regulars.

    This story first appeared on The LA Local.

    More than 100 Boyle Heights and East L.A. residents packed a boardroom Wednesday in Diamond Bar to tell air regulators how air pollution and lingering odors from the Lineage warehouse fire have affected their health, homes and daily lives.

    Some boarded buses before 8 a.m. to travel the 25 miles to the South Coast Air Quality Management District hearing, where the agency is considering whether to order stricter cleanup requirements and penalties against Lineage Logistics.

    The hearing board is considering whether to issue an order of abatement, which would require Lineage to take specific steps to address air pollution from the warehouse fire and meet stricter cleanup standards at the site.

    The hearing comes after AQMD said it received more than 4,000 odor complaints since early July and issued 19 notices of violation to Lineage, alleging the odors created a public nuisance.

    Lineage said it had removed about 80% of the food waste from the facility and expects to spend between $80 million and $100 million on cleanup.

    The air district hearing board is expected to continue its review Thursday as it considers issuing an order and possibly charging fines for the air quality violations. Board and Lineage representatives are scheduled to give presentations tomorrow on the cleanup and related pollution.

    Here are five takeaways from the testimony.

    1. Residents made the trip to make sure their voices were heard

    Several speakers said it was frustrating that residents had to leave their communities, miss work and travel to Diamond Bar just to be heard. They called on AQMD to hold future hearings in Boyle Heights, closer to the people most affected by the fire.

    On the bus ride to the hearing, residents told Boyle Heights Beat that they were coming to speak for their children, for neighbors who feared reprisal and because they had lived through environmental crises, like the Exide battery recycling plant, which contaminated neighborhoods in Southeast Los Angeles for years.

    2. Weeks later, people say they still don’t feel safe

    Speakers told the hearing board they are still dealing with foul odors from rotting food and health issues, including nausea, headaches, bloody noses, rashes, sinus and eye infections, asthma flare-ups and breathing problems. Many said they worry about the long-term effects of exposure and whether the air will be safe when kids return to school.

    Amanda Diaz carried her newborn son with her to the microphone. She told the board her son was about two weeks old when the fire broke out . Her voice shaking with emotion, Diaz said she had to take her child to a hospital after he broke out in rashes, and she is worried that the exposure has caused harm that isn’t yet apparent.

    “The fire has robbed me of these chances to recover from childbirth in peace and enjoy these precious first weeks with my son,” she said.

    Several people said the impacts extend beyond the streets closest to the warehouse and that more people across Boyle Heights and East L.A. have been affected.

    “Does the air have a ZIP code?” resident Margarita Gonzalez asked the board and Lineage’s representatives, inviting them to spend time in her home to better understand the extent of the odor problem.

    “Our community deserves fresh air,” Erika Jimenez, who lives near Mariachi Plaza, added.

    3. Elected leaders call lingering odors a public health crisis

    A zoom video on multiple screens with LA Mayor Karen Bass, two other people, and a presentation across the screens.
    Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass addresses the board and residents via remote video at a hearing held in the William A. Burke Auditorium of the South Coast Air Quality Management District (South Coast AQMD) in Diamond Bar.
    (
    Gary Coronado
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, District 14 City Councilmember Ysabel Jurado and State Sen. María Elena Durazo urged the board to require stricter cleanup standards and impose financial penalties against Lineage.

    Bass called on the board to use its enforcement authority to require a stronger cleanup plan, including financial support for impacted residents.

    “What the residents of Boyle Heights are facing is not just a nuisance, but it is a public health crisis that requires urgent and actionable measures,” Bass told the board.

    Bass said Lineage should be required to establish a fund dedicated to the ongoing support of impacted residents, including relocating them until the issue is completely resolved. She added that the company has made some effort to provide help but only after pressure from residents and elected leaders.

    Jurado said the sheer volume of complaints and notices of violations is evidence enough that Lineage’s management of the crisis has been inadequate.

    “Residents should not have to file complaint after complaint to force a multi-billion-dollar corporation to contain the harm that it created,” Jurado told the board.

    She added that any order against Lineage should include firm deadlines, aggressive odor control, public reporting and meaningful consequences if it is violated.

    Durazo echoed outrage that residents are expected to endure unsafe conditions while the cleanup unfolds at the “company’s pace.” She said the rotting material should be removed before students are expected to return to school on Aug. 12.

