The Brief

A recent warning about the state of city finances in Los Angeles struck a dire note.

“We will need to be vigilant in how we proceed,” cautioned Matt Szabo, the city administrative officer at a Budget and Finance Committee meeting last week. “Our reserves are getting dangerously close to the ... emergency level.”

The reasons why are detailed in a financial status report Szabo released late last month. It documents precarious city finances driven by a mix of dwindling revenues and some big unexpected expenses, including the costs of responding to the L.A. wildfires.

Another major over-expenditure: civil payouts.

The city of Los Angeles is expected to pay at least $320 million in settlements and judgments this fiscal year, which ends in June, according to the financial status report. That’s more than three and a half times the money budgeted for such risks.

Liability payouts — which settle claims and lawsuits against the city for wrongdoing, including internal staff harassment, police use of force and injuries — have been a considerable expense for many years. In the current fiscal year, the city has paid more than $37 million in just two cases — the LAPD bomb squad fireworks explosion that injured more than two dozen people and displaced residents for years, as well as a shooting in which an off-duty LAPD officer killed a mentally disabled man in another county.

LAist examined city checkbook data, made available online by the city controller’s office, to analyze all payments made for liability claims since fiscal year 2018.

Here’s what we found:

• The most recent yearly budget set aside $87 million to handle such payouts, an amount that has hardly changed in eight years.
• The city was over budget just two months into this fiscal year.
• Last fiscal year, payouts exceeded the budget within seven months.
  

Why it matters

This is the second year in a row the city’s overall budget has faced financial headwinds. Last year, for the first time since the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, overspending and low revenue led to the city’s reserve funds falling below minimum levels required by city policy. This winter, legal settlements and deferred maintenance costs drove up the city’s spending further, and those costs have continued to rise.

When the city overspends on liability payouts, money is taken from other funds, such as the general fund and reserve accounts, to cover those costs.

Making those transfers has larger implications:

• City policy is to maintain reserve funds of at least 5% of budgeted general fund receipts, and if the reserve fund goes below 2.75%, the City Council must vote and declare an “urgent economic necessity” to use the remaining funds from the Emergency Reserve Account.
• Currently, the city’s reserve fund is at 3.28%, a level Szabo described this month as “dangerously close” to emergency levels.
• If additional cost-saving measures aren’t taken, using the reserves to solve remaining overspending would reduce levels to 2.22%.

What we know about liability claims

The Los Angeles Police Department has the highest liability payouts of any city department, with $100 million in claims in fiscal year 2024, according to an LAist analysis of city checkbook data. The department with the next highest amount in payouts was public works, with $45 million in claims across the street services, sanitation and engineering bureaus.

An additional $106 million in fiscal year 2024 liability payouts reviewed by LAist were not associated with any specific department in city data.

“At the end of the day, every dollar that we spend on lawsuits is a dollar that we're not spending on making our neighborhoods safer,” Councilmember Katy Yaroslavsky, chair of the Budget and Finance Committee, told LAist. “Whether it's LAPD or sidewalks or trip-and-falls, we really have to get ahead of the problem instead of paying for it much bigger on the back end.”

Yaroslavsky said the city needs to do more realistic and transparent budgeting while addressing the root causes of liability payouts. She said the city is “focused on solutions that reduce risk, improve public safety and protect city resources.” When it comes to the Police Department, Yaroslavsky said reforms include expanding the use of alternative response teams for mental health crises, as well as improving training and accountability practices.

City Controller Kenneth Mejia also shared concerns with LAist about addressing the root issues that lead to liability payouts, saying that if current trends continue, decreases in revenue combined with overspending could extend a citywide hiring freeze and cause service reductions. The city began its hiring freeze in January 2024, followed by cuts to over 1,700 positions last July, according to the controller’s office.

“This is the second year in a row where we budgeted high revenue amounts, and we're not reaching that amount,” Mejia said. “The city really needs to budget better, more conservatively and more realistically.”

L.A. Mayor Karen Bass, who proposes and signs the budget, did not respond to requests for comment.