    Durazo said Lineage should pay for the full cost of housing and home remediation for residents, and the board should enforce the maximum financial penalty against the company. She also asked that another hearing be held in Boyle Heights rather than miles away during the workday.

    “Residents deserve to be heard,” Durazo said.

    A crowd of people sitting in seats facing the same direction. Some people are wearing ear monitors.
    Concerned residents of Boyle Heights and East Los Angeles at a hearing held in Diamond Bar. The South Coast AQMD Hearing Board held a hearing listening to proposed conditions to reduce odors impacting the nearby community from the Lineage Warehouse fire cleanup in Boyle Heights.
    (
    Gary Coronado
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    4. Residents say they don’t want history to repeat itself

    For many speakers, the Lineage fire was not an isolated incident. They said it was another example of Boyle Heights and East L.A. communities being forced to live with the impacts of policies and businesses that create health hazards for the community.

    Several people compared the situation to Exide. Others questioned why communities near industrial facilities are often asked to endure pollution and health risks while waiting for action.

    “We are witnessing environmental racism,” Eve Sanchez said.

    A close up of a woman with medium skin tone crying as she clasps her hands in front of her mouth.
    Alma Martinez, of Monterey Park, weeps during public comments at a hearing held in the William A. Burke Auditorium of the South Coast Air Quality Management District in Diamond Bar.
    (
    Gary Coronado
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Some called for the warehouse and other industrial facilities to move away from residential neighborhoods.

    “I need you to pay attention to what’s happening in our community and for these factories to move from their location please,” said Cristina Fernandez, an East L.A. resident, with help from an interpreter.

    She also invited Lineage representatives to visit her home and experience the poor air quality.

    5. Students and parents describe a disrupted summer and back-to-school concerns

    A child with light skin tone speaks into a microphone at a podium as a woman stands next to him and looking at him.
    Leonardo Gutierrez, 8, and mother Maria Patiño Gutierrez, of East Los Angeles, address the board at a hearing held in the William A. Burke Auditorium of the South Coast Air Quality Management District (South Coast AQMD) in Diamond Bar.
    (
    Gary Coronado
    /
    The LA Local
    )

    Several youth who are members of East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice spoke on behalf of their families and their neighbors and highlighted the uncertainty of going back to school in the aftermath of Lineage.

    “Am I expected to go into my senior year in these conditions? It’s ridiculous,” said Isabella Hernandez, a Boyle Heights resident.

    “Lineage is banking on the fact that we’re poor,” Hernandez said. “They think we’re stupid and uneducated and that we’re just going to lie down and take this.

    “We’re not. We deserve clean air and a safe place to live,” she continued.

    Another Boyle Heights youth spoke about a lack of purifiers being distributed.

    “I come from a multigenerational home and we only have one air purifier … How does this make sense?” she said.

    Maria Patiño Gutierrez said she’s not comfortable with her son going back to school, which is less than two miles away from Lineage.

    “Our summer plans were ruined because of this fire,” she said.

    Her son also addressed officials during the hearing.

    “It was my birthday when the fire started," he said. "My baseball game was canceled. Everything was canceled because of the fire.”

  • Sponsored message
  • Fight to get it on November ballot fizzled
    A tile and glass building. Letters spelling out "Anaheim City Hall 200 S. Anaheim Blvd." are placed on the tile. There are palm trees in the background.
    Tenant advocates in Anaheim had hoped the city would follow Santa Ana in enacting rent control.

    Topline:

    An effort to put a rent control measure on the November ballot in Anaheim has fizzled. That means Santa Ana is likely to remain the only Orange County city with rent control, at least for now.

    What the initiative would have done: The group Tenants United Anaheim launched an effort in January to put rent control on the November ballot. The initiative proposed to cap rent increases in the city at 3% annually. It also would have required landlords to pay relocation assistance to tenants forced to move through no fault of their own, such as when an owner takes a rental unit off the market.

    Read on ... for details about why the measure fell short, and what happens next.

    An effort to put a rent control measure on the November ballot in Anaheim has fizzled. That means Santa Ana is likely to remain the only Orange County city with rent control, at least for now.