Details of the payouts

The following accounts of the city's largest liability payments from fiscal year 2024 are based on court and federal documents. 

United States ex rel. Mei Ling v. City of L.A. — $38,659,715.21

A settlement was reached between the city and Mei Ling after what she claims was years of discrimination because of her disability, preventing her from finding affordable, accessible housing.

Tammy Murillo v. City of Los Angeles, et al. — $25,097,461.25

A district court jury found the city and two police officers liable for excessive force and battery, civil rights violations and negligence in the killing of Jesse Murillo, who was a 32-year-old Navy veteran.

Ismael Soto Luna v. City of Los Angeles, et al. — $10,500,000 (An additional $10,500,000 was paid in 2025.)

A settlement was reached between the city and Ismael Soto Luna after an L.A. County jury found the city liable for a streetlight in dangerous condition causing harm to Soto. The jury also found that this risk was foreseeable by the city, and the city had enough time to protect against such an incident.

Ruben Martinez et al v. City of Los Angeles et al — $8,000,000

A settlement was reached between the city and Ruben Martinez after prosecutors agreed that Martinez was wrongfully imprisoned for 12 years for five robberies.

Malcolm Thomas v. City of Los Angeles, et al. — $7,885,000

A settlement was reached between the city and Malcolm Thomas after what he claims was discrimination based on disability and retaliation while he served as a police officer and instructor at the Los Angeles Police Academy.

And here are the notable payments so far in 2025.

BD Impotex, LLC v. City of Los Angeles — $20,000,000

A settlement was reached between the city and residents of South L.A. after the detonation of illegal fireworks by the LAPD bomb squad. The explosion injured 27 people, including 18 civilians, and caused severe damage to homes and vehicles, according to a federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives report, causing some residents to be displaced.

Paula French, et al. v. City of Los Angeles, et al. — $17,700,000

A district court jury found that the city was liable for use of excessive force by an LAPD officer that caused the death of a mentally disabled man outside of a Costco in Corona and severely injured his parents.

How does approving the budget work?

Most city budget negotiations happen behind closed doors. Starting in the early fall, the L.A. mayor works with city department heads to figure out what the budget should look like. The mayor outlines her priorities, and department heads submit specific requests for consideration.

The mayor releases the official budget proposal in April. Then the City Council’s budget committee holds a series of hearings to discuss the proposal and listen to feedback from the public. The committee submits recommendations for changes.

The full City Council then has to vote on the proposed budget and the recommended changes. The approved budget takes effect on July 1, running through June 30 of the following year — this is what’s known as a “fiscal year.” Each fiscal year is referred to based on the year the budget ends. For example, the current budget year is 2025. It runs from July 1, 2024, to June 30, 2025.

Keep an eye on your local government

The best way to keep tabs on your local government is by attending public meetings for your city council or local boards. Here are a few tips to get you started.

• Find meeting schedules and agendas: City councils usually meet at least twice a month, although larger ones may meet weekly. Committees and boards tend to meet less often, typically once a month. You can find the schedule and meeting agenda on your local government’s website, or posted physically at your local city hall. Find more tips here.
  
• Learn the jargon: Closed session, consent calendars and more! We have definitions for commonly used terms here.
  
• How to give public comment: Every public meeting allows community members to give comment, whether or not it’s about something on the agenda. The meeting agenda will have specific instructions for giving public comment. Review more details here.
  

LAist’s Brianna Lee contributed to this report.

Dolly Parton, the country music icon whose soaring vibrato vocals, poignant songwriting and sparkling costumes defined her rise from a log cabin in the Tennessee mountains to the height of stardom and acclaim, has died. She was 80 years old.

Known for her curvy physique, massive blonde wigs and skin-tight outfits that served her self-deprecating wit, she was among the most beloved personalities in music and beyond — the rare celebrity whose appeal transcended generations, geography and politics.

She wrote hundreds of songs, including classics like “Jolene,” “Coat of Many Colors” and “I Will Always Love You,” that totaled more than 100 million worldwide sales and more than 1 billion online streams. Parton, who plucked bejeweled banjos, guitar and dulcimers with her long fingernails during performances, was a generous philanthropist and successful businesswoman whose projects included a theme park in the Smoky Mountain foothills near her birthplace.