    The group Tenants United Anaheim launched an effort in January to put rent control on the November ballot. The initiative proposed to cap rent increases in the city at 3% annually. It also would have required landlords to pay relocation assistance to tenants forced to move through no fault of their own, such as when an owner takes a rental unit off the market.

    Why did it fizzle?

    Tenants United Anaheim has yet to release an official statement, but an organizer with the group told LAist the group had decided to suspend signature-gathering in order to improve and strengthen the text of the ballot measure.

    This week is the deadline to submit ballot initiatives for the November election in Orange County. The group expects to resume the effort for a future election.

    The context

    Tenant advocates in Anaheim had hoped to follow in the footsteps of neighboring Santa Ana, which became Orange County’s first city to adopt rent control in 2021. It was upheld by voters in 2024. The efforts in both cities have faced strong opposition from the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords.

    What's next

    Some cities have had to pare down their protections for renters after negative court rulings. Los Angeles and Pasadena have stopped enforcing mandatory relocation assistance following legal victories by landlord groups.

    Tenants United Anaheim's members hope their revised rent control proposal will make it on the ballot in 2028.

  • Health officials confirm first case this year
    An image of dead mosquitos scattered on a white sheet.
    West Nile virus is transmitted to humans through the bite of infected Culex mosquitoes.

    Topline: 

    The first human case of West Nile virus in Orange County this year has been detected, health officials announced Wednesday. The individual who tested positive is an Anaheim resident.

    How it's transmitted: West Nile virus is transmitted to humans through the bite of an infected Culex mosquito, which gets the virus from feeding on infected birds. Currently, there is no vaccine.

    The symptoms: Most people who get infected will not experience symptoms. However, West Nile virus can lead to mild flu-like symptoms. Less than 1% of infected patients develop severe illness that affects the central nervous system. This typically manifests as meningitis, encephalitis or acute flaccid myelitis, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. People over 65 or who have chronic health conditions — including cancer, diabetes and high blood pressure — are at higher risk. Those with severe symptoms should seek immediate medical care.

    What health officials say: “West Nile virus is endemic in Orange County, recurring every year during the summer months and continuing into the fall,” Dr. Regina Chinsio-Kwong, the county's health officer, said in a statement. “There have been multiple detections of WNV positive mosquitoes in Orange County, signaling that this could be an intense WNV season.”

    "[W]e are seeing an abundance of mosquitoes testing positive for West Nile virus in the northwestern area of Orange County, specifically Fullerton, Anaheim, Cypress, Buena Park and La Habra," added Brian Brannon, a spokesperson for the Orange County Mosquito and Vector Control District.

    The backstory: The first human case of West Nile virus in California this year was detected in Long Beach in late June.

    How to protect yourself: The risk of West Nile virus and other mosquito-borne diseases increases during hot weather. Health officials recommend taking these precautions:

    • Prevent mosquito bites by applying insect repellent with EPA-registered active ingredients DEET, picaridin, IR3535 or lemon eucalyptus.
    • Wear long-sleeved shirts and long pants if spending time outdoors during dawn and dusk. WNV-carrying mosquitoes are most active during those times.
    • Dump and drain standing water around home.
    • Report dead birds to the California Department of Public Health online or by calling (877) 968-2473. 

    Go deeper: Mosquito season is here, in case your ankles haven't noticed. How humans are fighting back

  • What the new federal plan means for SoCal
    A small boat on a river. In the background is a brownish-red rocky bank. It lightens in color towards the bottom indicating a decrease in the lake's water.
    A boat passes by the tall bleached ''bathtub ring'' on the rocky banks of Lake Powell in Page, Arizona on Aug. 01, 2026.
    Topline:
    Agreements on how to manage the Colorado River resources among seven states are expiring at the end of this year.

    Last week, the federal steward for the river last week released a 10-year framework that establishes parameters for managing the river, but imposes no specific long-term plan.

    The federal government plans to roll out more detailed management plans every two years if the states continue their impasse.

    The cuts: The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation will release the first of those plans any day, imposing cuts in the downstream states of California, Arizona and Nevada — an estimated 10% cut to California's supply through 2028.

    The federal provisions include cuts of up to 40% to the shared supply of California, Arizona and Nevada in the lower basin. They also allow releases from Lake Powell to dip low enough that they risk violating a legally required threshold for water deliveries to downstream states.

    What cuts mean for Southern CA: Without longer-term certainty about how states will share the river’s water supply among 40 million people, millions of acres of agriculture, and two states in Mexico — cities and irrigation providers are struggling to plan how to close the gaps.

    Uncertainty over the Colorado River compounds the risks the next drought will bring.

    Read on... for details about what goes into the water decisions that affect California.

    Dire water conditions, missed deadlines and uncertainty on the Colorado River are complicating critical water decisions in California.

    No single state, water agency or federal official has shown the power, or the will, to break the deadlock among Colorado River basin states over how to share the dwindling supplies.

    Years of fraught negotiations have failed to yield consensus even as major reservoir storage plummets to record lows — ratcheting up the tensions, and the stakes, for the states’ negotiators.

    Now, key agreements for managing the river are expiring at the end of this year. These include agreements reached in 2007 that lasted nearly two decades, which took fewer than three years to craft.

    This round of talks has already taken longer — and, so far, produced nothing so durable.

    The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, the federal steward for the river under the Department of the Interior, last week released a 10-year framework that establishes rough parameters for managing the river, but imposes no specific long-term plan.

    The federal provisions include cuts of up to 40% to the shared supply of California, Arizona and Nevada in the lower basin. They also allow releases from Lake Powell, which collects flows from the upper basin, to dip low enough that they risk violating a legally required threshold for water deliveries to downstream states.

    These dramatic cuts are an upper limit for future operations. The federal government plans to roll out more detailed management plans every two years if the states continue their impasse.

    The agency will release the first of those plans any day, imposing cuts in the downstream states of California, Arizona and Nevada — an estimated 10% cut to California's supply through 2028, or roughly 440,000 acre-feet a year.

    No mandatory cuts are expected in the upper basin states of Colorado, Wyoming, Utah and New Mexico, according to those involved in negotiations. The Los Angeles Times first reported the split.

    It reflects the limits of federal power and political will: The Interior Department can force cuts in the lower basin, but has no comparable authority to impose cuts in the upper basin states — the limits of which the Congressional Research Service said are the subject of “ongoing debate.”

    This isn’t the long-term plan that California’s water suppliers were hoping for.

    Building anything to store, move or make more water typically takes decades and billions of dollars. Without longer-term certainty about how states will share the river’s water supply among 40 million people, millions of acres of agriculture and two states in Mexico — cities and irrigation providers are struggling to plan how to close the gaps.

    “A cut is never fun, but you can deal with it. But not if you say, ‘Well, we have a cut here, and then maybe a cut in two years, and maybe another cut in two more years,’” said Bill Hasencamp, Metropolitan Water District’s manager of Colorado River resources.

    “We need to plan for our future. And this deal does not let us do that.”

    The future of Southern California’s water 

    In California, where the availability of water is never certain, nature-defying engineering keeps dry parts of the state flush with water even when little falls from the sky.

    Much of that engineering converges around one Southern California supplier: the Metropolitan Water District. The giant wholesaler imports water from Northern California and the Colorado River to supply cities and other retailers serving 19 million people across six counties.

    Metropolitan’s imports are so central to the region that when its Northern California supplies dropped to a trickle during the most recent drought, 6 million Southern Californians faced unprecedented water restrictions in 2022.

    Southern California isn’t facing such serious shortfalls again yet. But uncertainty over the Colorado River compounds the risks the next drought will bring.

    “There's a good chance it'll be as bad as it's been, and there's a reasonable chance that it'll be worse,” said Hasencamp’s colleague, Keith Nobriga, whose job as an operations manager at Metropolitan is helping the district prepare for the future amid climate change.

    The uncertainty also throws a wrench in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration’s water machinations to the north. Metropolitan's board will play an outsized role in deciding the fates of Sites Reservoir and the Delta tunnel because of the district's water needs and spending power.

    Both multibillion-dollar projects, decades in the making, aim to send more of Northern California’s water south. Metropolitan is also planning a large-scale water recycling and reuse program, called Pure Water Southern California, with the Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts.

    Metropolitan has already committed hundreds of millions of dollars to the Delta tunnel’s planning costs and about $31 million for Sites Reservoir. The board hasn’t committed to receiving water or contributing to construction for either yet, though board votes on whether to approve the tunnel and recycled water project could come as soon as next year.