Her career was forever influenced by her upbringing as one of 12 children born into what she called a “dirt poor” Tennessee family. She started her education nonprofit, Imagination Library, to send free books to children in Tennessee because her father, who quit school to work on the farm, struggled to learn to read.

Parton’s first musical performances were in church, where her grandfather was a preacher. By age 10, she was learning guitar and singing on local television shows. At 13, she appeared on the Grand Ole Opry in Nashville, where Johnny Cash introduced her as “a little girl here from up in East Tennessee.”

With a suitcase of songs, she followed her uncle, Bill Owens, also a songwriter, to Nashville after graduating high school in 1964. Fred Foster, who produced Roy Orbison, Willie Nelson and more, saw her potential and got her songs cut by other artists, as well as recording and releasing Parton singing her own material. By the mid-1970s, Parton was a Nashville queen.

A key collaboration with Porter Wagoner

Parton’s partnership with Porter Wagoner, a pencil-thin pompadoured star with flashy rhinestone outfits, was key to her career. She honed her acting skills on his syndicated TV show and he advocated for her to get a record deal at RCA. Their first duet, “The Last Thing On My Mind,” was released in 1967, the same year she started her own publishing company.

While their duets were often big radio hits, Parton’s solo singles didn’t chart as high at first. With Wagoner as a co-producer, she began to adjust her country warble to a more polished, pop-leaning style.

She got her first No. 1 solo single with “Joshua,” and reached the Top 5 with the ballad “Coat of Many Colors,” about how her mother sewed together scraps of clothes to make a coat Parton wore “so proudly” even as her peers mocked her for being poor. The song, with its Biblical references and ode to maternal love, was later made into a children’s book and a TV movie.

In 1973, she had the hit that made her career — “Jolene,” a country music standard with its steady, churning rhythm and Parton’s repeated delivery of the title as she pleads for the woman not to steal her man.

The song topped the country charts, crossing over to pop and later being released internationally, opening up new audiences for Parton. “Jolene” is one of her most covered compositions, including by Miley Cyrus (Parton’s goddaughter), Olivia Newton-John and The White Stripes.

She left Wagoner’s show in 1974, amid reports of squabbling between the two, although they continued to record together and Wagoner stayed her producer for years after that. But the relationship turned litigious when Wagoner sued her in 1979 for millions in management fees and royalties.

A pop crossover star

She followed “Jolene” with a huge hit in 1974, “I Will Always Love You,” an ode and farewell to Wagoner that helped her win the Country Music Association’s female vocalist of the year back-to-back in 1975 and 1976. She famously turned down Elvis Presley, who wanted to record it, because she would not share publishing rights.

Decades later, Whitney Houston’s version of “I Will Always Love You” became a smash for the soundtrack of her 1992 film “The Bodyguard,” and broke sales records. Houston won a Grammy for her performance in 1994, presented to her by Parton.

“Here You Come Again,” a pop crossover hit and one of the few she didn’t write, further established Parton as a multi-genre entertainer and brought her first Grammy Award in 1979.

“A lot of people thought I had totally lost my mind,” she told The Associated Press in 1979 of changing her singing style. “But I had no fear of change. I expected success, but I was braced for failure. I didn’t care if people thought I was wrong. In my own heart, I knew I was doing the right thing.”

Parton’s other crossover hits included the title song from “9 to 5,” the 1980 comedy starring Parton, Jane Fonda and Lily Tomlin; and her duet with longtime friend Kenny Rogers, “Islands in the Stream,” written by brothers Barry, Maurice and Robin Gibb of the Bee Gees. In 1987, she collaborated with Linda Ronstadt and Emmylou Harris on the million-selling “Trio” album.

Down home charm

For millions of fans, she was simply “Dolly,” a mixture of Southern charm, humor and glamour. But she was also considered a feminist role model for holding the reins of her own career, writing her own songs, owning her content and looking after her finances in an entertainment world dominated by men.

Parton was open to making fun of herself; when she hosted “Saturday Night Live” in 1989 she told the writers that her only restrictions were she wouldn’t curse and she wouldn’t make fun of Jesus. She regularly joked about her breasts or her dumb blonde appearance, but with a wink that she was the one controlling the laughs. In the memoir “My Life So Far,” Fonda remembered Parton’s way with a wisecrack, “usually high raunch,” and a laugh that was “somewhere between a girl’s giggle, an explosive shriek, and a cascade of little bells.”

After her gown split down the front when she won CMA’s entertainer of the year in 1978, Parton quipped: “My Daddy said that’s what I got for putting 50 pounds of mud in a five-pound bag.”

Throughout her career, she embraced her glamorous style, often wearing custom curve-hugging rhinestone dresses and bodysuits even if they drew tsk-tsks from others in the industry. Her look was always a part of her larger musical business plan.

“I knew my songs were good even if I had been ugly as sin,” she told the AP in 2014. “So I thought, ‘Well, I would have probably chose to look this way even if I had been a waitress.’ I mean, this is my look. I mean, I like a lot of makeup. I like a lot of hair. I like flashy clothes. I like to show it off. But that’s just who I am.”

She married Carl Dean, an asphalt paving contractor, in the mid-1960s; they were together until his death in 2025 at the age of 82. Though rarely seen in public, he was an influence on her career. She told NPR that she wrote “Jolene” about a flirty bank teller who seemed to take an interest in Dean.

‘9 to 5’ to Hollywood and Broadway

In her first major film role, Parton played alongside Fonda and Tomlin as office workers who rebel against their tyrannical boss in “9 to 5.” Critic Roger Ebert called her a “natural-born movie star” and the title song earned her two Grammy Awards and a ranking of 78 on the American Film Institute’s list of top 100 movie songs. Starring roles in the “The Best Little Whorehouse In Texas” and “Steel Magnolias” followed.

“I never thought of myself as a movie star,” she told AP’s Bob Thomas in 1979. “I knew I’d be a star, but as a singer or as a writer of songs or books or poetry. I wanted to be a famous performer and wear flashy clothes, but singing in movies was not one of my ambitions. My family lived in the mountains and we didn’t see movies.”

Her love affair with TV and film continued for decades, with appearances alongside Cyrus on “Hannah Montana” and adaptions of her music for Christmas specials, films and streaming series. She also became an author, her books ranging from the memoir “Dolly” to a bestselling novel co-authored by James Patterson, “Run, Rose, Run,”

The stage adaptation “9 to 5: The Musical” debuted in 2009, and “DOLLY: A True Original Musical” had been set to open in December 2026.

United States of Dolly

Beyond her music, Parton’s most lasting legacy might be her generosity and broad appeal.

When a deadly wildfire swept through the Smokies in 2016, she held an all-star telethon and set up a foundation that sent monthly checks to residents whose homes were damaged or destroyed.

She opened up her Dollywood theme park in East Tennessee, a major economic driver in Appalachia that draws tourists from around the country, and established the Dollywood Foundation. She wrote books and memoirs, was inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame and was given a lifetime achievement award by the Recording Academy. She was selected for the Jean Hersholt Humanitarian Award from the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences in 2025.

With 55 Grammy nominations and 10 wins, Parton is the third-most nominated woman in Grammy history, only behind Beyoncé and Taylor Swift.

Parton spanned social and political divides, through multiple generations of fans, urban and rural and in between. In tumultuous election years, it wasn’t uncommon to see “Dolly for President” shirts. But she was strict in not voicing her own political beliefs, often turning aside questions about presidents, candidates, policies and other controversies.

“I don’t do politics,” Parton told host Jad Abumrad on his hit podcast “Dolly Parton’s America.”

“I have too many fans on both sides of the fence. Of course, I have my opinion about everything, but I learned years ago to keep your mouth shut about things.”

When the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame Foundation sent out a ballot in 2022 with her name on it, though she said she felt she hadn’t earned it, the voters answered with a “Hello, Dolly.” Parton showed up to the induction ceremony, performed and then put out a rock album.