    Subtracting one part of the equation, such as the Colorado River, could change the calculus for the others. But Metropolitan has to know how much water it stands to lose, and for how long.

    The consequences of picking the wrong path could leave Southern California thirsty during the next drought, on one hand, or unnecessarily increase water rates, on the other.

    Nobriga compares his job to insurance planning. The costs of nudging these water projects along, he says, are like paying an insurance premium.

    “We'll keep these projects alive. We'll keep looking down the road,” he said. “And if it gets to a point where we really think these droughts are imminent, then we'll … construct and pay the big money for one or several of these projects. And we don't know which ones yet.”

    Agriculture in limbo

    California uses the largest share of the Colorado River’s water among the states. And the Imperial Irrigation District uses the largest share of that to supply half a million acres of alfalfa, grasses, winter vegetables and other crops in the southeast corner of the state.

    As climate change and a megadrought plunged the Colorado River into its driest decades in over a century, the Biden administration struck a deal with the Imperial Irrigation District, trading more than half a billion federal dollars for short-term water conservation.

    Growers cut irrigation to their alfalfa and other forage crops for weeks at a time, and the district conserved enough water to add more than 12 feet to Lake Mead on the Colorado River, according to Tina Shields, water manager for the irrigation district.

    Now, those conservation programs are coming to the end of their funding and regulatory lifetimes. Starting new ones would require new plans and approvals to address the environmental impact of reduced irrigation runoff that feeds the Salton Sea.

    Seeking those permits and environmental approvals “needs to be done on a longer term, not on a two-year term,” Shields said. “Because it’ll take us at least a year to negotiate, probably longer, the environmental actions necessary to move forward.”

    In the meantime, negotiations are ongoing with other California water users about how they’ll share the coming cuts, including who is going to pay for it, Shields said. The district has not yet committed to anything.

    “The district's perspective is: We've done a lot. We're doing a lot. It's challenging to do more,” she said.

    Art of the deal

    Though the U.S. Department of the Interior has not yet released its plan for the river’s next two years, those involved in negotiations expect that it will call for reductions and conservation in California, Arizona and Nevada similar to what the states proposed in May.

    The three lower-basin states then must agree among themselves and with the federal government on how to implement it. After that, individual water suppliers in California will seek approvals from their boards for their share of the cuts.

    Jay Weiner, an attorney representing the Fort Yuma Quechan Indian Tribe, whose reservation lies on both sides of the Colorado River, compared the plan to a Band-Aid, not a long-term path to sustainability.

    “To a large extent,” Weiner said, “it leaves us at the mercy of this coming winter.”

    The Trump administration relied on the states reaching consensus rather than imposing terms — an approach that so far hasn't broken the deadlock.

    Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs called for the federal government to step in and broker a deal. But federal leverage looks different in the upper and lower basins. Lower basin stakeholders say there are other strings the federal government could pull upstream, such as forcing water out of reservoirs, but isn’t. And cloistered negotiations and hardline positions among negotiators have driven an impasse.

    Arizona negotiator Tom Buschatzke publicly lambasted the upper basin in The Denver Post for failing to propose “One. Single. Gallon.” of mandatory, verifiable reductions. Colorado negotiator Becky Mitchell wrote in The Colorado Sun that had the lower basin states lived within their means, “the reservoirs would not be in crisis today.”

    Elizabeth Koebele, a political science professor at the University of Nevada, Reno said that negotiations have been most productive when participants had strong working relationships. Without clear federal leadership, she said, the same conflicts keep resurfacing.

    The fraying relationships, she said, could stem from turnover. But years of constant crisis have also worn people down.

    “We have been governing in crisis for a long time, and so every time we meet at the table, there's this big problem to solve,” she said. “The house is on fire.”

    While the lower basin may sue the upper over deliveries that dip below a legally required threshold, both sides would risk the uncertain outcomes of litigation.

    “In essence, this federal action has 40 million people living from paycheck to paycheck on water supply,” said Mark Gold, an environmental scientist and board member of the Metropolitan Water District.

    That paycheck comes due again in two years with the same states, and the same asymmetry of power, still in place. Until then, the interior secretary can still force deeper cuts on the lower basin. No one, right now, is willing to force the upper basin to do the same.

    This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.