Associated Press writer Hillel Italie contributed.

California’s Supreme Court justices appeared skeptical on Monday that Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco was acting within his legal rights when he seized more than 650,000 ballots from that county’s top election administrator in March.

In back-to-back hearings in downtown San Francisco, Bianco’s attorney, Bradley Hertz, argued that local law enforcement officers have the right to take ballots after obtaining a warrant, regardless of state laws detailing how election challenges, recalls and investigations should be handled. He also argued, in the second case, that California’s attorney general does not have the power to issue orders to county sheriffs like Bianco.

Deputies seized the ballots as part of Bianco’s investigation into alleged voter fraud in California’s November special election on redistricting after activists alleged the ballots were undercounted. Riverside’s registrar of voters has said repeatedly those claims were based on a basic misinterpretation of preliminary vote count data.

Bianco grabbed national headlines at a time he was mounting his ultimately unsuccessful bid for governor and amid President Donald Trump’s efforts to undermine faith in the outcome of the 2020 elections and nationalize election administration.

The ballot seizure drew two legal challenges, both of which the court considered.

At a news conference after the first oral argument, lawyers and advocates who sued Bianco were optimistic.

The case “is going to send a message around the country. That our election ballots are the voters’ ballots to be protected at all costs,” said Chad Dunn, with the UCLA Voting Rights Project, who argued the first case against Bianco. “We couldn’t be more satisfied with how the hearing went today.”

Bianco, speaking to reporters on the courthouse steps, said he hopes the court will rule his way anyway. He said if the court orders his office to return the ballots, he will comply, but suggested that his office would continue its investigation.

“I would expect that that’s what every Californian should expect,” he said.

The justices may not release a ruling for months.

Bianco’s argument ‘bizarre’ to one justice

The first lawsuit came from a handful of Riverside voters, including two local Democratic elected officials, who argue that state law makes it abundantly clear how ballots in contested elections should be handled — and this wasn’t it.

“The election code provides a process” for who, how and under what circumstances ballots should be handled, Dunn told the court. Any recount should take place in a public, transparent way, conducted by trained, properly sworn officials and initiated by a district attorney, county board of supervisors and the California secretary of state, he said.

State law does not permit simply “taking ballots into a back room” with “officers trying to assemble a vote-counting airplane while they’re flying it,” said Dunn.

Dunn’s legal argument focused on one California election law regarding recounts and criminal prosecutions into election results that says “In no event shall the (ballots) be taken from the custody of the elections official.”

Hertz countered that because Bianco obtained a warrant from a judge, the penal code applies instead. Bianco ultimately obtained three warrants from Riverside County Superior Court Judge Jay Kiel. Kiel is a political ally of Bianco’s.

Justice Kelli Evans appeared unpersuaded, noting that the language of the state election law is pretty straightforward. “So it’s ‘in some event,' despite the fact that it says ‘in no event?’” she asked with apparent skepticism.

Hertz also argued that the election code in question only applies to criminal prosecutions, not to the type of preliminary investigation Bianco was conducting.

But if that were true a sheriff could seize the ballots during an investigation, only to be forced to hand them back during prosecution, said Justice Goodwin Liu. “That seems bizarre.”

Direct supervisor or elder statesman?

Bianco’s argument in the second case didn’t fare much better.

The legal challenge Attorney General Rob Bonta brought focused on whether Bianco was required to abide by directions from the state attorney general, which ordered Bianco to hold off on executing the warrants in late February. Bianco ignored it. Bonta then ordered the sheriff not to do anything with them. Bianco’s office began counting the seized ballots and only stopped when ordered to do so by the state Supreme Court in April.

Bianco didn’t have the authority to do any of that, said California Solicitor General Sam Harbourt. The California constitution grants the attorney general “direct supervision” over sheriffs, which has been affirmed by the state Legislature. Though attorneys general have been loath to exercise such sweeping powers in the past for political reasons, the law is clear, said Harbourt.

Hertz argued that the authority apparently conferred on the attorney general was actually like that of an “elder statesman” — someone able to dispense advice and arguably step in when necessary action wasn’t being taken, but otherwise restricted from going further. He acknowledged that such a reading might seem “counterintuitive.”

Once again, the justices didn’t seem to be having it.

“It’s more than counterintuitive,” said Justice Joshua Groban. Terms like “direct supervision” have a clear, intuitive meaning, he said. He described a hypothetical conversation between a manager and a new employee to illustrate his point. “‘I’m your new supervisor, but funny thing, I don’t have any control over your actions,’” he said.

That line of questioning seemed to undercut more than just Bianco’s specific legal argument, but the entire “constitutional sheriff” movement with which Bianco has been associated. Members of the movement believe that elected sheriffs have the power to ignore laws they deem unconstitutional and have ultimate political authority within a given county.

The stakes for 2026

Bianco’s gambit was never going to alter the outcome of the November special election, even in Riverside County, where it passed with an 80,000 vote margin.

But many voting rights advocates see the dispute as an important test case for the 2026 midterm elections.

Trump has spent half a decade lobbing unsubstantiated allegations of voter fraud and election irregularities to undermine public confidence in results that don’t go his way, this year seizing old ballots and other election records from officials in Fulton County, Georgia and Maricopa County, Arizona and seeking voter roll data from nearly every state.

At the press conference, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra, who advises the UCLA Voting Rights Project, tied the case to Trump’s proposed federal legislation to create a national voter ID requirement and to California’s Proposition 39 on this November’s ballot, which would do the same for the state.

“The assault on elections, the assault on voters’ rights, is real, it’s imminent,” he said.

The supporters of both lawsuits argue that the court must demand that Bianco give the ballots back to prevent Trump-aligned local law enforcement officials throughout California from seizing, auditing or otherwise interfering in local elections in ways and at times that could affect the outcome.

Justices Groban and Leondra Kruger pressed Hertz on whether, according to his argument, Bianco could have taken the ballots while votes were still being cast.

Hertz said that ballots are subject to “other protections” so close to Election Day. Upon further interrogation by the justices, he admitted that he did not know what those protections might be. “I don’t have them handy,” he said.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

Four million acres of California’s wildest backcountry could soon be opened to paving roads and logging.

The Trump administration announced last week that it’s pushing forward with a proposal to scrap a 2001 rule that blocks logging, road building and other construction in parts of national forests. The administration argues repealing the so-called “roadless rule” is key to managing vegetation to better prevent wildfires on public lands.

Environmental advocates and other groups worry rescinding the rule would harm pristine habitat and the wildlife it supports, and open up more public land to industrial activities and human access that can cause more wildfires.

And locals are worried about losing access to some of the last protected natural lands in the region.

“What we're dealing with here in the roadless rule is the protection of the backcountry,” said David Browning, president of the Orange County Mountain Bike Association, “where you can actually go out and be having an experience where you don't hear traffic, where you don't see buildings, where you actually remember what it was like before all of us got here.”

In Southern California, large swaths of the Los Padres, Angeles, San Bernardino and Cleveland national forests would lose protections.

Browning, who spoke with All Things Considered host Julia Paskin on Monday, said he’s particularly concerned about the Santa Ana Mountains, where much of Orange County’s backcountry biking trails exist within a roadless area that could be opened to construction.

“Our mission is to protect and expand trail access, and so our entire agenda is to make sure that in a highly populated county, like Orange, that we have available the outdoors to be able to go and enjoy,” he said.

Browning takes issue with the wildfire argument — he pointed to the 2024 Airport Fire, which was sparked when heavy equipment operated by Orange County employees struck a rock. They were moving large boulders that day to, in part, block vehicles from getting into a dry brush area and potentially starting a fire. Browning said the “roadless rule” prevents such access that could increase the risk of fire. A recent peer-reviewed study supports that, finding that although roads are important for managing a fire once it ignites, they’re also more likely to be a place where a fire starts.

Though addressing wildfires and protecting public lands have become heavily politicized under the Trump administration, Browning thinks most locals probably aren’t as divided.

“ I don't think this is a party issue,” he said. “We want to hold onto the outdoors and protect them as best we can.”